نشریه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 66 (بهار 1403)

In this article, an attempt is made to answer this question, what were the foundations and components of Imam Khomeini's ethics and political upbringing in order to attract people to the realization of the Islamic Revolution The main hypothesis of the article in response to this question is that in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) with an emphasis on the foundations of philosophical existentialism and the definition of man as a being towards excellence who must follow the path with political education and also reflect the characteristics of Such as humility, faith, hope, justice, tolerance, acceptability of criticism, simplicity, self-improvement, obligation orientation and honesty objectively, the foundations and indicators of ethics and political education in order to attract the maximum number of people in the realization and victory of the Islamic Revolution. is

Rafi and Halal-Khor (2013) in their article entitled "Interaction of ethics and politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini (PBUH)" believe that in examining the interaction of ethics and politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini, since the imam is more concerned with ethics The practicality and effect of ethics emphasizes the lives of people, therefore, their view of ethics is from an individual perspective, because ethics deals with the inner state of the human being, and the reform of society depends on the correct ethics of its leaders, political elites, and citizens. Selahshuri et al. (2013) in an article entitled "Basics and components of political education from Imam Khomeini's point of view" discussed the dimensions of political education from the Imam's point of view, and the findings of the mentioned research show that Imam Khomeini (RA) considered the subject of politics as education. and considers political education as turning freely and consciously towards divine values; Based on this, from Imam Khomeini's point of view, he considers the main principles of political education to be monotheism, nature-oriented, cultivation-oriented, and ethics-oriented. And the components of political education from his point of view are awareness, self-knowledge, freedom, and justice.Farsian and Pourmanochehri (2018) in their article entitled "Importance and Necessity of Political Education in Imam Khomeini's Ijtihad School" believe that the stability of popular governments depends on a process called political education. Political education, which provides the basis for the transmission of governance values ​​from one generation to another, is considered the most important process before any government of the basic people. For this reason, Shia political jurisprudence, which considers itself to be the claimant of a popular government based on the theory of velayat al-faqih, will not be exempted from this general rule. For this reason, it is necessary to continue and preserve the Islamic revolution, it depends on the fruits of political education; In the end, the authors have come to the conclusion that Shia political jurisprudence, with a new development in Imam Khomeini's school of ijtihad, accepts political education as a mutual right for the nation and the government, and considers the realization of civil society as an evolutionary pillar of political education. Jamshidi Mehr and Abdipour (1402) in their article entitled "Political education in the field of education from the perspective of the Imams of the Islamic Revolution" defined the term political education as a speech-hermeneutic act in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei in the field of education. have checked And they have come to the conclusion that Imam Khomeini's speech act in the concept of political education was adopted according to the current conditions and Islamic religious foundations, and the words associated with it are struggle, science with spirituality, monotheism, believer and religious, being revolutionary, and independence were presented.Ahmadi Sefidan (2017) in his article entitled "Relationships between politics and ethics in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) with an emphasis on the book Commentary on 40 Hadiths" and using the text-based hermeneutic method, reached this conclusion. According to Imam Khomeini's point of view: "Political science is one of the beneficial sciences and the guardians of its pure prophets and imams and, accordingly, the guardian of jurisprudence, in fact, it is the leader of the society on the straight path. Based on the intoxicated and veiled nature, four faculties of wisdom, anger, lust, and illusion can be identified in humans. Politics and human powers are intricately intertwined. In political affairs, it is difficult to take a straight path without paying attention to moral virtues and vices. Forming an Islamic government and paying attention to politics increases moral virtues and decreases moral vices. On the other hand, the spread of moral virtues leads to the rule of virtuous and worthy politicians and managers. Ethical excellence is responsible for the excellence of politics and the excellence of politics is responsible for the excellence of ethics. Ehsani (2013) in the book "Political Education: Dos and Don'ts in the Light of Imam Khomeini's Thoughts" collected one hundred and thirty questions about various aspects of political education and answered these questions by using Imam Khomeini's views and practices. has presented Aman Nazar in the works compiled in this field shows that despite the many researches that have been written about ethics and politics and the concept of political education from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA), but this issue from the perspective of philosophical foundations as well as the issue of Attracting people has been given less attention. For this purpose, the present article tries to solve this problem, to present a more detailed picture and look at the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA).

 This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in a library form. 

