فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 19 (بهار 1403)

The group of people make up the nation, they founded the governments and formed the political organizations of power. National power includes all the physical and spiritual capabilities in the political and geographical realm. National power has many sources, one of these factors can be considered geographical and population effects. Therefore, geographical factors and above all population can be used and evaluated to measure the national power of countries. Having a sufficient population and having human capital is one of the most important national assets of any country, which directly interacts with moral, economic, political, and military issues and, as a result, with the country's national security. Population is important to political actors from a tool point of view and in relation to power, and by examining the problem of population, the effects of population on the distribution of power can be determined effectively. Therefore, the problem of this research is to know the importance of the population and its relationship with the country's national power, and to explain this problem, the opinions of Copenhagen school scientists such as Bari Bozan and Oli Weaver have been used. The Copenhagen school has inspired many studies and theoretical reflections on the various features of security construction and especially research in the field of demographic changes. The Copenhagen school serves as a reference for explaining and discussing the intertwining of security logics in the process of intersubjective construction, security as a component of national power and its ratio with the population of a country, because human capital as a security factor is a driving force for a country's national power. Is. The theoretical framework of the Copenhagen school has been used for two reasons: firstly, it provides a proper understanding of society and government, and secondly, it has a suitable application for understanding future theoretical developments. From the point of view of Bari Bozan, the increase and youth of the population should be considered as one of the security issues and in order to increase the national power factor, therefore, the population has a high and unique and irreplaceable position in the doctrine and calculation of the power of countries. Also, from the perspective of strategists interested in the Copenhagen school, national security in the third world requires special attention to demographic threats inside. But since the Copenhagen school has a materialistic attitude towards population and power, it was necessary to consider value issues and some abstract viewpoints, and therefore, because Islam and religious teachings value population and basically fertility benefits in a society. It has the ability to compensate for some of the weaknesses of the Copenhagen school. Several methods have been used to conduct this research, including the review of scientific documents and documents, such as books and authoritative university articles, which have been reviewed qualitatively with a contextual approach and analytical method. There are three main elements in this research: First, the importance of youth as a powerful arm of global security and authority. Second, focusing on the teachings of Islam as the driving engine of the Islamic system for a powerful presence in the system of active countries with independent plans and ideas. And the third is the relationship between Islam and the population as a main factor in long-term population planning until reaching the stable horizons of power, which is considered the main component in Shia doctrine as a universal idea. Religious beliefs and practices play an essential role in the lives of many people, and in Islam, it is believed that the population is an essential part of strengthening religious beliefs with a complex combination of cultural and historical factors. Therefore, in the orders of Islam and religious teachings, having children has a wide and comprehensive concept because on the one hand it leads to the emergence of divine power in the heart of the population and on the other hand it leads to Iran's national, regional and global authority in this turbulent and challenging world. What was said about population and power applies to Iran because the Islamic Republic of Iran has always tried to improve the conventional indicators of its power. Emphasis on population growth and besides paying attention to the empowerment of the middle-aged population as well as the preparation of upstream documents to improve the structure of the government and empower the military power, have all been in the direction of increasing Iran's power, and the main springboard towards the ideological ideal of the government is the layers of the population that are in difficult times. It is used and they represent the authority of the country against the enemies. It is also important to note that if the large population of a country is not proportionate to the anthropological infrastructure such as culture, art, literature, religion, entrepreneurship associations and facilities related to youth marriage, perhaps the blessing of the population will turn into a song and cause a reduction in generational talents. Therefore, there is a mutual and interactive relationship between human development and the increase of national power, and it should be considered in the macro policies of the country. These policies have played an important role in shaping various demographic trends in the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering the developments that have taken place after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Since the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a system based on religion and religious values, the approach to the issue of population is largely related to this issue. Such a process, while considering the views of religious teachings, can reduce the security of the population issue and turn it into a crisis for national power. Key words: population, national power, Copenhagen school, Islamic Republic of Iran, religious teachings

Spatial justice is mentioned as a critical discourse that aims to eliminate discrimination, reduce poverty, social segregation and domination. This conceptualization of spatial justice in the city requires the knowledge of power players in different social and political arenas and the analysis of power relations, structures and productive processes of urban space. The issue of achieving spatial justice in the distribution of urban public facilities has been greatly developed in the literature and research of the world. The importance of discussing spatial justice when there is no match between the population and urban public services or when low income is combined with income poverty caused by less access to goods and services provided by the public sector and leads to the backwardness of the areas. Fair distribution of facilities in the city will increase the quality of life in the city in the short term and will bring sustainable development in the long term. One of the most important signs of spatial justice in cities is the balanced spatial distribution of urban services. Unfair distribution of urban services can not only lead to disrupting the population balance in the city, but also shapes the city atmosphere in a socially and economically unfair way. The goal of spatial justice is the fair distribution of urban facilities, facilities and services among different neighborhoods and areas of the city, taking into account the basic needs; So that no neighborhood or region has significant spatial superiority over another region or neighborhood in terms of having valuable resources and the principle of equal access for all is respected. In addition, there should not be much difference in per capita wealth according to the population in the city areas. In fact, the distribution of services and facilities and their quality are inseparably linked with social welfare and they cannot be separated from marginal issues such as citizens' inequality and personal freedoms. It should be noted that even the most beautiful places and the best of them in terms of accessibility and life situation, if they are faced with the lack or weakness of access to resources and facilities, they cannot be enjoyable and useful for the well-being of the residents. In Afghanistan, with the establishment of the new government, equality of interests and geographical justice have always been important, and cities have been the place of protests as a symbol of civility, which has led to the formation of movements in the capital city of Kabul. With the two main streams of civil protest, i.e. the Tabsem movement following the killing of a teenage girl due to ethnicity and religion, as well as the insecurity of the roads leading to the capital, and the lighting movement due to the change in the transmission of the electricity network from the route of Bamyan province, for the first time by the Hazara ethnic group, civil steps were taken in the city. The cable was formed. These movements were formed by young and educated leaders and intellectuals of the ethnic community and political figures. The movement of these movements was from the west of Kabul city by the socially deprived class towards the presidential palace, who stood up to sue for the violated right. In the city of Kabul, the shrine of the martyr Ustad Mazari, as a point of unity and decision-making, streets and squares have been urban elements intensifying the movements to protest against the government. The main question of the article is whether civil movements in the city of Kabul with an ethnic background are a reaction to the spatial injustice in the distribution of urban services? Spatial justice refers to the spatial or geographical aspects of