فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 59 (تابستان 1401)

This article examines and studies Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf between 2018 and 2020. The main question of the article is: Iran's political-security strategy was formed under the influence of what factors in the mentioned period? The hypothesis of this article is as follows: Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf in the years 2018 to 2020 was a reaction to the maximum pressure mechanism of the United States and the withdrawal of this country from the JCPOA. The results of this research show that despite Iran's efforts during the first term of Rouhani's presidency to promote an interactive policy with the world and cooperation with the Persian Gulf countries, due to the new tension with the United States, Iran also adopted an asymmetric deterrence strategy in order to to neutralize America's aggressive and hostile policies. The research method in this article is qualitative and descriptive and analytical, and the data of the article has been collected from library sources and in the form of surveys.

The main axis of citizenship rights is basic freedoms, especially the right to participate in destiny, which is one of the most important ideals of the Iranian people in the Islamic Revolution of 1357. The main issue is, how, and based on which theory and with what means Sharia provides basic rights and freedoms of citizens. The article is based on the theory of the objectives of the Shari'ah, which considers the essential goals of the Shariah, including life preservation, generation preservation, property preservation, wealth preservation, and intellectual preservation, and considers the achievement of these goals to be the priority over the appearance of the rulings, and with the development of these goals by the leadership of the Prophet's revolution. Imam Khomeini (pbuh) provides a basis for using the tools of consultation and supervision to ensure the original goal of the government, which is justice, which leads to the priority of preserving the content of the Islamic system. This article is organized in a descriptive-analytical way.

The country's development vision document in 1404 was a big plan that other government programs should be developed and implemented according to the frameworks drawn in that document. Now that we are almost at the end of the deadline for the realization of that document, it is important to examine and analyze the degree of its success or failure. Here, performance audit can help as a professional and non-political approach. Therefore, the main question of this article is how to use the performance audit to evaluate the achievement of the goals of the vision document 1404. The hypothesis of the research is that the vision document is a management text, therefore it should be evaluated with management tools in order to avoid the damage of the political view. Also, the realization and implementation of the vision document has been followed in the annual budgets, which are actually the operational plans of the document. The findings of the research show that the application of the three main performance audit parameters, i.e. economic efficiency, efficiency, and effectiveness, can provide a comprehensive evaluation of the document, and adopting such an approach increases citizens' trust in the country's governance system. Because technical reports provide performance transparency. This research is applied in a library-document method and has an interdisciplinary approach.

The extent and diversity of oil and gas resources on the one hand and the low price of energy carriers in the country has made Iran one of the highest consumers of fossil fuels, therefore, various approaches and policies have been presented to reduce this, one of them Relying on social capital. Therefore, the main research question is to what extent social capital can be used in the optimization of fossil fuels? The main hypothesis of the article is that due to sufficient social capital in the field of trust, social cooperation and popular organizations (although there is less belief in this), the capacities of social capital indicators can be used to optimize fuel consumption. The results of the research show that based on the field data, the horizontal trust index (trust of people to people) is relatively strong among Iranians and they have shown high social cooperation in various crises. At the same time, although Iranians have not shown much faith in popular organizations, membership in religious groups and delegations can compensate for this. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected in a library and through a questionnaire.

Changes in Iranian society have long been influenced by religious issues. Among others, we can mention the legal-political tendencies of the constitutional period and the period of the Islamic Republic, each of which has led to the formation of different laws. The question of the present article is how the jurisprudential-political tendencies of the constitutional period and the Islamic Republic have influenced the process of the formation of laws? The hypothesis of the article is that the three factors of repelling tyranny, the limited or extensive authority of the jurist and the customary or Shariah perception of the law, are the most important factors influencing the formation of the laws of the constitutional era and the period c. A. It has been Iran. The results of the research show that jurisprudential-political tendencies in the period of constitutionalism and c. A. Due to the lack of wide powers for jurists, Iran used to be within the limits of customary laws, but during the period of the Islamic Republic, due to the wide powers of the jurists in the constitution, the Shari'a aspect was considered as a source of legislation as well as the prevention of tyranny. has been If in the constitutional period, the law, the conditionality of the monarchy, and the customary nature of politics are part of the sources of legislation, then in the trend of political Islam resulting in the Islamic Republic, Sharia rulings are considered as a deterrent to tyranny and a factor for legislation. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical and using documentary and library sources.

In the current research, the question is raised, what are the most important challenges of not realizing the resistance economy model desired by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution? The answer that can be given is that usury and the usurious economy, due to dominating the unproductive economic model and promoting profit-seeking, cause the destruction of the foundations of the resistance economy (including endogeneity, production-oriented and popular principle) which They are in contradiction with the discourse of the Islamic revolution. The findings of the research show that the way to achieve a model of resistance economy is to apply the negation and sanctity of usury in the banking field, to reform the financial system governing the country's economy based on the negation of usury, and to deal with any type of usury both in the public sector and in the private sector. We are private, which is also specified in the statements of the supreme leader of the revolution. To achieve these goals, we need jihadi efforts and rely on internal abilities, entrepreneurship and productive employment. The method of the current research is descriptive-analytical in which the opinions and statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution in connection with the negation and sanctity of usury are cited.

