فصلنامه دولت پژوهی
پیاپی 30 (تابستان 1401)

The present descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in an attempt to find the requirements of governance in the "post-…” era. Today, major developments in epistemology and fundamental changes of ideology have seriously changed the political affairs. These two transformations have made the institution of the state and its governance in the development era the most important priorities of policymaking and theorizing. In response to the question raised, this article is organized in two sections: in the first section, after explaining the logic of transition to the “post-…” era and the reasons for finding the importance of governance, the most important requirements of governance in the age of development have been proposed by emphasizing the moral/native conditions of Iran as one of the countries on the path of development. For this purpose, a critical normative theoretical approach has been used considering the governments responsible for preparing "fundamental goods”. The results of this research show that issues such as rethinking the philosophy of development, paying attention to the idea of alternative development, improving the quality of the development-oriented government, and the teleology of governance in the age of development with local requirements are some of the most important issues that should be on the agenda of governments seeking development, including the government of Iran.

In the article two claims about the future of state have been posed. These claims have been emphasized and considered in the late prof. Golmohammadi`s writings. The first is about the future of globalization process. And the second is in about the future of state in the context of globalization, based on the Weberian definition of state. My main question in this article is what is the future of state? from contending theories of globalization`s point of views. Will Weberian state be continued or not? The main hypothesis is alongside the continuation of globalization process States will survive but the function of State will change. If we understand globalization as a deep compression of time and space, most important theoreticians believe that in spite of some backwards after Corona pandemic as well as Ukraine War, this process will be continued. Simultaneously, states will exist but their essence and function shall be changed and abandon from the Weberian meaning. At the end I will try to test the claims by come experimental data.

The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.

The Taliban movement was born in the condition of internal and external conflicts. The domain for the emergence of this movement was events such as the internal coup d’état on April 28th, 1978, the invasion of the Red Army in 1979, and the civil wars of 1994-1992 in Afghanistan. Finally, the Taliban with a quasi-totalitarian identity tried to declare its existence and rule in that country under the title of the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban between 1996 and 2001. This article tries to look at the emergence of the Taliban movement by relying on Alain Touraine's theory about the emergence of movements, relying on the three principles of Opposition, Identity, and Totality, and analyzing the third principle of "Totality" among these three principles in the establishment of the Emirate of Taliban. The following article tries to answer the question of whether it is possible that the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban 1996-2001 can be recognized as a totalitarian state that has found its identity from the historical conflict situation. To answer this question, Hannah Arendt's opinions in the book Totalitarianism have been cited, and six indicators have been selected for this comparative study, all of which are analyzed according to Arendt's theory of understanding and describing the characteristics of totalitarian political systems. These indicators are: formlessness (informité), mass society, absolute loyalty, ideology and the meaning of borders, totalitarian leadership and Religion and rituals. Before examining these indicators, an attempt has been made to answer these two questions: to what extent is it possible to compare the State in the West and the State in the Islamic world? And also, to what extent can there be a relationship between the Islamic state and the totalitarian State? The theoretical framework used in this research is a combination of Alain Touraine's opinion (in understanding socio-political movements) and Hannah Arendt's theory (in understanding totalitarianism). The research method used in this article is the library and documentary method.

Political issues that are explained in relation to socio-political disorder; Looking at public perceptions, it is considered to be a negative, common and changeable situation that contradicts the values of a significant number of people and they believe that they should take action to change that situation. Considering the importance of socio-political problem solving in the continuity and efficiency of a social system -Political The main goal of this article is to know the systematic model of the most important political issues of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the approach of political sociology. Therefore, in response to the main question of what are the most important political issues of the government (as government) of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it has been tried to use a qualitative approach in the form of an empathic interpretation method to answer the main question with the conceptual framework of socio-political anomie and subjective perceptions. With the technique of elite brainstorming, the analysis of the findings (while acknowledging the relative capabilities of governments) indicates that among the agency and structural problems related to the government in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the sinusoidal process of political trust has been the core of our country's political issues today. which in the internal dimension has an important relationship with the weakness in the performance of the supervisory institutions, the inefficiency of some government institutions and the existence of social gaps, and in the external dimension, it has not been unaffected by the US sanctions policies against the Iranian people. Of course, the dimensional and logical empowerment of the government in Economy, culture and security and attracting people's conscious participation will help to reduce the basic political issues of the government.