justice and injustice. Locational discrimination created through prejudices imposed on certain populations due to their geographic location is effective in producing spatial injustice or persistent spatial structures of fundamental privilege and advantage. Three familiar forces that shape spatial and spatial discrimination are class, race, and gender. Geographically heterogeneous development and underdevelopment provide another framework for interpreting the processes that create injustice, in the contemporary world justice is seen as more concrete and reasoned alternatives than other alternatives, and as a symbolic force that effectively works against class, racial, and gender divides to Strengthen collective political awareness and gain a sense of solidarity based on shared experience. Spatial injustice caused by voluntary factors (urban management and policy-making system) and involuntary factors provides the isolation of urban areas and, consequently, citizens; In such a way that the inability to participate effectively in social, economic and cultural life will result in disconnection and distance from the mainstream of society. This isolation causes a sequence of social deprivation. Ignoring and neglecting recognition and lack of attention to control and social isolation is the basis for the separation of deprived groups from social assets and their staying away from benefits, opportunities and power; This is an enemy of freedom and justice. This makes the underprivileged groups, who live in denser areas of the city, to be recognized as a disruptive force in the process of sustainable development of the city in the face of the mainstream society. Violent and oppositional groups grow in the light of such conditions. The soft violence of actions by the political management of the urban space against the underprivileged and underprivileged groups creates and increases the social gap and spatial faults in a part of the society, the definite consequence of which is the organization of losers and violent entitlement (hard violence) in the form of social anomalies and annoying crimes in society will be Therefore, by setting the point that social participation and absorption and presence in the mainstream of society is the inalienable right of citizens in the contemporary world, and the creation of spatial faults and social isolation is considered as an example of soft violence and violation of the civil rights and inalienable interests of citizens. Therefore, the most important mission of urban planners and managers in this direction is to try to achieve the ideal of "equal opportunities" in the access of different groups of the urban society to urban services and to eliminate the conflict in providing educational, health, service opportunities and the like. In this regard, compliance with the principle of equality and equal access to bio-urban opportunities is one of the basic priorities. In Afghanistan, unfortunately, the procedure is based on inequality based on ethnic and religious criteria. Killings, deportations and forced resettlement in unfavorable areas, economic pressures, usurpation of land and pastures, and receiving heavy taxes are examples of the historical past of the Hazara ethnic class in Afghanistan. In the past history of this people, whenever the conditions were favorable, popular uprisings were formed to claim the lost rights. Inequality in access to opportunities leads to power asymmetries where a few with authority control social conditions without considering the opinions of others. Regionalism at the national level has led to regionalism in the geography of Kabul city. Apart from the geographical dimension, this regionalism has caused the formation of regionalism in the political geography of the city. According to the history and geographical situation of the country and the settlement of ethnic groups in the context of the geographical and urban space of Kabul, the application of political and economic pressures, deprivation, destruction and erasure of the Hazara ethnic class have always been ongoing. Political, cultural and people's movements that were hurt more than other ethnic groups were able to mark a new page in the history of this country and this ethnic group launched urban movements with a national aspect against the ruling system to eliminate discrimination in the new era. The domestic and global consequences of Kabul movements can be expressed as follows: The occurrence of the first peaceful demonstration in an insecure and crisis-ridden country in the history of this country  The meeting of the negotiating delegations of the government with the supreme council of the movement  Self-belief, self-confidence and dignity of the millennial society  Changing the position of the inferior to superior society in the country after a long history  The national consensus of the educated and intellectual class of the country  A new image of the structure of the Hazara society and its reflection in the geographical space of the country  Historical registration and naming of Dehmezang Square (the victims of the demonstrations) after the martyrs of light  The attention of the international community, especially the United Nations, to the formation of two urban movements in Kabul  The meeting of the ambassadors of the four great powers with the supreme council of the movement  The pressures of the international community on the current government  Sending three high-level delegations headed by the Hazare tribe to three world conferences in the unprecedented history of this country  The attention of the international community to the recognition and political position of the Hazara people The formation of the World Millennium Council in 2013

The West Asian region is of special importance for the great powers in terms of geostrategy, geoeconomics, and geopolitics, and for this reason, the history of the past one century in this region has had many ups and downs. The countries of this region cannot be separated from each other in terms of their specific complexities and the increasing regional and extra-regional threats, as well as the existing concerns, and the insecurity of each of these countries can lead to the insecurity of other countries. For this reason, realizing the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region and what scenario can bring the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this region, or in other words, monitoring possible scenarios and designing a scenario that guarantees Iran's vital values contains strategic value and It is of special importance for the Islamic Republic of Iran that the main question of the present research was also focused on what are the possible future scenarios of the regional order in West Asia? Based on this, Digzi's sub-questions were designed as follows: Who are the most important actors in the regional order of West Asia? What are the most important key and influential factors in the regional order of West Asia? What are the most important drivers of regional order in West Asia? What are the most important key uncertainties in the regional order of West Asia? Since the main goal of this research was to achieve possible future scenarios of the regional order in West Asia, other sub-goals were considered to achieve the main goal as follows: Identifying the most important actors in the West Asian region Identifying the most important key and influential factors in the regional order of West Asia Identifying the most important drivers of regional order in West Asia Identification of key uncertainties in the regional order of West Asia Therefore, in this research, with the GBN future research method and by conducting interviews with 25 experts and elites familiar with the West Asian area and analyzing them with the content analysis method, as well as the data obtained from the questionnaires distributed among 36 people from the statistical community in the form of With Excel and SPSS software, we purposefully identified actors, actors, surprise makers, drivers and uncertainties, and the following results were obtained:First, the most important active and effective actors in the regional order of West Asia were determined: transformational actors in West Asia are divided into two categories: regional and extra-regional actors. The regional actors of West Asia are the four powers of Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the usurping Zionist regime. America is considered the main actor in the developments of West Asia at the extra-regional level, and other countries, including the European Union and the Zionist regime, will move in line with it. Then, the most important key and influential factors in the environment including military, economic, social and cultural, political, security and environmental factors were determined as follows: The geopolitical and strategic importance of the West Asian region for world powers The location of the West Asian region and the highway of economic exchanges The importance of the security of strategic points in the West Asia region Internal stability, social cohesion and political legitimacy of West Asian countries The entry or exit of extra-regional actors, their interventions, alliances, support and political agreements in the region. Conflicts and territorial differences of West Asian countries Economic stagnation, high inflation rate, high unemployment rate and poverty and inequality (horizontal and vertical) in West Asian countries. Ethnic conflicts and differences and identity gaps, sectarian and ideological rivalries, and the occurrence of political movements. Improvement or deterioration of the economic situation of the countries in the region in the future Crisis of oil reserves and natural resources, high demand and increase in energy consumption. The efforts of the West and the countries of the region to prevent the