Imam Khomeini, as a religious politician, attaches special importance to ethics and education. In Imam Khomeini's thought, based on a special definition of ontological and anthropological topics, he considers the connection of ethics and politics necessary for the purpose of leading and educating the society. According to him, the only acceptable policy for managing the society is the divine policy, which is the Prophets and Saints, and after that, especially the awakened scholars of Islam, and such a policy is based on moral rules. Imam Khomeini believed that despite the fact that qualities such as faith, justice, honesty, tolerance, simplicity and honesty are necessary for all citizens of the Islamic society, these qualities are obligatory for the ruler of the society and all the agents of the government. Because the observance or non-observance of these characteristics has an educational effect on the society, and the continuation of the government is basically dependent on the objective observance and application of the aforementioned characteristics. Imam Khomeini's political, campaigning, and life history confirmed the observance of these characteristics; And this made him different from other leaders of other countries and drew a charismatic role for him among the Muslim community and nation, especially Iran. Therefore, in a summary, it can be said that Imam Khomeini (RA) was raised as a perfect human being and in the position of an educated authority in the lap of Islamic teachings, and his virtues and dignity had reached such a level that it made him a divine man. On the other hand, his social, personal and political character and behavior were such that he presented new concepts in the dictionary of political science in the form of duty orientation, justice, self-refining, avoiding hypocrisy, decisiveness, populism and simple living. Also, the investigations showed that traits such as foresight, courage, and most importantly political tolerance, attention to the disadvantaged and communication with religious scholars and intellectuals, creativity and innovation in the formation of government and divine and popular leadership led to a unique model to attract people. To be formed according to his leadership model during the struggles against the Pahlavi regime and also during the years of his grace.

 In today's vast world, many traditional concepts have undergone changes with the advent of the Internet, and economics has been and will be one of the most important aspects of this change. Business based on the Internet network, which is a branch of electronic business and includes exchange processes in all fields, which are carried out from zero to one hundred on the web platform, is the most important axis of these changes and developments. Is. Cryptocurrencies are one of the tools that are increasingly used in this type of business, and various researches have been conducted on them. In fact, due to the multifaceted nature of this technology, the aforementioned researches also include different fields such as computer science, economics, jurisprudence, management, and marketing. The current research tries to provide an optimal understanding of this technology by presenting the main definitions of cryptocurrencies and its financial regulations in other countries in order to facilitate legislation. In other words, the main issue is how to fill the legal vacuum in the field of cryptocurrency technology through legislation in this field, to respond to the problems and challenges that have arisen, and in addition, the possibilities and achievements. and recognize the economic and financial benefits of cryptocurrency and e-commerce, and in this way help the economic progress of the country.

 Azari et al. (1401) in an article entitled "Emerging Financial Phenomena (Bitcoin) from the perspective of the Holy Qur'an and Imami jurisprudence", have addressed the issue that money, which is a measure of the size of property and a means of transactions, and one It is one of the phenomena that has been used in economic life for a long time, despite its simple appearance, it is constantly evolving; Including since 2009, when a new form of money called cryptographic money or Bitcoin was born and it is transferred only through virtual space. Rahimi and Emininia (1400) in an article entitled "Cryptocurrency, Challenges and Crimes Around It", have emphasized that the formation of electronic money or digital currency causes challenges and New issues have become for the economic system of countries and especially central banks. One of the characteristics of cryptocurrencies is the secrecy of the identity of the exchangers, which has led to the formation of crimes and problems. Based on this, the authors have tried to investigate issues such as creating a platform for tax evasion as well as environmental destruction due to excessive energy consumption of processing equipment of this type of currencies. Bolotovav et al. (2019) in a research entitled "Legal Nature of Cryptocurrencies", have considered the issue of how digital currency quickly became popular around the world and formed a new field of public relations that is badly needed. It is regulated and controlled by the government. One of the main problems in this field is defining the legal nature of cryptocurrencies; That is, the answer to the question, what is cryptocurrency as a subject of legal regulations According to the authors, the answer to this question is not easy; Because cryptocurrency in its subject and function is not only similar to money, but also similar to goods and non-documentary securities. Prazulfo Kolesnikova (2018) in an article entitled "Aspects of Legal Regulation of Cryptocurrencies", have tried to examine the issues of legal and regulatory governance of the new type of electronic money and cryptocurrency. According to the hypothesis of this research, there is no fixed state for understanding the forms and methods of regulations and legislation of cryptocurrencies in different parts of the world. The authors have paid attention to the existing formulas about cryptocurrencies based on the necessity of scientific understanding in order to identify them and have emphasized the main legal prerequisites, especially regarding the regulation of payment systems.