Political decisions usually affect a large number of people but the point is to what extent these decisions are justified and verified, and to what extent, they have gone through the correct decision-making mechanisms. The negative consequences of some of these decisions have been motivating many researchers to figure out where the problem comes from. However, the problem is that most of these researchers have seen them in a suspended, abstract, and isolated way. The purpose of this article is, first of all, to provide criteria for evaluating these decisions, and in the next step, to identify the most important challenges of the government's political decision-making. In the third step, it tries to provide examples of these challenges with regard to the provided indicators, and then to show the relationship which they are related to the issue of "accountability" and their ultimate relationship with the gap between the government - the nation, and the weakness of the civil society. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and gathering data is based on documents, finally, statistical samples have been used to examine the process of several important political decisions. The specific finding of this article is that political decision-making is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon whose transparency, verification, and justification are closely related to the question of accountability and finally democratic mechanisms, and the existence of strong civil forces and political parties.

A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.

In this research, according to Michel Foucault's methodology to understand the nature and dimensions of the state, we analyze the Seljuk state. In this method, instead of starting with the theories of the state and also putting the state in the center, we have started our work by considering the state as the microphysics of power and then we have placed the state in a technology and field of power. This technology of power was formed from the strategies and tactics specific to its time (not from reductionist theories). The main question of the article is, based on Foucault's view of the state, what power relations and technology were actualized in the Seljuk state? According to the historical and concrete needs of this period, the Seljuk Sultan had to provide the conditions to maintain justice and peace in all Islamic lands and on the other hand, considering that the institution of religion was the link between the sultan, the caliph, the bureaucrats and the people, it should be preserved; Therefore, the Seljuk state became the arena for actualizing the power technology of "security, religion and caliphate". This technology consists of various elements and strategies, such as knowledge/power relations, religion/power relations, Sultan/Caliph relations, and bureaucratic institutions, which this article deals with in its various dimensions.

Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific understanding, to the extent that they can claim that "pseudo-science has replaced science." This article tries to analyze this statement. The purpose of the article is to study the pathology of government by examining their relationship with the indicators of science and pseudo-science. The article analyzes the data with the Meta-synthesize method. It seeks to put together and analyze the findings, examine them, discover the basic characteristics of the phenomena and combine them into a transformed whole with the aim of providing a new interpretation of the subject. The finding of this article is that the category of science/pseudo-science is a spectral phenomenon like any other human phenomenon, which means that the works written in the field of government all have both scientific aspects and pseudo-scientific aspects, but the difference is in the location in the spectrum. Some works are closer to the scientific spectrum, but some works are closer to the pseudo-scientific spectrum and their prominent aspect is pseudo-scientific. The result of this study is that the dominant aspect of government studies in Iran is mostly pseudo-scientific and they rely less on objective empirical evidence and philosophical arguments in their analysis, and therefore this harm causes a distorted understanding of the government as an institution of institutions and the most important political force in society.

The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like other epistemological systems, analysis is based on certain transcendental axioms. From an epistemological point of view, many works and books have been written about Islamic governance. In this article, we sought to answer the question that from a non-epistemological point of view, how can one think of Islamic governance? To answer this question, the hypothesis formulated using the immanent method (Which is in contrast to the transcendental method and the epistemological approach) is that in the non-epistemological approach to Islamic governance, which can be called "Islamic governmentality", Islam will become the active political force in the immanent life of subjects, regulating the behavior of subjects through changing and daily relations with themselves, resisting the un compromising and domineering axioms of the present, and turning Muslim subjects into creative forces of government . . The most important example of such a non-epistemological Islamic governance (Islamic governmentality) can be seen in the current Islam in the life of revolutionaries in the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution.

Wall construction is a common phenomenon in human societies and cannot be considered unprecedented. When a wall is built, it contains a message at every scale and every level. The message of separating "us" from "them", "self" from "other", "desirable" from "undesirable", the message of creating boundaries and fencing of belongings and assets. The countries of the world are strengthening their international borders to an unprecedented extent. These walls are artifacts of the new age in international relations and a new concept of the idea of borders. This article considers the wall a global phenomenon; A phenomenon that is spreading and developing in the globalized world, mainly due to the feeling of insecurity of the State. Along with the walled discourse, new security requirements are emerging across States' geographical borders. These requirements can change States' relations with their neighbors and the way they treat immigrants and citizens of other countries. The question of the present study is whether the discourse of border walling and fencing can lead to increased security? And what challenges the discourse of fencing and Walling will pose to States, institutions, and immigrants. In this research, an attempt is made to deal with different dimensions of the discourse of walling and fencing and its political-geographical consequences are analyzed.