The purpose of this article is to critically examine the ethnic policy of the first and second Pahlavi governments. The main question of the research is what was the approach of the first and second Pahlavi governments towards the tribes and what policies did they follow in this regard? The main hypothesis of the research is that Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah, by appealing to the view of national unity, adopted different authoritarian, discriminatory, restrictive and repressive approaches towards ethnic groups. The results of the research show that these two considered national unity as a prelude to the political integration of the country and a solution to reduce ethnic conflicts and local riots. Therefore, to realize it, they turned to the policy of assimilation and tried to eliminate the differences in the way of life, language, clothing, etc. But this ethnic policy and the imposed methods of its implementation produced opposite results and finally provided the ground for the increase of ethnic tendencies. The research method in this article is based on collecting documents and sources in a library manner and then analyzing the obtained data and information.

Terrorism has been one of the tools used by America in foreign policy to control actors, resources and processes. The subject of this research is to show the pattern of American behavior towards non-aligned countries under the pretext of fighting terrorism, to show any attempt by the United States to prevent the stabilization of the regional position c. A. It is Iran. In this regard, the research question is what are the consequences of the position of terrorism in American foreign policy on national security c. A. Iran has? The research hypothesis is that after September 11; America's strategy of defense policy and pre-emptive and preventive attack in the form of confrontation with international terrorism by adopting strategies such as the Greater Middle East, the axis of evil, is actually intensifying pressures, increasing sanctions, proxy confrontations, and spreading Iranophobia. The research results show that c. A. Due to its independent and confrontational foreign policy, Iran has always been an obstacle to the expansionist policies of these powers and their supporter and regional ally, so Iran has always been at the top of the security threats and self-interest of these powers. These powers have always been trying to create a crisis and weaken the central power of Iran inside to reduce its role and influence in regional issues, and they have always shown this goal under the pretext of fighting terrorism.

Globalization is a phenomenon that has shown itself in various fields of economy, politics, culture, etc., and has influenced all countries in some way after the Second World War. The international economic regime in the form of the World Bank, the international nuclear regime in the form of the Atomic Energy Agency are among the institutions that were included in the globalization. Among these, one of the most important international regimes is the human rights regime. However, different and sometimes conflicting consequences for the traditional governance of countries, including c. A. Iran has followed. Based on this, the main question of the research is, what is the ratio and consequence or consequences of the universality of human rights for the Islamic Republic as an independent sovereign? The results of the research showed that the universality of human rights, as an influential force, has fundamental effects on various political, security, social and cultural dimensions. A. Iran has left a mark. The research method in this study is qualitative, descriptive and analytical, and the data was collected in a library manner using a questionnaire.

The current research aims to investigate the role of political parties in providing national interests c. A. Iran will pay. The question is, in what ways can political parties secure national interests? The answer that can be given is that based on the approaches proposed about the role and special work of parties, including the normative theory, political parties in c. A. Iran can be a factor for promoting spirituality and dignity, trying to gain power, sensitizing supervisory institutions to carry out assigned tasks such as parliamentary supervision of international agreements with other countries, defending pluralism in society and supporting it. To put the basis of the principles of the constitution as well as the creation of unity and solidarity among members of the society in their agenda. Political parties in Iranian society can be active when the dictating role of the government in the field of direct supervision of parties is reduced, and Article 10 of the Party Supervision Commission also abandons the interventionist approach for greater freedom of action for political parties and leaves the ground for the role of ‌ To provide creation based on the acceptance of the constitution. National interests include both material interests and efforts to gain power, as well as considering the value and cultural criteria of the society, which is a road map for the role of political parties in the direction of securing national interests. The present research method is descriptive and analytical.

Political participation has various aspects, including the existence of rights and duties as related components. However, human rights schools each have different views on the issue of rights and duties. Therefore, the question of the present article is: What is the position of rights and duties in the constitutional rights of J.A. Iran and the Universal Charter of Human Rights? The hypothesis is this: the Islamic law of Iran based on the inherent dignity of man and his responsibility has caused the duality of right and duty in the issue of political participation. But the reliance of the Universal Charter of Human Rights on human rights ignores human responsibilities and duties. The research findings show that political participation in c. A. Iran is based on the duality of right and duty. Based on this, the relationship between right and duty is a two-way relationship and these two cannot be separated from each other, rather duty always belongs to the right and duty other than right has no meaning. However, right and duty are not seen as a twin in global human rights, and it is a negative approach that ignores the category of political participation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method has been used, and by identifying the axes of comparison, a kind of comparative approach is taken.