This article presents data and analyzes them by collecting library resources in a descriptive and analytical way.

 Characteristics of cryptocurrencies  One of the famous definitions of cryptocurrency is provided by two computer science professors in the Cornell University publication, based on this definition, cryptocurrency is a quasi-money tool and data product. There are two main reasons for this naming. First, the pricing rules are non-mandatory; (this is not true for all cryptocurrencies and they use it mostly in cases where the government or a certain institution does not have a decisive role in the creation of the cryptocurrency) which causes The price of cryptocurrency will be determined based on public demand, unlike common currencies such as the euro and the dollar; On the other hand, being virtual and relying on computer data will create significant security and prevent unauthorized access by people other than the tool key holder. Jurisprudential review of cryptocurrencies  In Islamic jurisprudence, what can be used in financial actions and events is not outside of five forms: object, benefit, usufruct, right, religion or responsibility. Ain is the same external independent object and it is placed in front of the other four types with its types. The benefit is called the right to use interest of the object and it is caused by the origin of the object. Usufruct, like benefit, is a kind of permission to use, with the difference that it does not lead to ownership and is used only to the extent of permission and permission. Some scholars do not believe in such a division between profit and benefit and consider both of them to be the same. In our opinion, currency cannot be called benefit or profit; Because what is used is the object itself. That is, in case of use, the self of the object is depreciated and there is no matter outside of it that its survival implies the use of its benefit. Now the question is, can cryptocurrency be considered a kind of right In this regard, it should be said that cryptocurrency, like paper money, needs to be checked whether its owner has a document that proves his religious right or not, and cryptocurrency itself has an exchange value. To answer this question, it should be said that rights are either objective (subsequent) or religious. Rights have a non-physical nature and are actually based on something outside. For example, the right of ownership, which is derived from the relationship between the owner and the owner, which is the main objective right, or the right of mortgage to the mortgaged property in case of non-repayment of the debt, which is called secondary religious right. With these explanations, it can be said that cryptocurrency is not a right in itself, but it can be the subject of some of the rights proposed in jurisprudence and law. In the case of religion or dhimma, the situation is the same, that is, as it was said, religion is caused by a legal event or action and does not itself have an external nature. But cryptocurrency has a foreign independent nature and can be obtained independently through mining.

One of the controversial topics in Iran's economy after the Islamic revolution is the relationship and interaction of the government with the market and its role in economic settings, which is due to the legal support and legal prerequisites for the feasibility and facilitation of affairs. has the mentioned At the same time, by providing correct and accurate definitions of cryptocurrency technology and identifying them as a type of financial capital like stocks, efficient laws can be formulated, especially in the field of taxation. This prevents the abuse of cryptocurrencies by speculators and profiteers, and by legalizing and limiting it, puts the technology of cryptocurrencies in an economic and financial form. In addition, with the clarification of the relevant laws, the public will be allowed to use the benefits of these virtual currencies. Finally, it should be said that in the shadow of such laws, the preference for the native counterpart of this technology is also increased and the monitoring of cryptocurrencies is facilitated in order to prevent crimes such as money laundering, which are harmful to the country's economy.

This research was conducted to investigate the relationship between tradition and modernity in Ali Shariati's thought. Ali Shariati was one of the thinkers who was aware of both the system of tradition and the potential of modernity. He lived in a time when the Iranian society was involved in many issues and problems. Therefore, Shariati tried to pathologize it on the one hand by understanding tradition, and on the other hand, by understanding modernity, extract its conceptual and theoretical capacities. It seems that Shariati was not looking for polarization between tradition and modernity, but he was trying to understand their capacities before anything else. Ali Shariati, as a member of the Islamic thought stream, sought to reconstruct religion in a modern state. Her call to recognize the identity, return to oneself and revolutionary self-improvement, was an approach resulting from the conscious recognition that she had towards the internal problems of the Iranian society and especially its young generation. At the height of the tyranny of the Shah's regime and the dominance of Marxism theory, Shariati believed that the school of Islam is the only liberating element for Muslims and that Islam and the Qur'an should be cleansed of historical superstitions and distortions by reinterpreting them and relying on the religious conscience of the people in order to face the dictatorship. His narration of the modern and traditional pillars of civil society and his cultural critique of these pillars are placed in the realm of religious intellectuals. Shariati's view does not require the negation of tradition and religion and the replacement of modern ideas or vice versa; Rather, he was a critic of both, through the use of symbolic sources of tradition and liberating elements of modernity.

