مجله علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 65 (زمستان 1402)

This research was conducted with the aim of investigating and evaluating the effective factors and components on the political development in Iran and seeks to answer to this the question that what factors and components affect the process of political development in Iran? In terms of its nature and purpose, this research was applied research and its research method was descriptive-analytical. The statistical population consisted of managers of Kerman province in the period 1997-2017, which was used to determine the sample size from Krejcie and Morgan's table and stratified random method was used for sampling. In this research, Huntington's model (1965) was used to investigate and evaluate of effective factors and components of political development. Its dimensions included: the rationality of political authority, functional and structural differentiation and the growth of political participation. The findings showed that based on the research model, 3 dimensions and 12 components can be proposed for political development in Iran. Then these dimensions and components were ranked with by Friedman's test that the results showed that among the effective dimensions, the rationality dimension of political authority has the highest rank. Meanwhile, among the effective components, the components of the government's attention to political modernization and the definition of new political functions at the community level have the highest rank.

barresi rond tahvalat oropa dar deheh cpehei akhir neshan mi dahad keh mohit ameniti oropayi pes az sal 2̱0̱0̱8̱ degargon shodeh est ve dar in tahvalat jadid; jamehori eslami iran dar siast kharji etehadieh ye oropa jayegah moteomi yafteh est; bayad goft, naqsh ve jayegah jamehori eslami iran dar charchub npamsayegi gostardehtar oropayi ve bah tab an dar mohit ameniti jadid oropayi ve sobat ve amenit in etehadieh ghirghabel enkar est. naqsh iran dar man eshaeh salahnpehei npastehyi, sobat manteghesyi dar khavarmianeh, amenit enrzhi, macpehejrat ve penah juyi, mobarzeh ba enteghal movad mokhodar ve npamchenin egtesad mantegheh ve oropa bar in vagheiat saheh migozard. cpehmin naqsh ve jayegah mojeb shodeh est keh az ebtedaye enghalab eslami taknon bah vaseteh jacpehan bini motefavat ve motaarez iran ve oropa, in do dar mosael mokhtelfi dochar akhtelaf ve shkaf bashand. dar in pajoosh bah rosh tosifi-tahlili ve ba bacpareh giri az menabe ketabakhaneh i ve estefadeh az charchub nazari mokteb ameniti kapaneyag, sai dar barresi siast kharji etehadieh ye oropa dar ghabal iran dar mohit ameniti jadid shodeh est.

The simultaneous introduction of social networks in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran with events such as some irregularities and protests bring to mind that social networks in Iran are challenging order and stability. this research has tried to answer the question, "What is the relationship between social networks and national order in the Islamic Republic of Iran?"For this purpose, a conceptual framework of the relationship of social networks with the national order was drawn and then examined from the point of view of the elites. In this research, the data collection is in the form of documents that have been analyzed in a semi-structured way through interviews with elites, and the results have been written in descriptive-analytical form. The hypothesis of this research was that social networks are the cause of disorder. This research clarifies that social networks do not have an independent factor in creating order or disorder, but the characteristics and functions of social networks cause the intensification, expansion and temporal continuation of systematic or disorder-based content. Therefore, social networks in the form of tools can have a positive and negative effect on the national order of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The negative vote is one of the significant topics in the field of political and social studies, which will be more important during the elections. Therefore, the political behavior of election candidates is recognized as a strategic issue for democratic systems. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the question, what is the political behavior of the candidates of the Islamic Council elections that provokes the negative vote? The research method is descriptive phenomenology; The tool for collecting information was a semi-structured interview in the research sample of 14 candidates of the Islamic Council, which was carried out using the collage analysis method. Validation of research data was done through external auditors, returning to the interviewees and in-depth description. The results showed that factors such as capturing emotions, favoring one's own interests, elitism, announcing saviorism, managing rumors and purifying and reproducing negative social capital as the political behavior of candidates for the Islamic Council elections are an effective factor in producing negative votes.

"Good governance" is one of the indicators used during economic development. An index presented by the World Bank and in recent years has attracted the attention of many economic analysts and even political economists in Iran. An index that has 6 components to measure, including: the rule of law, political stability, corruption control, the effectiveness of government effectiveness, the right to comment and answer, and the quality of laws and regulations. But different governments seek to realize and implement these components under the influence of their ruling discourse. Therefore, measuring good governance as an important component in measuring the performance of governments, which has received attention in recent years in Iran, is to understand the internal discourse of governments. In this research, we seek to examine the discourse of the two governments of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani and the impact of these discourses on good governance on the executive branch in Iran.

In this article, with a historical approach, we will discuss the influence of the institution of religion on changing the minds of Turkish society and accepting development. The main issue is what are the characteristics of the institution of religion in contrast to reforms and modernization, which as an institution that has an impact on the heart of Turkish society, has facilitated the acceptance of modernization and the passing of tradition to some extent by the society, the main question of the present research is that How has the institution of religion prepared the Turkish society to accept modernization and modernity? The answer to the initial hypothesis is that the characteristics of the Hanafi religion (dominant religion in Turkey) with emphasis on the principle of approval and peace and tolerance with modernization have caused its easy acceptance by the Turkish society.The institution of religion as an independent variable and development as a dependent variable have been analyzed in this research based on social changes. And this research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library sources and documents. And in four parts, the theoretical framework, modernization and reforms from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Atatürk, the characteristics of the institution of religion (methods and religions) in Turkey in the face of modernization, the conclusion is organized.

The continuous and stable competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East region has a long history,and according to internal,regional and international tensions and issues,the rules of their behavior and performance are different from each other.The political approach emanating from this competition has been less based on cooperation,more based on confrontation and sometimes conflict. Yemen's internal developments after the Arab Spring, and Saudi Arabia's role as a godfather to this country due to Yemen's strategic location, caused Saudi Arabia to adopt a hostile policy.Accusing Iran of supporting Yemen's Ansarullah turned this crisis-stricken country into a field of competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research seeks to answer the question, what role does Yemen's internal developments play in the regional political competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia?The hypothesis of the research in response to the question is that the internal developments in Yemen have caused the direction of the aggressive foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards Iran.The purpose of the research is to investigate the role of the Houthis in the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the method of data collection is the use of library and internet documents. The findings of the research show that Saudi Arabia has made a systematic change in its foreign policy under the title of "Salman Doctrine" due to the challenges facing the region.The competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the field of Yemen is analyzed in the framework of Barry Buzan's regional security theory as a theoretical framework.