The present article deals with the rise and hegemonic discourse of political Islam in competition with its rival discourses, i.e. constitutionalism, traditional religious discourse and Pahlaviism. For this purpose, from a historical-analytical point of view, it has studied the contexts, content and causes of the hegemonic discourse of political Islam during the years after the constitution until the victory of the Islamic Revolution. Through this review, it has also been tried to tell a story about the relationship between the Shia clergy and the government in the Pahlavi era and also examine the developments within the discourse of the Shia clergy. The current article has analyzed the hegemonic process of political Islam by using the discourse analysis method. Based on this historical-discursive review of political Islam by using the historical contexts of the conflict between the state and the nation, the inadequacy of rival discourses and radicalization and as a result the instability of the ruling discourse on the one hand and by using From the charismatic leadership of Imam Khomeini and the creation of a metaphorical atmosphere like the umbrella of the revolution, in which all the small discourses and political currents found their hopes objectified; Succeeded in becoming hegemonic and establishing a political system c. A. Iran became Shiite based on ideas and teachings.

As the source of individual and social laws and behavior, Islamic rules play an important role in political decision-making in Islamic societies. In the meantime, the concept of "Dar al-Islam" was considered as a distinguishing feature of the Islamic political system from other systems. Today, this meaning and approach has undergone many changes in the light of developments and international regulations, and has had new consequences in the political arena. In the current research, the question is raised that to what extent are the political consequences in Islam compatible with international standards and regulations? The hypothesis of the article is that Dar al-Islam is compatible with the rules governing the international system in terms of accepting the nation-state order, adhering to commitments and contracts, and peaceful coexistence with other countries. At the same time, delineating the borders of friend and enemy and determining examples of defense, discussing the rights of people, minorities, religions, ethnic and linguistic groups, as well as respecting the sovereignty of other countries, have shown a new approach to adapt to international developments. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data is collected in a library manner.

The current research aims to examine the position of judicial justice in relation to the realization of the desirable Islamic society. As an example of this issue, Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi's performance and his strategies to achieve judicial justice are examined. The research question is: What are the proposed solutions to achieve judicial justice and realize the desired Islamic society according to Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi? The hypothesis is that rule of law and prevention of arbitrary and extra-legal actions, de-incarceration and punishment instead of imprisonment, respect for human dignity in proceedings are among the ways to realize judicial justice and achieve the ideal Islamic society. In fact, the ideal Islamic society is acting on the basis of Sharia and Islamic rulings, as well as improving the judicial situation in the field of citizenship rights, people's relations with the government, and vice versa. The method used in the current research is descriptive-analytical, which is mostly based on the sources written by Hashemi Shahroudi.

The concept of civil society is considered as one of the most important components of political development. In the literature of political sociology and political science, the objective and effective emergence of this concept is considered a sign of political development and, in the words of Maurice Barbier, political modernity. Maurice Barbier defines political modernity as the separation of society (civil society) from the state and the individual from the citizen, and with the characteristics that count for it, its occurrence in non-western societies, especially the countries of the Islamic world and Iran, is unlikely and far from The mind knows. Based on this narrative of Barbieh and by using the descriptive-analytical method and by collecting information through documentary and library methods, the concept of civil society in Iran, especially in the historical stage of the seventh and eighth governments known as the reform government Was investigated. The main question of this article is: What position did the concept of "civil society" have in the plans and goals of the seventh and eighth governments? The conclusion of the article in response to the main question is as follows: civil society, as the most important indicator of political development, has had a central and decisive position in the plans and goals of the seventh and eighth governments. So that it can be said that basically the goal of political development in the 7th and 8th governments was the development of the civil society against the government and the sovereign as an independent and influential institution, and it caused the theoretical and practical emergence of this concept at the community level.

This article examines the role of social changes in the fall of the Umayyad and Pahlavi governments. The main question of the research is how the aforementioned developments, especially in the field of social classes, have affected the decline of the Umayyad and Pahlavi governments? The hypothesis of the research is that the contradiction of the monarchy with the new requirements creates a conflict that ultimately makes the current government unable to attract new forces. The research results show that during the Umayyad era, new forces emerged that had new demands and wanted their share of power. The Pahlavi II government also tried to keep the monarchy alive in the modern era and for this reason failed to attract new forces with new civil demands. Therefore, both governments have similarities that show themselves especially in relation to their decline and fall. In the current article, the research method is based on the collection of historical documents and documents in a library style and the analysis of the obtained data.

The subject of this research is to examine the legal status of city and village councils in local government and decentralization of the government. Therefore, the question that is raised is the legal position of Islamic town and village councils and what has been its role in local government and government decentralization in Iran after the revolution? The qualitative research method is of descriptive-analytical type and was done using library resources. The findings indicate that the city and village councils in Iran lack sufficient influence in the governance process due to legal and organizational problems and play a greater role in the decentralization of the government and as a result the creation of local government, which requires the expansion of their authority in order to It is legal, competent and legal. Also, along with the legal and legal weaknesses, organizational, administrative and executive weaknesses and the current insufficient powers of the city and village councils, the main necessity of the influence of the city and village councils on decentralization is that the authority of the city councils has been extended to all local affairs and the amendment of the relevant laws, decentralization It should be done systematically and in the light of citizens' participation in city and village councils, the management of local institutions should rule over local affairs.