The methodology of this research was based on an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has tried to go beyond the dualization of tradition and modernity in terms of the theoretical framework and re-examine this relationship according to the considerations of sociologists of Reflexive modernization.

Shariati gave answers to the questions of his time. These answers were the solutions for the revival of Islam in the modern world, criticizing the West and making critical use of it, as well as creating a fundamental transformation in the history of Islamic nations to overcome backwardness and colonialism.  According to Shariati, one of the factors of alienation in our era is cultural colonialism. An opinion that is reminiscent of the culture industry of the Frankfurt School. Colonialism appears in political, economic and cultural forms. Shariati was well aware that the contemporary history was not without movements and revolutions, and merely inciting the movement is not enough, so there should be a pathology of the past movements as well. Therefore, with his summary of the contemporary history of Iran and the history of the world, he came to the conclusion that one of the reasons for the failure of movements and revolutions in Iran, from the constitutional revolution onwards, is the lack of a liberating ideology that fits the history, culture and religion of this society. So, he tried to recreate such an ideology. This liberating ideology, like the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, should have criticized the totality of the existing social structure.
The final

Shariati, like most intellectuals after the constitutional revolution, stood in the gap between tradition and modernity. He knew very well that according to the used historical interpretations, the reserves of tradition, although they have good capacities, but like any everyday phenomenon, they have lost their revolutionary power, so they need to be defamiliarized so that they can be mobilized for the contemporary situation. On the other hand, Shariati was not a passive modern thinker who unquestioningly accepted the totality of imported and borrowed modernity. Rather, he had a critical and re-thinking reflection on modernity and accepted a re-thought form of it. While looking deeply into his historical features, Shariati is aware of both the weight of tradition and the effects of modernity. Therefore, he never wants tradition to prevail over modernity, or modernity to throw tradition aside. He tries to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His method, with a rethinking approach, was refining and extracting cultural resources.

Mulla Sadra did not specifically address the issue of women in his written works; In such a way that the opponents say that Mulla Sadra has presented women in a lower position than men; While this category has not been read in the context of transcendental wisdom. However, according to Taleghani, the issue of women is not only considered in an independent way, but also in the form of concepts related to gender from the perspective of practical philosophy. The frankness of this thinker about women indicates the necessity of dealing with this category nowadays, which has been formed following key developments, some of which are related to women. In this context, Taleqani, like Sadra, as an interpreter of the Qur'an, is very influenced by this source of inspiration and revelation, but his attempt to interpret the Qur'an in the context of women's affairs indicates the fact that as a religious scholar who tries to improve jurisprudence to reconcile with the coordinates of time, is reflected to a large extent in his statement.

Research questions:

1) How different social contexts arising from the conditions of the times have shaped the thought of Mulla Sadra and Taleghani on the issue of women
2) Why are gender concepts and efforts to identify equal social and political rights for women reflected well in Taleghani's thoughts
3) How and on what theoretical basis did Mulla Sadra address the category of women
2.

Mehdi Shajarian and Ahmad Vaezi (2018) have looked at Mulla Sadra's view of women and, in general, by analyzing the philosophy of this thinker and the place he assigns to the exaltation of the soul regardless of gender, Sadra's challenging topics and his opinions about women have answered Seyyedah Zahra Mousavi Baighi and others (1401) have expanded the same point of view and came to the conclusion that Mulla Sadra's statements about attributing the deficiency of intellect to women, not the conventional meaning of deficiency of intellect which is not specific to the female sex, but general expressions. It is a rank that includes both men and women. Ayatollah Taleghani's views on women are mostly reflected in his famous interview on mandatory hijab on March 20, 1357. This speech has been published and is available under the title "Ayeh Hijab".

This article presents data and analyzes them by collecting library resources in a descriptive and analytical way.