influence and proliferation of the Islamic Revolution The amount of economic, political, social and military support of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the axis of resistance and its strengthening and development against the Zionist regime The secret relations between the Arabs and the Zionist regime Heterogeneous distribution of strategic resources (energy sources, fresh water, food, minerals, etc.) Food security The transition state of the international system The importance of the security of the Zionist regime in the region affected by the developments in West Asia The crisis in Yemen and the future of the situation in Syria and Iraq Existence of fallen states as a regional power vacuum Regional role of Russia and China Nationalism, racism, increasing religious differences, conflicting macro narratives and conflict-oriented framing, dual discourse of compromise and resistance in the macro security issues of the region. The pressure of the West and the usurping Zionist regime on Iran in order to reduce the movements in the region Globalization and development policies of the West led by America, England and some European countries Based on the summary of the findings of the research, the number of 10 drivers was identified as follows and it was confirmed by experts and experts in terms of quality and quantity. Geopolitical conflicts of Iran identitarianism; Religious extremism intradiscourse competitions in the region Competition for energy Internal political instability of governments The arms race of the countries of the region Objective conflict in the interests of regional actors The drivers obtained were given to experts and experts and they were given a score of 0 to 3 based on the degree of influence (importance) and uncertainty. Improving the political, military and economic capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran and gaining the strength of the axis of resistance and achieving Iran's undisputed power in the region. The destruction of the political, military and economic capabilities of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the weakening of the hegemony of the axis of resistance Improving the political, military and economic strength of Saudi Arabia and its alliance with Arab and Western countries and the usurping Zionist regime and its hegemony in the region Orientation and different tendencies of goat powers reg in support of coalitions The West's cooperation with the Saudi-oriented coalition The weakening of Western cooperation and the failure of the Arab-Western coalition The weakening of cooperation between Russia and China with the resistance alliance America's withdrawal from the region and regional countries including Iran gaining power Increasing US intervention, support and political alliances with effective actors in the region Convergence and cohesion of the coalition and companionship of the Arabs and the Zionist usurper regime Weakening the Arab coalition and the usurping Zionist regime Arms races of regional actors at a very high level Setting aside some basic and identity-building problems of regional and extra-regional countries And finally, four possible scenarios were identified as (the collapse of the current order and disorder, the hegemony of the Islamic Iranian order, the hegemony of the Western Salafist order, the concert of regional powers and collective order).

The developments in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa, which began in 2010 and reached its peak in 2011 and became known as the Arab Spring or Islamic Awakening, have attracted the attention of most researchers and experts in political issues regarding the causes, contexts, nature, and outcome. These developments have attracted attention. Preliminary investigations show that these developments were caused by the deep dissatisfaction of the people of the Arab countries in the region towards the inefficiency, corruption and systematic and institutionalized injustice in the structural system and agency of their respective governments. The main goal of these protests, which started due to the chronic inefficiency and systematic and institutionalized corruption in the Arab governments, was to change the nature and shape of the relationship between the society and the state in such a way that social power can have a decisive effect on social power, not a situation in which power The political system determined the entire relationship of the social system. These protests faced the reaction of Arab governments and led to the overthrow of political systems in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. But in Syria, Jordan, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia, due to the successful adoption and implementation of policies and strategies to manage and contain the crisis, popular protests did not lead to the fall of the government in these countries. Since these crises in this region will affect the security of other actors in the region, it is necessary to address this issue, therefore, in this article, we set our goal to know the current relations between the society and the government in the countries of West Asia and North Africa and to Looking for an answer to this question: "What effect did the social unrest and popular protests of 2010 and 2011 have on the relations between the government and society in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa?" This article has used the descriptive-analytical method to answer the research question and to collect data from library and online sources. In this article, social contract theory is used as a theoretical framework. It should be noted that the scope of the research is limited to the countries of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in North Africa and Yemen, Jordan, Libya, Syria and Saudi Arabia in West Asia. Street protests have become the main way for people to achieve their demands and fight against corruption, injustice and inefficiency in the region of West Asia and North Africa. In the last decade, political-social dissatisfaction and demands for justice have been the driving force of many protest movements in the region of West Asia and North Africa. If we consider the three factors of corruption, inefficiency and injustice as the causes of protests in the region of West Asia and North Africa, considering the existence of these three factors in all the studied countries and even the deterioration of the situation of these factors, it should be said that these factors, The remaining factors of popular protests are also considered and the roots and grounds of protest still exist. In the countries under review, the unemployment rate is high, especially among young people. Meanwhile, the young population in these countries (except Lebanon) is increasing. The population explosion will exacerbate the problem of youth unemployment. Meanwhile, the governments under review have not yet been able to create adequate and adequate job opportunities for young people or improve living conditions for large sections of the population. In addition, public infrastructure, health care, medical, educational and transportation services are not in good condition in these countries. Therefore, the increase in the rate of poverty, unemployment and the spread of inequalities, the feeling of marginalization, injustice and hopelessness are deeply rooted among the people of the countries under review. Widespread corruption and more importantly, the emergence of the perception and feeling of the existence of widespread corruption in the people has led to the increasing mistrust of the society towards the government and government institutions and the emergence of widespread or scattered protests. While social unrest in many societies can lead to the modification or renewal of the social contract, the unrest in West Asia and North Africa did not lead to changes in the relationship between society and the state. The studied governments prevented the conclusion of a social contract between the government and society by suppressing protests or creating relative prosperity or a combination of the two. In some countries such as Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan, governments tried to prevent structural changes by sacrificing agents and changing them in a targeted and controlled manner. In countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, although the bureaucratic system collapsed through nationwide popular protests, the structures remained intact and caused the return of bureaucrats loyal to the previous order. The governments of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, by adopting the twin policy of repression and creating relative prosperity, prevented the change of structures and agents. In Libya and Yemen, although the structures and agents changed in tandem, due to foreign intervention and internal divisions, a new social contract that would lead to the establishment of an inclusive government was not practically concluded. In Syria, after suppressing protests in its early days, the government promised to reform the existing social contract and changed the country's constitution. But extensive foreign intervention and the presence of takfiri extremists from all over the world failed the reform process. Considering that, on the one hand, due to social protests in the eight studied countries, a new social contract has not been formed between the society and the government, and on the other hand, there are still structural and operational problems in these countries, such as corruption, inefficiency, injustice, etc. It is predicted that popular protests will rise again in the studied countries in the future. In fact, the causes of protests and unrest that ignited the studied countries in 2010 and 2011 are still there, and these countries are susceptible to a new round of popular protests.

