نشریه مطالعات تاریخی جنگ
سال ششم شماره 1 (بهار 1401)

The formation of political systems has always been linked to the presence and saber-rattling of the military in the field of battle. The capabilities of the military and their spirit of valor in supporting the ruling families established political power in the ruling family and stabilized the political system, and then by neutralizing external threats (enemy attacks) and internal rebellions, they further helped the stabilization and continuity of the political power. At the beginning of the Safavid government, the military played an effective role in both the establishment of the political system and bringing Ismail to power, as well as in the consolidation and continuation of his power and government, and were considered one of the main actors. This research, by posing the question of the role of Qizilbāsh military in the management of wars and the establishment and stabilization of the government of Safavid Shāh Ismāil I (1501-1524), aimed to investigate the role of this tribal force in wars, and in the establishment and consolidation of the rule of the first king of the Safavid dynasty using a descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the research shows that Qizilbāsh forces, with their military advice, effective presence in wars against internal rulers and neighboring powers, and suppression of opposition movements, were one of the main pillars of establishing, stabilizing, and perpetuating Shāh Ismāil I's power.

Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, the famous minister of the Seljuk era, served as ministers of two kings of the dynasty, namely Alb Arslan (1067-1077) and Malik-Shah (1077-1097) for thirty years and played the main role in organizing and managing the Seljuk government. One of his most important measures was creating an army referred to as the Nizamiyeh slaves. This organized group, consisting of slaves bought by Nizam al-Mulk, operated directly under the command of the minister. Particularly after the death of Nizam al-Mulk, they were one of the most influential groups in the political events of the Seljuk era for about a decade. This research tried to answer the question of the purpose and motivation of Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk in creating a group of military slaves as well as the role they played in the political currents of the Seljuk era, using a descriptive-analytical method and utilizing first-hand sources of that time. The findings of the study indicate that the insecurity in the position of bureaucrats in the pre-Seljuk dynasty, i.e. the Ghaznavids, and in the Seljuk era urged Nizam al-Mulk to establish an independent military force to stabilize his position as a powerful bureaucrat. This group also appeared influential in the political currents of the Seljuk era after Khajeh's death.

Various factors affect the approach of scholars in the field of thinking and knowledge, of which historical events is considerable. The historical event of the conquests of the first caliphs and war booty clearly had a great impact on promoting the economic life of Muslims living in that era. The benefits obtained from the booty also influenced the thought of scholars of that time and the eras close to it, concerning the outstanding component of those conquests, i.e. the primary jihad. Accordingly, some thinkers such as Tabarī (d. 310 AH) in order to stabilize the semantic system organized by the conquests of the caliphs in the collective mind of the community, understood most of the Qur’anic ayahs of jihad with the idea of ​​primary jihad. This interpretive attitude emphasizes a meaningful relation with the intellectual atmosphere dominant during his lifetime about the conquests of the first caliphs. This analytical-critical research is a new step in analyzing and proving this meaningful concept. Findings show that Tabarī has deviated from the correct scientific path in understanding ayahs of jihad. Influenced by the conquests of the first caliphs and in order to approve them, he has sometimes tried to mention an untruthful narration, abrogating all jihad ayahs in favor of primary jihad, and deviating from the firm principles of the conduct of the Prophet.

During the Qajar era, Iran did not have a trained and uniformed army, and the few regularly trained units in the country were under the supervision of foreign commanders and advisors. After the coup d'état of 1921, a new approach was adopted in the structure of the army, serious attention was paid to the formation of the unified army, and the creation of military schools and colleges was prioritized in Reza Khan's plans. During his reign, this policy was followed in civilian schools as well, and the military education of students was approved and implemented in the programs of the Ministry of Education theoretically and practically. This research aims to provide an appropriate answer to the question of the approach, changes, and developments associated with military education in military and civilian schools of the Pahlavi I era, using the historical method and based on library and archival sources. The current research is based on the hypothesis that Pahlavi I's approach was more than anything to strengthen the national identity in the form of creating a national army and to transform and improve discipline in the environment of civilian schools through military training in order to prepare the youth and promote the culture of obedience. To achieve this goal, the Pahlavi government established and reinforced military schools and colleges, hired advisers and sent students overseas, sent trained officers to civilian schools, and provided students with military training.

The Zangid Atabegs fought with the governments of the Levant, both Crusaders and Muslims, during their time which is why the military force was a significant part of their reign. Seljuks were the origin of the Zengid dynasty. Before them, the Seljuks were also present in the Levant. Therefore, The Zangid Atabeg army has similarities with the Seljuk army. However, the Zangid dynasty formed some changes in the old Seljuk army based on the geographical conditions of the Levant and the island, other forces, and enemies like the Byzantines and the Crusaders. This paper seeks to answer the question, what was the Zangid Atabeg army like, and what changes did it go through until the year 569 A.H.? Based on the findings of this research, the Zangid Atabeg held the majority of Seljuk military positions, but the main difference was their Cavalry. The Turkomans formed the core force of the army, and Turkish slaves, Bedouin Arabs, Kurdish warriors, Ehadath, and Khorasani infantry followed them. The army's financial resources were Iqta', cash, and spoils of war. As the crusaders became the main enemy of the Zangid Atabeg, there were changes in both the warfare and the forces they used, mainly to repel the heavy attacks of the crusader's arms.

The constructive role of historical narratives in shaping the identity of Muslims has urged historians to the ideological emplotment of the events of Islamic history. The Zangian movement is one of those events that not only became the subject of ideological narration by Muslim historians, but also was discarded as an abnormal part from the discoursal order of the Islamic world. Considering the damage that this narrative rejection has in our understanding of the nature of Islamic historiography and by using narratology and recognizing the discoursal order of the third century, the author tried to rethink Tabari's account of the Zangian movement and investigated the role Tabari's theological perspectives played in shaping his narrative of the battle of Sahib al-Zanj and Al-Muwaffaq Billah Abbasi. The application of this method led us to the conclusion that the weakness of the Abbasid caliphate, Turkish domination of power relations, religious and social conflicts, and the formation of independent governments were the most important components of the discoursal order that forced Tabari to introduce the Abbasid caliph as the foundation of Muslim unity and the return to its golden past. Thus, Tabari's traditionalist perspective and the application of techniques such as intervening narrator, elimination of Zangian's achievements, highlighting Al-Muwaffaq Billah's achievements, direct and value-judgmental description of Sahib al-Zanj's personality, and indirect and positive characterization of Al-Muwaffaq provided the ground for the consideration of Zangian movement as an abnormal event in the discoursal order of the Islamic world.