نشریه تحقیقات تاریخ اجتماعی
سال دوازدهم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1401)

This article examines the structure and function of water mills in Horaman mountain region. Water mills are a technical structure that is the result of indigenous knowledge and a smart method from the ancestors in creating a balance between the needs and demands of human societies with the actual and potential facilities available in different environments with different geographical conditions. Due to its connection with livelihood, nutrition and gathering of food (bread is the most important food) by people in the past periods, mills and miller are considering a part of social history studies. Therefore, by researching in these issues, one can get to know the important role and function of water mills in the cultural, social and economic fields of past societies. The purpose of this research is to investigate and recognize water mills as a part of the material culture left over from the Qajar and Pahlavi eras to finally answer this question: What role did Horaman mills play in the continuity and biological evolution of the region, in terms of socio-economic structure during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods? The method of this research is descriptive and analytical, and it uses field studies, travelogues, oral history in the form of interviews with local researchers and people who have been in charge of miller jobs for generations. The results of the research show that Horaman water mills, despite being established in a mountainous and inaccessible region, have always played a role in the social and economic life of the region in addition to their main function of flouring grains for baking bread;  and by this means, it has provided the connection between the plains and the mountains, and in a way, it has provided a unique role in shaping and regulating the social relations of the communities inside and outside the region. In the end, Horaman water mills were not just a tool for grain flour, but widely has helped for the socio-economic fabric of Horaman communities, which did not have proper agriculture due to the lack of land in the mountainous region.

The third development program is the first comprehensive development program of Iran, which was one of the successful programs of the Pahlavi era. In terms of economic growth, 6% has exceeded the targeted growth rate. The White Revolution or the Revolution of the King and the People was a series of economic and social developments and reforms in Iran that were implemented during the era of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi with the help of the then ministers. The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of the interference of the White Revolution on the implementation of the third development program. This research is qualitative and has been done by document analysis. The research aims to answer the question of what effect the interference of the White Revolution had on the implementation of the third development program. The White Revolution, which witnessed an increase in principles (from 6 principles to 19 principles) since its approval and implementation, was a grand program with bigger and long-term goals in terms of time and strategy, while the third development program was medium-term (5 years) which had limited goals (6% economic growth) with three fixed strategies (increasing domestic savings, effective use of budget and birth control). Most of the goals and principles of the third development program are included under the principles of the White Revolution, so that there is a great content relationship between the principles of the White Revolution and the third development program. Therefore, this two program s are in some way aligned and therefore, although with different titles, they have moved in the same direction. The performance results of the third development program show that its interference with the White Revolution had a positive effect and this interference made the group of influential powers in governance to try to achieve the set goals.

The superior classes and classes in the Iranian society of the Qajar era have always sought to reflect their differences and social distinctions with respect to the inferior classes and classes in different ways and ways. One of these methods is to show social distinction through means, manners and methods of travel. This research aims to find the appropriate answer to these questions by descriptive-analytical method and by applying Pierre Bourdieu's "distinction" theory: Did the nobles of the Iranian society in the Qajar era travel and its means and customs only as a matter of necessity. Are you looking for something to meet your needs? Did they have an aesthetic and artistic side to it? The view of the lower classes of the Qajar era Iranian society towards the issue of travel and its customs and equipment was based on which of these indicators? The findings of this research show that the privileged sections of the society, who could easily fulfill their basic need for travel and its means, are more in pursuit of revealing and reflecting their identity and social status and showing class identity and pride through Travel etiquette and luxury; Magnificence and beauty were seen in the means of travel, while the mass of people and the lower strata of society did not pay much attention to luxury; Aesthetics or any artistic taste, they look at travel, its customs and equipment only as a tool to meet the need and necessity.

Following the coup d'état of August 19, 1953, a period of stagnation and limitation reigned over the country's political space. Therefore, the promise of holding free elections by Mohammad Reza Shah on the threshold of the 20 th Parliament elections in 1940 was considered an important turning point, and freedom seekers hoped to influence the country's political destiny through free elections. Volunteers started working in Sanandaj inspired by shah's promises. Based on the unpublished documents of the Islamic Parliament Library, this article tries to answer the question of how the quality of the Sanandaj elections was held in the 20th to 22nd periods of the National Assembly and how the election candidates reacted to the results.? The findings show that not only was the claim of free elections baseless, but also in Sanandaj, as in some parts of the country, the elections of the 20th parliament were the beginning of a new chapter of violations and illegal actions by the government, which in the following periods also continued. article also shows that as a result of the 20-22 parliamentary election violations, Ezzatullah Shadi Moghadam and Naser Yamin Mardokhi were strongly opposed to the results of the elections of these periods, and in a continuous but unsuccessful effort, tried to convince the shah and the government to change the result of the election.

The five development plans of the second period of Pahlavi passed in 1327. The main goal of the development programs was to change the economic and social foundations of the traditional Iranian society to a developed country, the most important components of which were to raise the standards of living and becoming an industrial and urban society. The present article tries to study the situation of agriculture and farmers in Kurdistan province during 1327 to 1351 (end the fourth development plan) based on historical research, economic and social approach and collecting documents from reputable document centers such as: Documents in the National Library, Documents Center of Hamedan and documents of budget and planning organization, Parliament research center and library resources to examine it. The research findings showed that by eliminating the landlord-farmer system, the traditional rural management system was abolished without a suitable alternative. Also, the socio-economic development programs of the second Pahlavi in Kurdistan province were mostly related to service projects (influenced by the political-security approach). Therefore, it eventually led to the formation of public dissatisfaction and political vulnerability. The research method in this article is documentary method and content analysis of documents.