The best reason for the creation of the European Union can be found in the writings of French Jean Monnet, who is called the father of the European Union. He believed that sharing natural resources among European countries and creating a new power (European Commission) could lay the first foundations of the European Federation to maintain peace in this continent. The cornerstone of European unity was the European Community, the process of its formation goes back to the announcement of Robert Schuman, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the joint plan for coal and steel, which Jean Monnet was the creator and designer of, and Schuman, as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, accepted the responsibility for its design. Five years after World War II in 1950, France offered full participation in all French and German coal and steel production. Three decades after the Treaty of Rome, the European Union took an important step in including human rights in its foreign policy, and this matter entered into the implementation stage with the signing of the Treaty of European Union in November 1993. This treaty considers the development and consolidation of democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms as one of the objectives of the common foreign and security policy; Therefore, it seems that human rights play an important role in both the foreign and domestic policies of the European Union. Also, since the early 1990s, the European Union has included human rights clauses in its cooperation and bilateral trade agreements with third countries and partnership agreements. Based on the model approved by the Council of Ministers in May 1995, the observance of human rights and democratic principles is the focus of the internal and external policies of the parties to the contract and the essential part of any agreement with third countries. In addition, according to the Treaty of Amsterdam, which entered into force on May 1, 1997, EU member states have established a mechanism to sanction countries that commit serious and persistent violations of human rights. The Treaty of Nice, which was concluded in December 2000, further strengthened this mechanism. The issue of human rights has always been one of the most important influencing variables in the foreign policy of the European Union in different regions and towards different actors. What effect has the variable of human rights had on the relations between the European Union and the Middle East? forms the subject of this research; Therefore, the main question of this research is what is the position of human rights in the foreign policy of the European Union towards the countries of the Middle East? The findings of this article show that, contrary to what is stated, human rights are used as a completely political tool in order to expand the soft power of the European Union. In other words, the issue of human rights for the European Union is more than a normative issue, it is a tool to achieve political goals and increase soft power. This article tries to investigate this issue with an analytical approach. The European Union places great emphasis on human rights in its foreign relations, including the Middle East policy. The European Union is committed to promoting and protecting human rights, democracy and the rule of law around the world. This commitment is reflected in various policies, including promoting the rights of women, children, minorities, and refugees, opposing the death penalty, torture, human trafficking, and discrimination, and defending civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. The European Union has adopted a strategic framework for human rights and democracy, which outlines the principles, goals and priorities for improving the effectiveness and consistency of its human rights policies. In addition, the European Union is preparing to sign the European Convention on Human Rights, which emphasizes its commitment to human rights. However, it is important to note that in practice, EU policies and actions have been criticized for falling short in some areas such as immigration and the government's response to racism and violence. The position of human rights in the European Union's Middle East policy is discussed with a liberal approach and is used as a tool to expand soft power in the framework of public diplomacy of this Union. Human rights can be seen as a tool of EU soft power, which is a diplomatic strategy that aims to achieve desirable results by attracting foreign governments to come closer to EU values. The Union has a comprehensive toolkit that allows it to implement and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. Among these things, the following can be mentioned:Cultural diplomacy: Exchange of ideas through music, film or art can be used to promote human rights and EU values. Economic cooperation: cooperation in the economic field is a very good tool to use the soft power of the European Union; Because it can help as a precondition for expanding economic cooperation and creating common interests and values ​​between partner countries. Eastern Partnership Program: This program aims to transition to democratic governance in countries such as Moldova, Georgia, and Armenia, and has had successful results in promoting human rights and democratic values ​​in the region. However, the use of human rights tools and instruments can raise criticisms such as accusations of neo-colonialism or encroachment on national sovereignty. Despite these challenges, the European Union continues to use human rights as a tool for soft power and strives to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in different regions of the world.

