نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 33 (زمستان 1401)

The occupation of Iran by the Allies in World War II and the forced resignation of Reza Shah caused many political, social, economic and security crises. In such a situation, the parliament and the government of Iran, with the advice and support of England and the United States and with the initial approval of the Soviet Union, considered hiring advisers from the United States to organize the situation and overcome the economic and administrative problems. In this regard, Arthur Millspaugh, who had already come to Iran once as the head of finance and, considering the conditions of the time, had left behind a relatively successful performance, was hired as the head of Iran's finance. The purpose of the current study is to investigate the performance of Millspaugh in reducing and stabilizing prices during the two years of its presence in Iran (1942-1944). The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting library and documentary information. The results of this research showed that Millspaugh had an unsuccessful performance in adjusting and stabilizing the prices of goods despite his broad authority and all-round support of the Allies so the price of many goods continued to increase during his presence in Iran, and if in goods such as Wheat, rice and some agricultural products show signs of price stabilization and reduction. It is not because of Millspaugh's actions, but  due to the abundance of agricultural products and the determination of the task of war on many fronts in 1944.

The Seljuks were a Turkic family and a tribe of Ghaz Turks who migrated to Iran from Transoxiana. One of the measures that they took to maintain their position was to establish family ties. The political marriages of the Seljuks, which took place for various political reasons, had political effects and consequences for them and the Seljuks without considering that these marriages will leave negative effects in the future and through these marriages, the Seljuks hoped to be better able to exert their influence in the region. Although in the Seljuk rule, these political marriages could be described as both internal and external, but the form of extramarital was much more influential. This study tries to answer the question by descriptive-analytical method that what were the effects and consequences of Seljuk political marriages for them? The results of the study show that the achievements of these marriages in most cases were in the form of transfer of power, legitimacy and spiritual power for the Seljuks, stability of borders, elimination of enemity, consolidation of power, gaining an ally and finally maintaining the Seljuk rule.

The historiography of the Qajar period, under the influence of the discourse of modernity and its requirements, went through a historical experience. The result of this development was the creation of boundaries between the two historical perspectives of tradition and modern as two distinct paradigms. Based on this discursive development, a double reading of the Safavid issue also took place. In the first narrative of lived experiences, ideological requirements and historical perspectives aligned with the traditional historiographical paradigm, the memory of the Safavids was narrated with a kind of pride, and of course as a source of legitimacy with a proud and epic tone. On the opposite point and from the perspective of critical and modernist historians aligned with the modern discourse, all those previous characteristics and criteria were reversed from a new perspective, the position of the Safavids was reduced to a burdensome, decadent and anti-modern position. Based on these two approaches, the problem of this research is how did the rise and fall of the Safavids occur in these two historiographical perspectives? This question will be answered in an analytical way and based on the content criticism of the narratives of historians of the Qajar period. The hypothesis of this article is that in proportion to the transition from tradition discourse to modernity and the beginning of the gradual dominance of modern discourse in this period, the position of the Safavids also fell from a legitimizing, lofty and proud position to a low position and became an important pillar in the degeneration of the historians of this period. The course was converted.

The memoirs of the Qajar era, whose formation and development are closely related to the arrival of modern manifestations in Iran, began and developed with the pen and expression of male narrators.In these works; women do not play a role as an independent subject But Sardar Maryam Bakhtiari's book; as a first female memoirist of the Qajar era, is a different work. The main issue of this paper is the analysis of Maryam Bakhtiari's memoirs, based on Farklough's critical discourse analysis approach, in order to find out how generic roles are represented in this work. Therefore, by using the three main topics of this theory in text, discourse practice and social practice, it can be analyzed that this book, contrariwise the traditional discourse, emphasizes on the roles and being of women in the society and the necessity of according them importance. Also, other obtained results of the research show that her book has gone beyond the field of discourse confined in tradition, in this regard, through combining generic actions in the form of language with feminine feelings, Sardar Maryam has gone beyond her interdiscourse texts and created a different text. Which produced a construction of thought beyond her era.

In Iran during the Timurid era, the fundamental-civilizational difference between the sedentary society of Iran and the nomadic communities of Tatar shepherds made the possibility of combining and merging the traditions of these two groups to be ruled out, and because of this, the non-urban traditions of the steppe and the urban traditions settled inevitably together and co-existed. This confrontation has been studied from different perspectives; however, the present article aims at going through the aforementioned confrontation from a new perspective by focusing on policy-implementation means. Thus, the present article, using a descriptive-explanatory method, attempts to introduce and typify the means of implementing political power in Herat during the reign of Sultan Ḥosayn Bāyqarā among three groups of people of the sword, people of the pen and the Sultan himself. The conclusion of this article indicates that in the court of Sultan Ḥosayn Bāyqarā, we are faced with two main types of political means: urban and steppe. The people of the sword relied on "blood relations and tribe", "Qazāqhood", and the tradition of "succession"; the people of the pen also relied on "setting up parties", "bestowing/withholding offices", "distributing money", and finally "looting and sending people to exile"; and the Sultan himself, in addition to controlling all the urban and steppe means, sought to realize his political objectives by benefiting from two additional means: "joint office-holding" and "granting/withholding special favors".

As the first and foremost source in the history of Muzaffarids , the book of "Mavaheb-e Elahi" is worked out by Moein Al-Din Yazdi who was a historian, jurist, narrator and also held an official position in this Post-Ilkhanid local government. Though including main political and military events in the territory of Muzaffarids (Kerman, Yazd and Fars in particular), this book also provides trivial but valuable information about the social and cultural issues related to the mentioned government. Since, lead to the formation of a broader viewpoint on the social situation of the turbulent and chaotic interregnum era between the fall of the Il-Khanid and the rise of the Timurid empire, the main goal of the present research is to examine the topics beyond the political-military issues mentioned in this book. This research is set out to represent social subjects and phenomena in "Mavaheb-e Elahi," employing a descriptive-analytical method based on the library resources, precise examination of the political events and wars covering the largest part of the book, extracting trivial social history data mixed with this information as well as focusing on direct and indirect hints mentioned by the author dealing with some issues related to social situations. The findings of the research indicate that in addition to write the official history of Al-e Muzaffar and owning historical, religious and political insights, Moein Al-Din Yazdi, has also paid attention to social issues and portrayed the situation of some social groups and peasantries. In line with this, the position and role of some groups including religious thinkers, Shiites, Sadat, Sufi sheikhs, court women, military and court officials as well as bandits have also been taken into account. Finally, there are also referrings to some social and civilizational phenomena such as famine, destruction, massacre, disease, architecture and music during the turbulent era of the 15th century A.D.

Like other bodies of water, the Black Sea has been given a number of names. It was known as the Sea of Trebizond during the early Islamic centuries due to the popularity of the Trebizond Port in the south coast of the sea. Muslims in general and Iranian and Azeri merchants in particular contributed to the boom of trade in this port. Thus, the sea was named after its most important port because of its commercial significance for Iranians, considering that they had been acquainted with the sea through this port. We know such naming for other seas and ports; however, for some reasons, it is considered as an exonym for Asian Minor, which has been part of the Byzantine Empire for a long time. These reasons can be explored and discussed within the context of the ties between Muslims and the Byzantine Empire in the years before and even after the Battle of Manzikert. This study examines the continuity and changes made in the names given to the Black Sea, the reasons behind it, and the continuation of the two folk and formal names given to it.