The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different perspective to explain the process of establishing the state in Iran by using Ibn Khaldoun's discussions about the conflict between primitive and Civilized communities. Based on this, the article believes that the pattern of state establishment in traditional Iran will be understood when this process is placed in the context of the fundamental conflict of Iranian history between tribal groups and sedentary communities. With such a basis, the article's point of view is that the model of the establishment of the traditional state should be analyzed in terms of the centrality of tribes as state-building actors. The findings of the article show that among the multitude of tribes inside and outside the Iranian plateau, some tribes, due to the emergence of charismatic leaders among them, succeeded in overcoming the division inherent in tribal life and forming a coalition that was the product of a "great Asabiyyah". Conquering through force and compromising through the promise of sharing in the spoils were two central factors in the joining of the tribes to this coalition. Charismatic leaders took the great Asabiyyah in the tribal alliance beyond the limited attitude of scattered looting and turned it towards conquering different regions. This process established the initial and unstable form of the tribal state, one that becomes an imperial state in its next evolution.

The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of development may appear, but it can be expected that the society is still far from the political development indicators. In this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the trends in Vietnam to achieve political development by using the theories of the political development of state. The main question is that based on different features, how much the level of the political development of state in Vietnam is according to the factors mentioned in the classic theories of the political development raised by Deutsch and Moore including the rule of agents, the rate of urbanization, the rate of literacy, the economic situation, the rule of the social classes and the rule of international actors? According to the results of this research, it seems that the patterns and policies applied in the Western societies to achieve a democratic system could be an instrument in the hand of the politicians in the countries like Vietnam to shape a political development based on an authoritarian approach.

The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, dictatorship, pseudo-modernism, oriental tyranny, Iranian tyranny, dependent, neo-authoritarian, etc. have been used. The multiplicity and diversity of these concepts indicate the multiplicity and significant conceptual differences, which are debatable. The main question is, how can these views be proposed and criticized, and what is the alternative for the title of government in this period? The purpose of this article is to present and criticize these conceptual differences and contradictions, as well as to review the presented views that can strengthen the theoretical and experimental literature of this historical period. In this article, I have used the meta-study method to achieve this goal. The obtained results show a diversity of views and based on the criteria used in this article, few of the reviewed writings have a clear understanding of the concept of the state, its functions and special tasks in the new era, and the authors in many cases Due to the confusion of concepts, there is little difference between the words; Government, governance, and regime are not considered to be three different but related institutions. Based on the theoretical foundations of the government as well as the historical documents of the examined period, the government in Reza Shah's period from different aspects; including: historical background; economic, social, cultural fields; And the special tasks and actions have a significant affinity with the absolute government.

Penalization, as the definition and application of the criminal sanction by the state in the law (statist penalization), is subject to discussions in public law and criminal sciences, and even, in other disciplines out of these sciences. Meanwhile, criminology and human rights which are at the focal address and in the interest of states could be defined as two main paradigms to study the penalization. The statist characteristic of penalization, indeed, demonstrates the importance of these two paradigms. Accordingly, the present article, by conceptualizing “human rights-based penalization”, explores the role of human rights in altering or modifying the governmental monopoly of penalization. Moreover, the article analyzes two international movements of the abolition of corporal punishment (emphasizing on death penalty) and the restriction on imposing imprisonment (prison). This analysis, finally, is tied into an attitude to the governmental structure of penalization in the contemporary history of Iran during the era of codification since Mashruteh to the beginning of the fifteenth century. The article concludes that the Iranian penalization system has not been apart from influences of the mentioned-above movements. Yet, the system, particularly in the post-revolution period has seriously resisted against the abolition movement, while it demonstrates a less reluctance to influences of the restriction movement, that it may imply the Iran’s dual policy of reluctant and positive attitudes to the international concrete norms of fundamental rights and freedoms.