Despite having the second place in the world in terms of natural gas reserves, Iran has practically not played an active and influential role in world trade and the export of natural gas and liquefied gas, and despite its privileged geo-economic and geo-energetic position, it has reached a position that is commensurate with the capacities and potentials of its geographic economy. It has not been found. The main problem of the research is, how is the role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade and geopolitics of energy, during the next decades at the regional and global levels? The main goal of this research is to analyze the increasing role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade. and the geopolitics of energy, at the regional and global levels, in the coming decades. The research method is a cross-sectional survey method, which is based on the objective of the applied type and based on the nature of the descriptive and analytical type. The studied community, professors and experts in the subject field The study has a sample size of 34 people and a questionnaire has been used to measure the formation of research variables. Library findings and the results of the research questionnaire, using the software Spsand the test and multivariate regression has been analyzed.The results and inferential findings of the research show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of liquefied gas in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of production infrastructures And the export of liquefied gas can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. Although oil and gas will not completely disappear in the coming decades, hydrocarbons will gradually and increasingly give way to renewable energies. This transfer of energy from fossil energy to renewable energy can turn the rich oil and gas reserves of countries like Iran into stray capitals in the not too distant future. Among fossil fuels, liquefied gas or LNG has characteristics that can play an important and effective role in meeting the needs of human societies during the transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources. The capabilities of storage, long-haul transportation by ship, re-export and re-gasification make LPG a flexible and attractive resource in the energy transfer process. The results and inferential findings show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of LNG in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of infrastructures The production and export of LNG can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. In short, production and export liquid gas In the process of transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources and in the transition period, it has valuable results, the most important of which are:1.The current situation of the world trade in liquefied natural gas does not correspond with Iran's share of the world's gas reserves. A look at the global LNG trade shows that Iran practically has no place in the regional and global trade of liquefied gas. Iran, as the second country in the world in terms of huge reserves of natural gas, especially in the oil and gas fields of the Persian Gulf, If properly planned and appropriate economic diplomacy is adopted, it can well become one of the most important countries in the world in the world trade of liquefied gas. 2.Contrary to geopolitical restrictions and issues related to natural gas export pipelines, Iran's possession of long coastlines in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman on the one hand, and the ability of LNG to be transported through large ocean-going ships, can make Iran in line with To connect the export of liquefied gas to all world markets. 3.The advantages of liquid gas as a relatively "flexible" fuel, with the ability to store, regasify, load and re-export, and the possibility of using LNG terminals to store, transfer and export liquid hydrogen, ammonia, etc. The future makes LNG a superior "transition" fuel. 4.The capabilities of LNG as a relatively "flexible" fuel with less emissions can reduce energy transmission costs and energy security risks in many countries of the world, especially less developed countries, in the process of transitioning from fossil fuels to clean energies. and renewables, and help boost the liquefied gas business globally. Production and export planning liquid gas, Parallel Applying an active and intelligent economic diplomacy at the regional and global levels will bring very valuable results in the direction of securing national interests, attracting foreign exchange resources, increasing government revenues and economic development of the country along with will have.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of its republics had significant effects on the policies of the neighboring countries in various political, cultural, economic and social fields, so that each of the neighbors tried to establish deep relations with these countries based on their interests. In this regard, the Republic of Azerbaijan, as one of the newly independent countries, due to its geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural position, was able to attract the attention of countries such as Iran and Turkey in order to strengthen their relations with the government and people of Azerbaijan. Due to the establishment of secular governments in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Islamic movements have not yet been able to provide a suitable model for adapting their Islamic and national values. Therefore, the Republic of Azerbaijan is witnessing the confrontation of different discourses to model political relations. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the contrast between the discourse of Shia political Islam, especially the discourse influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the discourse of Turkish neo-Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan? The current research is based on the theoretical framework of the discourse and the application of the descriptive-analytical qualitative method. Considering that Shiite political Islam and Ottomanism each have elements and components of the same discourse, they can be analyzed in the form of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis can be considered as the discovery of apparent and hidden meanings in discourse streams that appear in different linguistic and meta-linguistic forms. The findings show that the discourse of Shia political Islam is an authentic discourse in the Republic of Azerbaijan and the discourse of Ottomanism is considered as a rival discourse. Thus, as we have stated, each discourse has a central sign and floating signs that make it cohesive. The central sign of Shia political Islam discourse is velayat al-faqih. Also, the floating signifiers of this discourse can be considered as republic and government, rule of law, justice, independence, freedom, anti-tyranny. On the other hand, the central signifier of the discourse of Ottomanism can be considered as liberal political Islam. This type of Islamism entered Turkey's political arena with the victory of the Justice and Development Party in the parliamentary elections of 2002. Liberal political Islam believes that the majority of Islamic rulings are in the field of individual rulings and issues, and Islam does not have a plan for political and social management, and only a small part of it is in the field of government. Liberal political Islam believes in the secularity of the Turkish government, but opposes the removal of religious symbols from public places, such as banning women's hijab in public places. They are not trying to establish an Islamic government. In fact, they have a kind of conservative Islam. Also, nationalism, secular government, democracy and balanced relationship with East and West are the floating signifiers of the discourse of neo-Ottomanism. Considering that the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is secular on the one hand, and on the other hand, it is considered the second Shia country in the world, the Islamic Republic tried to support the Shia people of Azerbaijan and finally strengthen its relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In this regard, it also took extensive measures, but the government of Azerbaijan, by changing its foreign policy approach, turned towards the Zionist regime, the West, and Turkey, and also narrowed the space for Shiite Islamists and tried to suppress them. For example, the Islamic Party in the Republic of Azerbaijan, despite the cancellation of its activity license by the government and the arrest of its leaders, has always shown that it has a high level of mobilization ability and enjoys relatively wide support. Therefore, it is considered a significant threat to the government and as a result, it plays an important role in the political life of this country. At the same time, Turkey is promoting and promoting its liberal political Islam model in Azerbaijan with the tendencies of neo-Ottomanism. The influence of the secular reading of Islamism and the religious tolerance of Ottomanism is growing among the young generation and Muslim intellectuals. Despite the restrictions placed on the Shiite parties, the government of Azerbaijan has not imposed any ban on the activities of secular Islamism in Turkey and on the contrary has officially supported them. In fact, this movement has kept itself away from any political confrontation and has pretended that it is not seeking to overthrow the political structure of Azerbaijan. In general, it can be said that there is a kind of indirect confrontation between these two political-Shia-Islam discourses based on velayat-faqih and the liberal political Islam of Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

