نشریه محیط شناسی راهبردی جمهوری اسلامی ایران
سال ششم شماره 1 (پیاپی 18، بهار 1401)

The political-security environment of the West Asian region is changing day by day, regional powers are competing with each other in search of more power and influence in the region. In the meantime, the increasing nuclear and military capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have forced Israel to put intelligence, security, and diplomatic measures on its agenda to reduce Iran's influence in the region. In the first step, Israel's intelligence agencies are seeking to gather the necessary information about Iran's nuclear and military program, and by gradually monitoring Iran's nuclear and military activities, they will inflict irreparable damage on the nuclear and military sites and kill people involved in them. According to the above conditions, the question of the current research is as follows: What intelligence strategies does Israel use to deal with the growing influence of Iran in the region? The findings suggest that Israel through a variety of covert measures such as employing skilled spies in Iran's political system and nuclear, missile and drone programs, selling damaged industrial materials and equipment to Iran, sabotaging Iran's nuclear facilities in various ways, cyber-attacks as well as the assassination of Iran's scientists working in nuclear, missile and drone programs.

The People's Republic of China, a country that pioneered the path of comprehensive economic and commercial development decades ago, is now rapidly conquering the peaks and indicators of economic development, and in some fields it has even overtaken America. Although China is far away from the global hegemon i.e. the United States in many fields, including the military-security field or the social-cultural field, many researchers believe that the spillover of China's economic capabilities to other fields, such as the military and cultural fields, will strengthen and strengthen these sectorsand can be a challenge for superpower America. Several such factors have caused whispers in scientific circles of China's ascension to the position of global hegemon, either as a power on par with America or as an alternative to America in the not-too-distant future; But we should not forget that although China benefits from irreplaceable capacities on the way to becoming a global hegemon, this path is not simple and smooth and there are challenges on the way of this country. Therefore, the main question of the current research is what are the capacities and challenges of China in the way of rising to the position of global hegemon. For this purpose, Ferraro's writing examines China's capacities and challenges in the transition to the position of global hegemon in various economic, military-security and political dimensions with a descriptive-explanatory method and using Mearsheimer's aggressive neo-realism theory as the theoretical framework of the research.

The goal of this article is to examine the competitive guiding principles for global cyberspace. One of the ways to achieve this goal is to compare and understand the way countries, especially great powers, view this issue. Because of this, the main question of the research is: what is the approach of Russia and the United States to cyber sovereignty? And in a broader context, what factors influence their stance? In response to this question, the results of the study show that Russia, as in the real world, supports Westphalian sovereignty in cyberspace. However, the analysis of this sovereignty shows that this type of sovereignty is more dominant in relations between Russia and Western countries, and Russia uses the model of post-Soviet sovereignty in relation to Post-Soviet countries. In contrast, the United States uses a multi-stakeholder model of cyber sovereignty. However, a closer look at this model also shows that the United States has used this model only to maintain its hegemony in cyberspace and views the role of government as a controller within. The results also show that many of the differences between Russia and the United States in terms of cyber sovereignty can be attributed to two fundamental variables: the political ideology of the political system and the desired order in the international system. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data are derived from a review of studies, documents, and reports.

The system of domination has always used the complex, wide and deep capacity of strategies: economic, coup d'etat, influence, crisis, assassination, disintegration, warfare, enactment of laws, cultural, military, in order to submit to the divine leaders and ultimately defeat the Islamic system.Religious teachings and value principles that pay special attention to human well-being in order to defeat the system of domination and turn threats into opportunities and weaknesses into strengths have presented the Great Jihad to the leaders of the Islamic system.Considering that Nahj al-Balaghah contains the words of a perfect human being who has best drawn the themes of arrogant strategies and the charter of Great Jihad. This article intends to use the method of content analysis to count and compile the strategies of the Great Jihad in order to counter the arrogant strategies of this authority. Based on the results of data analysis, considering that the CVI themes of the four strategies of the Great Jihad Charter extracted from Nahj al-Balaghah were determined to be 0.96; A full range of sustainable security options is formed for the Islamic system with ideological, economic, social, political and military approaches that neutralize and repel arrogant threats.

The roots of Islamic fundamentalism in the Islamic beliefs and ideas of the Central Asian region date back to the nineteenth century and have grown over the years during various crises. After the events of September 11, 2001 and the change in the US strategy against terrorism and the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the sphere of activity and influence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East has increased and its emergence in the Syrian crisis presents as an ethnic-religious crisis. It was fully manifested. Considering the developments in the region in 1400 (2021), the current study seeks to answer the main question that the how is the security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia and the South Caucasus at the present time (1401-1400)? The hypothesis that arises in response to aforementioned question is that the fear of spreading this domino of tension and inflammation to Central Asia and the South Caucasus is due to the recent developments in Afghanistan and the Taliban regime, as well as the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the presence of Takfiri forces backed by Turkey and Azerbaijan. In particular, the Zionist regime (due to the deployment of military equipment on the territory of Azerbaijan) has forced the governments of this geographical territory, as well as the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia, to pursue their foreign policy and security view towards regional convergence, despite conflicting interests and differences. Approach and think of creating a new model based on common threats leads to the idea of forming regional security complexes in order to confront Islamic extremism in the form of Takfiri groups.

The southern coasts of Iran have an important role in the regional power of Iran due to its strategic oceanic location from a geopolitical and strategic point of view. The geographical and strategic location of the Makran Sea coasts is due to its location outside the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, which makes it less exposed to the regional and international tensions of the Persian Gulf, and also due to the fact that the Oman Sea, a part of the communication route The Persian Gulf and its oil-rich areas are connected to the Indian Ocean, the Far East, East Africa, the Mediterranean Sea, and Europe.The unique location of Makran at the mouth of the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf has provided Iran with a unique geopolitical advantage that the country can use this position to balance between India and China in the northern Indian Ocean to gain economic and political benefits. self-sufficient Therefore, this article raised the question, "What role can Makran coast play in the balance of power and turning Iran into a regional hegemon?" The research findings show that the strategic and geopolitical capacity of the Makran coast, including transit, economic, energy and security advantages, can link the energy economy of China and India to Iran's capacities in the field of energy, and by establishing mutual dependence between Iran, China and India, increase Iran's power in regional equations