The lack of health and the lack of necessary facilities to deal with infectious diseases was one of the most important problems of the Qajar and Pahlavi governments. This issue was one of the reasons for high mortality and lack of population growth in Iran. At the beginning of the forties, shah, under the influence of internal and external factors, began to carry out social reforms, one of which was the issuance of the decree establishing the Health Corps on January 21, 1964.While taking a quick look at the background of the country's health situation, the present research is trying to answer the question of what role did the parliament play in approving the establishment of the Health Corps and the challenges in implementing the related approvals? The article has investigated the subject in a library method, relying on the parliament's deliberations, the press and documents, and in a descriptive and analytical way. The findings of the research show that the idea of forming the Health Corps was first suggested to the Shah by one of the MPs (Shafi Amin); Secondly, reflecting on the efforts of the representatives to smooth the progress of the health corps program, it can be said that the parliament has shown an active role and the health corps has also shown acceptable activities during the activity of the parliament. And at least by controlling mortality, it caused the country's population to grow significantly.

In Reza Shah’s period, tax income was one of the key sources for implementing the government’s renovation projects. Therefore, regulating the financial and tax affairs turned into a primary concern for the National Council Assembly. After the demands of guilds and government were raised together, the per-capita taxation on guilds and businesses was abolished and replaced by tax on income. As tax has always been one of the most prominent and challenging issues in the government–guilds relationships, the Council played a significant role in setting the new regulations while also accounting for guild demands as the nation’s legislative institution. This subject is the main focus of this study. This study relies on relevant literature and sources, as well as historical research method combined with an analytical-descriptive approach. It investigates the role of National Council Assembly in compiling and ratifying the most important tax regulations concerning guilds to assess the council’s performance regarding the government’s tax programs for guilds and relevant acts and regulations. This study assumes that the Council acted in tandem with the government to ratify the new regulations. The findings indicate that the Council attempted toward regulating tax and financial affairs including guild taxation as a key government project. Accordingly, the council abolished one of the oldest taxes on guilds and passed new regulations to pave the way for government oversight on taxation quantity and method of tax collection from guilds. However, the Council’s efforts to meet the demands of guilds and direct regulations toward a fair and balanced taxation policy—at least so long it did not conflict with higher government policies—are not negligible.

Dealing with social classes in historical periods provides openness to understanding the current situation and getting out of the current social blockages from the area of scrutiny in historical texts. The present research examines local chronicles in order to extract the criteria of reflection of social classes in these texts and the statistics of social class fields. The main question of the research is that the criteria of reflection of social classes in the social history of local chronicles depend on which type of volume, combination and convertibility of capital in the fields of social classes? Therefore, the main hypothesis of the research is that the camouflaged class structure in the social history of the Safavid era indicates the pyramidal hierarchy of capital. This research has been compiled using the three-stage coding of foundation data and relying on the developmental structuralism of the contemporary sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, regarding the fields of classes and their quadruple capitals and is based on five sources of local historiography of the Safavid era, including “Aḥyā al-Mulūk”, “Gilan history”, “Gilan and Daylamān history”,” Šarafnāmeh and Ḵānī history”. The result of the current research is that, the field of governance or court in local chronicles has the highest volume and amount of combination and the amount of transformation of social, economic, cultural and symbolic capital for the hidden classes in it. The field of trade and property is in the second place and the field of culture, poetry and art is in the next ranks. Also, in the lowest order, it is the field of community, which has the lowest volume and lowest amount of composition and conversion of all types of capital for its classes.

As a Muslim government, the Safavid government usually followed a number of religious teachings, Salaf governance practices, political ethics, and the legacy of the writings on the importance and necessity of poverty alleviation and support for the inferior groups. The main point in paying attention to these issues was a discourse that encouraged the political authorities and social groups to do justice and promote charity in accordance with the Islamic verses and hadiths and of course the cultural contexts in the society. Social support was basically provided by public resources and mainly by the government and through taxes as well as improving governance procedures, and its extent could be increased or limited with any economic, social or political change. This research is looking for the answer to this question, how were the patterns and procedures of supporting Farudestan during the Safavid rule period? And what changes did these procedures enjoy with respect to the establishment of the religious government? By adopting the "history from below" approach and based on the qualitative-interpretive method based on data analysis, this research explains the social support status of the urban slums of the Safavid period. The findings of the research indicate that during the periods of stability of the Safavids, support policies were implemented in two dimensions, official and unofficial. In the official dimension, establishing tax exemptions, paying long-term loans and even free of charge, reforming economic procedures, establishing a cruel court and punishing civil offenders, providing urban and civil services, strengthening the idea of justice and meritocracy, expanding endowments and feeding the needy. The unofficial side of spreading religious teachings in the form of kindness and honor, charity and charity, vows and gifts, rejecting oppression and feeding the poor was promoted and paid for.

In the Safavid era and especially during the reign of Shah Abbas І, series of actions and institutional reforms caused a huge change in trade and brought short-term commercial and economic prosperity. In fact, after many years, Iranian people experienced a period of economic prosperity, however short. But this prosperity was short term and the economic reforms of this period did not lead to long-term accumulation of capital and sustainable economic growth. In this regard, various viewpoints have been presented to explain it, which often considering the dominance and dependence on macro theories, emphasize structural factors such as despotism and tyranny of the Iranian society as an obstacle to sustainable economic growth in this period. Therefore, not much attention has been paid to the human actor and subject and the culture and attitudes ruling his mind. Therefore, in this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the culture and work ethic of Iranians in the Safavid era with the historical method and the technique of traditional content analysis of the sources of the Safavid period as an explanation for the lack of sustainable economic growth in this period. In general, the analysis of the data related to this era shows that the content of Iranian culture and work ethic in this period was such that it not only did not support the institutional reforms and short-term economic prosperity of the Safavid era, but also acted as an obstacle that acted against this economic boom.