Countries enter into an alliance considering that their interests are maintained in achieving a common goal. It can be said that countries that have enough power to achieve their goals or have regional and international power may act through alliances and enter alliances to reduce costs, reduce time, or justify their country's actions in interventions in other countries. Originally a regional military alliance, the United States reorganized NATO in 2008 to address the problem of power security (economic, political, and military) in Western Europe and the Mediterranean in a way that would suit its interests. be consistent from the Second World War. In 1949, 12 countries from North America and Western Europe signed the Washington Treaty and established the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Initially, the organization's main goal was to prevent Soviet expansionism. But NATO had two other goals: to prevent the revival of nationalist militarism in Europe through a strong North American presence on the continent, and to encourage European political integration. After 73 years, NATO has grown to 30 member states through Eastern enlargement after 1991. This organization still plays an important role for international peace and stability and more so in the transatlantic region. In fact, NATO, which was a product of the era after the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War, after the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union and the transformation of the norms and rules of the game in the international system, faced an existential crisis and the lack of a strategic competitor in international interactions, the functional existential philosophy of NATO faced with fundamental challenges and even this question arose among NATO members and the international community that basically, what position will the organization that was created in the face of the Soviet threat have after the collapse of the Soviet Union? However, with the request of the United States of America and by understanding the global situation and the international system and recognizing their position through changes and changing their approach from military and defense approaches to political and social approaches, NATO members were able to guarantee their survival and implement the new NATO expansion strategy. To influence NATO's strategic-security. The concept of NATO expansion is based on the strategy of change while continuity, which is considered one of the transatlantic policies of the United States, and prescribes the necessity of increasing the scope of NATO in order to improve its strategic-security position. In the meantime, the Middle East and the Persian Gulf as regional security subsystems have taken a special place in NATO's strategic vision. The Middle East and the Persian Gulf have been important for many reasons for the United States, which has an undeniable role in the expansion of NATO to this region. And for this reason, in recent years, this region has focused the most power and energy of the military and diplomatic apparatus of that country. What is important is the quality of order and security in the region. Analyzing the cooperation between NATO and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in the framework of the 2004 document, and the possibility of expanding this cooperation to the south, is an issue that the current research has addressed. The research believes that the future cooperation between NATO and the South, and specifically the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, will advance in the framework of dealing with new threats by helping to build a regional cooperative security model centered on Iran. In general, the NATO Istanbul Cooperation Initiative will be open to all interested countries in the region who agree with the initiative's goals, including the fight against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Within the framework of this initiative, the Atlantic Council treats each interested country based on its rightful status. In line with its interests in the Persian Gulf region, NATO established the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative to formalize its actions within the framework of the initiative's principles and goals. In this regard, NATO seeks to expand its influence in the region gradually and in stages, and does so within the framework of its programs.  This initiative also complements NATO's special relationship with Mediterranean dialogue partner countries. In general, NATO has put the following measures in its agenda to achieve its goals within the framework of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative:- Resolving regional conflicts, including the conflict between the Arabs and the Zionist regime; - Encouraging and promoting regional economic cooperation; - The adoption of a more stable and long-term approach by central foreign actors towards modernization and democratization in the region - Removing restrictive commercial activities in the economic field with the aim of helping vulnerable countries and supporting the sustainable development process of the region - Decisive actions regarding challenges such as drug or human trafficking and fighting widespread diseases such as AIDS in helping the countries of the region - Encouraging support from states and nations interested in modernization and democratization in the region When NATO announced its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative in July 2004, it envisioned practical cooperation with the Middle East beyond the six GCC countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and the GCC countries) started. This initiative was welcomed by the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf with a mixture of interest and suspicion. On the one hand, the rapidly evolving and volatile security environment in the Persian Gulf region certainly provided an opportunity for foreign actors to get involved and encourage and implement reforms. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council has been looking for alternative approaches to escape the inherent instability of the past three decades. NATO was potentially an alternative. On the other hand, the initiative presented in the framework of NATO is nothing more than a mechanism by which the West can continue to control the region. Western policies were considered in the past. How NATO can help usher the region into a new security era remains to be seen.

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran's foreign policy typically underwent a significant transformation. This change was driven by a reassessment of relations with other actors, including Israel. As a result, the previously friendly relationship between Iran and Israel was replaced by a strategic enmity. This has led to a confrontation between the two actors at both regional and global levels. Based on this confrontation, the question that the present study addresses is: What is the basis of Israel's action and behavior in the face of Iran as a regional power?. In response to the question, the hypothesis of the research is that: Israel's inability to wage a full-scale war has caused it to turn to confrontation with Iran within the framework of the gray zone strategy, which means attacking Iran's interests to the limit of tolerance. Through the use of a descriptive-analytical method and deductive reasoning, the research findings reveal Israel has adopted a Gray Zone strategy in its approach toward Iran. This strategy involves tactics like assassination, espionage, propaganda, cyber-attacks, proxy wars, and economic pressure, all aimed at avoiding confrontation and containing the Islamic Republic. The relationship between Iran and Israel can be divided into two distinct periods: before and after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Prior to the revolution, the two actors had a friendly relationship. However, after the revolution, their interaction shifted to one of strategic differences. The Islamic Revolution, with its support for liberation movements, resulted in the severance of relations between Iran and Israel. Since then, Israel has been unable to directly attack Iran militarily and has instead pursued a policy of containment. With the escalation of Iran's nuclear program, Israel saw a unique opportunity to confront Iran more seriously. Therefore, the question at the heart of this study is: What is Israel's strategy in confronting Iran as a regional power, given the assumptions of no direct war and a policy of containment? The authors have based their analysis on the strategy of the Gray Zone within this framework. It can be argued that since 1991, when the Zionist regime made the decision to enter peace negotiations with Arab nations, its focus has shifted from hostility towards Arabs to hostility towards Iran. This enmity has led to Israel's containment of Iran in the "gray zone," which extends beyond its geographical borders through covert operations in actors such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. The current situation reveals that Israel is engaged in a significant confrontation with Iran, utilizing the strategy of the "gray zone" in various domains, including land, sea, air, and cyberspace. This approach is driven by a desire to avoid direct war. From the perspective of Israeli leaders, the Islamic Republic is considered its main enemy, with the intention of destroying Israel. However, due to its inability to engage in direct conflict, Israel has adopted a strategy of the "gray zone," utilizing various tactics to contain Iran. This strategy involves managing a confrontational space with Iran, in order to prevent it from reaching a threshold that could lead to transformation within the Islamic Republic. To achieve this, Israel has employed a range of actions, including assassination, cyber-attacks, intelligence operations, propaganda, sabotage, proxy wars, and economic pressure against Iran. According to Israeli leaders, these strategies not only aim to strike at Iran, but also to prevent direct conflict that could surpass Iran's tolerance threshold, potentially endangering the regime's survival and existence.

The question that is discussed in the research is to what extent is it possible for Iran to model China's economic development model in the light of strategic cooperation between the two countries? What are the areas and obstacles in Iran's approach to modeling China, especially in the field of economic development? According to the hypothesis, it seems; The mutual economic needs of Iran and China, joint criticism of the existing international order, China's important role in attracting foreign investment, the One Belt/One Road economic plan, the position of the Middle East in China's energy supply, and political and security cooperation were mentioned as role models. In contrast to the variables; The different cultural structure of the two countries, institutionalism in Iran's economy, the quantitative and qualitative demographic structure of the two countries, the different economic structure, the social mistrust of Iranians towards economic cooperation with China, international sanctions against both countries, the influential weight of the level of trade China and America as a sanctions-oriented power, China's emphasis on the political geography of countries in the matter of economic development and its lack of modeling, and ambiguity in the foundations and real intentions of China's economic development model, as important obstacles to the feasibility of modeling China's economic development model. It is discussed.   The nature of this research is descriptive and analytical and it is discussed in the framework of the theory of interdependence. The method of collecting information and resources of this research is qualitatively based on library and internet resources. Finally, the method of analyzing the collected information is also done qualitatively.   In order to understand the nature of the relations between the two countries China and Iran and especially the interest that Iran has shown to cooperate with China, the theory of interdependence is a theory from which the possibility of adapting Iran's economic development model to China can be examined. gave However, it will be pointed out in the following that the mutual dependence of Iran and China faces important obstacles, which raises the question of how far it is possible for Iran to follow China's model of economic development, and what are the obstacles. Is there a field?   With the investigations that were done, in examining the possibility of following the model of China's economic development, there are many fields and obstacles that understanding the perspective of the interactions between the parties requires paying attention to the influential variables in this field. In the field of cooperation between the parties, we can mention things such as the mutual economic needs of Iran and China, joint criticism of the liberal economic system, China's important contribution and role in helping to attract foreign investment, the perspective of the One Belt/One Road economic plan, the position He mentioned the Middle East and Iran in China's energy supply and political and security cooperation between the parties. On the other hand, it seems that the obstacles to Iran's imitation of China's economic development model cast a shadow on the future of the relations between the parties. In this framework, different cultural structure, institutional avoidance, different economic structure, adoption of parallel laws, social mistrust, international sanctions, interweaving of the economy of China and the United States, China's emphasis on the political geography of countries in economic development and ambiguity in The fundamentals and real policy of China's economic development model were pointed out. In the end, it is worth mentioning that the decision makers and the government of Iran are still looking for local and international solutions and models for economic development. Of course, although there is no consensus on the principle of accepting the concept of development in the country yet, the necessity of economic development is still emphasized in the declaration field. In the meantime, China as an emerging economy is becoming an economic development model for some countries that want a different experience. For Iran, the possibility of imitating China's economic development model depends on the major areas and obstacles that need to be carefully considered in studying this issue. Even though the text mentions both the positive components and the obstacles of modeling, it seems that due to the lack of transparency in China's strategy regarding its intention of economic cooperation in other countries, the weight of the obstacles to the feasibility of modeling is greater than its opportunities. . Because some believe that China is trying to start economic cooperation with countries through debt trap diplomacy, especially in the form of the Silk Road project, and then by paying loans with heavy interest, it will force countries to follow China's economic decision-making models. . In this research, from the above approach to livestock policy, it is mentioned that the model of economic development is compulsory. In fact, in modeling the economic development model of China, it is considered important to model according to the domestic economic and political situation. It seems that even though China claims that the economic development model is different according to the political geography of each country and it is not possible to apply a common version for all countries, but in practice, China is inclined towards economic cooperation with countries that, within the framework of cooperation, its economic interests It should be prioritized and countries cannot have other alternatives for their cooperation through the financial aid they receive. Therefore, in this research, the dual path of voluntary modeling and mandatory modeling is predicted as the two paths and ways forward for Iran's economic development in cooperation with China, and the requirements and challenges of each of the above two paths are worthy of attention.

The situation of the two countries Iraq and Iran is such that both are located in the Asian region and due to population growth, climate change and other natural and unnatural factors, on the one hand, they are facing a water crisis, and on the other hand, they are facing a self-sufficiency policy that this situation can to have an effect on the relations between the two countries which have been affected by geopolitical, political, cultural, economic and religious factors. Despite the importance of the relationship between water and food security and the need to identify the impact of its dimensions on the relationship between them, the institutions in charge of the two countries have many problems in formulating appropriate policies, which could be due to the lack of appropriate executive guidelines or lack of awareness of the importance of the issue. Therefore, the production of common structured knowledge in relation to food security and water resources that can create sufficient awareness, knowledge or ability in the target context is felt as urgent and necessary. This research aims to answer the question of what is the relationship between food security and available water resources in the Tigris and Euphrates watershed shared between Iran and Iraq? In this article, the literature of the subject was first explained and the main challenges were identified through data collection. In data collection, experts' opinions and semi-open structured interviews were also used and efforts were made to fully identify the variables. In total, 56 variables were extracted through interviews and library studies. Fuzzy Delphi method was used to identify the most important issues affecting water resources between Iran and Iraq in common watersheds. The variables extracted based on the Delphi method have been investigated and analyzed using the structural analysis method in the MICMAC software environment. For this purpose, a 18x18 matrix was used to determine the status of each of them in the system. Based on the findings, the strongest relationship between the influence and effectiveness of the variable "Importance of water resources for food security" is with the variable "Weakness of policy for water resources management", in which the influence of the variable "Importance of water resources for food security" is greater than its effectiveness. After that, the strongest relationship is the effect of this variable on "Iraq's internal unrest". This relationship shows that unrest and protests in Iraq are greatly affected by people's concern about their food security. Iraqi brokers believe that access to water resources is necessary to create employment. This comes from the fact that Iraq is a basic agricultural country and water is one of the main foundations of agriculture. This issue, together with the low level of water resources productivity, has caused the excessive withdrawal of water resources in the Tigris and Euphrates catchment basins, and little harvest from the existing water resources. Iraq's water needs for water resources that enter the country from upstream countries have made Iraqi politicians change the level of their cooperation with neighboring countries according to the level of addressing their concerns. The findings of the research also show that the level of "Iran's participation in Iraqi development projects" is closely related to solving their concerns in the field of food security. Therefore, it is considered that the quest for "food security" in Iraq is mutually influenced by the components of security and development. The economic characteristics of Iran and Iraq indicate that agriculture is the basis of both countries. Therefore, the need for sustainable water resources is one of the main components and concerns of both countries. Both Iran and Iraq are located in the arid and semi-arid region of Southwest Asia, and the average rainfall in this region is lower than the global average. This has made water governance one of the areas emphasized by Iran and Iraq. Iran depends on the water resources of the western regions of the country to preserve the ecosystem of the central regions of the country and to develop agriculture, and Iraq also depends on the water resources that enter this country from the upstream countries of the Tigris and Euphrates basins for the supply of food and the protection and development of agriculture. . Although Turkey's share as an upstream country in supplying Iraq's water resources is much higher than Iran's, Iraq's high dependence on water resources has affected the country's hydropolitical relations with Iran. Structural analysis method has been used to explain the importance of food security on the relations between the two countries. It is of great importance to understand the degree and intensity of influence and influence in the structural interrelationships between variables to explain the position. - It shows that the mutual relations show that food security is related to the areas related to development and security in both countries and this shows the high importance of this topic in the relations between the two countries.

The purpose of this research was to examine the theory of political marketing in order to strengthen the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution. Based on the studies conducted, no scientific and comprehensive research has been done regarding the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution based on the theory of political marketing. Therefore, in this research, by using different approaches of political marketing theory, an attempt was made by explaining the science of political marketing and knowing its components and approaches in cases such as "preservation", "deepening" and "maintenance" of the product, a model to strengthen the external deepening of the revolution. Islamic should be presented. In line with the topic of discussion, the theory of political marketing was processed and planned and it is considered as one of the innovations of this research. In the continuation of the research, by reviewing the research literature and presenting the conceptual model of the research to the experts in this field, it has been tried to discover and analyze the most important challenges of the internal environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can cause the failure of the strengthening of Islamic external deepening based on the theory of political marketing. be placedOne of the most important current challenges of the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution is the presentation of "another model" by the traditional Iranian rival Al-Saud. The political marketing strategy to deal with "fake" and "similar" products to the original product is branding. In fact, it can be said that Iran's best solution to confront the "other model" presented by Saudi Arabia is the branding of the Islamic Revolution. Branding of the Islamic Revolution provides a distinct identity from other similar products (another model) and in this way causes "retention", "deepening" and "maintenance" of the values of the Islamic Revolution in the target society. However, in front of the branding of the revolution, there are various challenges that are affected by the internal environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the primary and main condition for the success of the Islamic Republic of Iran in branding the revolution and its values is to overcome these challenges. Challenges such as economic weakness, corruption, and worldly tendencies of the power elites, etc. can cause the failure of brand-building of the Islamic Revolution.  Political marketing also has a special emphasis on the role of the media and new communication tools in relation to the "maintenance" of the product in the target market. Political marketers believe that new communication tools can penetrate deep into societies by influencing their audience. In the discussion of the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution, the media and new communication tools can provide the basis for the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran and thus play a vital role in the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution. The third strategy of political marketing is professional marketers, or in the interpretation of this research, deepening ambassadors, and as mentioned, they have a serious duty in the discussion of external deepening of the Islamic Revolution. The role of political marketers is important because new customers are needed to maintain a product in the market. The connection of this issue with the depth of the foreign sector is also due to the fact that in order to preserve and deepen the values of the Islamic Revolution, the scope of the audience of the values of the Islamic Revolution should increase.The fourth and last strategy of political marketing to maintain and deepen the product is strategic marketing, which is designed based on Cutler's political marketing model. The fourth strategy includes three stages of environmental research, internal and external evaluations, and market segmentation. In environmental research, as it has been said, the absence of all-round elites from the target community of external deepening can make foreign deepening strategies ineffective due to the lack of accurate and correct information from the target community. Because these strategies have been determined through an Iranian perspective on the target society, and the reason for their failure will be the same Iranian perspective. Therefore, when in-depth experts want to examine and recognize the different contexts of the target society; They should first remove the Iranian glasses from their eyes and collect data based on the identity and cognitive platforms appropriate to the target environment and complete their aristocracy from the target society. Internal and external evaluations actually examine the most important weaknesses and strengths of the country exporting the product, and its message to foreign experts is to strengthen weaknesses and continue strengths. The third part of strategic marketing emphasizes on market segmentation, and its importance in the discussion of this research lies in warning foreign in-depth experts from adopting a single strategy for all segments of the target society, and this challenge is named in this research under the title of "sameness" damage. Is. In response to the main question of the research, how can using the political marketing theory strengthen the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution? It was also answered that by solving the challenges facing the research model, in strengthening the external deepening of the Islamic Revolution based on the theory of political marketing, we can reach our goals. As it was said, at least at the level of confronting the presentation of "another model" by Iran's traditional rival, Al Saud, based on the theory of political marketing, it can be countered by branding the Islamic Revolution. Another advantage of using this model in the discussion of external depth will be increasing the efficiency of the system and creating attractiveness for foreign audiences. In the end, it can be said that the condition of the success of this model in strengthening external deepening is the comprehensive and not selective action of the model presented in this research.