In some of his works, Mulla Sadra has pointed out the deficiency in the creation of some women and the weakness of their perception. Therefore, some critics have considered women as the second and weak sex in Mulla Sadra's thought. However, in order to understand Mulla Sadra's thought in relation to women, it is necessary to address the important principle of the relationship between gender and the exaltation of the soul in transcendental wisdom:1) The truth of a human being is a single soul, and a single soul does not have any bodyor composition that it wants to be male or female; So the soul of man and woman are equal in achieving existential perfection.2) There is no difference between human persons in human truth. The features of takhir and tanith have no effect on human types, rather these features are out of the human truth and are indicators of distinction between worldly beings. The human truth is the unmarried soul in which there is no way to praise and worship. In fact, contrary to feminist trends that consider biological or gender differences as the reason for the superiority of men over women or vice versa, from Mullah Sadra's point of view, these differences are not relevant in the reality of human beings.3) Existential perfections are related to the soul and truth of human existence and are exempt from gender and gender matters.4) Mulla Sadra's critics did not have a correct understanding of his essential movement and therefore considered all the characteristics of the world of elements to be fixed for the soul, whereas when the soul purifies itself from any organ and composition based on the essential movement, no longer There is no room left for masculinity and femininity.5) According to Mulla Sadra, what distinguishes human beings from other animals as the best of creatures is the speaking soul. Acquiring sensual perfections is only through the use of these two powers in humans, and there is no difference between men and women.

Taleghani's opinions about women and their comparison with Mulla Sadra's opinions can be analyzed according to the following points:1) Accepting human dignity and human equality from the perspective of theoretical philosophy: Taleqani, like Mulla Sadra, relying on the interpretation he presents from the Qur'an, believes in differences in components such as ethics, social responsibilities, nature, upbringing, guidance, Faith is not the fulfillment of religious duties between men and women.2) Presenting an Islamic model against the prevailing feminist trend: Despite sharing a philosophical opinion with Mulla Sadra, it must be said that Taleghani's thought about women should be sought in a clearer interpretation of feminism. He tries to build a dynamic Islamic model for Iranian women after the revolution.3) Validating the social roles of women by emphasizing the necessity of maintaining chastity: Taleghani discusses women's hijab in the context of chastity. According to him, hijab is a historical issue that has existed among different nations. He emphasizes not only thehistorical importance of hijab and chastity, but also, in his own words, its eastern tradition.4) Negation of becoming similar to western women under the pretext of progress: Taleghani believes that under the pretext of progress, efforts have been made to make Iranian women look like western women. He criticizes the consumerism and then praises the women who came to the streets while keeping their veils and protested against the Shah's regime, making them equal to men in bringing about the revolution. 

Mulla Sadra did not consider differences in appearance, secondary and valid matters such as gender as a criterion for the superiority of men over women, but based on the originality of existence, he considered only the existence capacity of individuals, and this existence capacity is achieved only through sensual perfections. . According to what has been said, it can be said that the more a person benefits from two theoretical and practical powers, the more he receives and assigns to himself a higher and higher level of existence. In fact, the criterion of superiority among human beings depends on their existence capacity and the actuality of theoretical and practical reason, and there is no distinction between men and women. On the other hand, Ayatollah Taleghani's opinions are mainly influenced by the revolutionary, political and social conditions. Therefore, what Taleghani demands from women especially contains messages and orders that indicate women's social responsibilities. In fact, Taleghani appears in the role of a revolutionary who considers his duty to protect the revolution and uprising, and in order to protect the values ​​he considers high, he gives advice and reminds people of their responsibilities. . Therefore, he considers women equal to men, both in the exaltation of spirit and nature, and in the implementation of social responsibilities. But this equal social position does not mean the similarity of men and women as it was interpreted in the intellectual currents of his time. The special emphasis on the hijab and the expression of various issues surrounding women indicate the fact that he understood the changes of the times and theorized to harmonize this change with religious rules.

The process of the right to silent in legal systems is one of the important and controversial issues among jurists; because if the accused remains silent, the court judge will inevitably look for other reasons. For this process, principles have been considered and new legal materials have been extracted and compiled from legal texts; including the three principles of innocence, dignity and individual freedom. In this article, in order to understand the accused's right to silent, the two legal systems of Iran and France have been chosen to compare and discuss common and different dimensions. According to Article 197 of the Criminal Procedure Law in Iran, the right of the accused to silent has been recognized. In France, according to Article 63-1 of the Criminal Procedure Law, the accused has the right to silent during the proceedings. However, despite the clarity of the law, in practice, the limits of the defendant's right to silent and how to apply it are faced with issues that will be addressed in this research.

Research questions:

What is the importance of the right to silent in legal systems What are the points of commonality and difference in the field of the right to silent in Iranian and French law Why despite the clarity of the law in recognizing the right to silence, this right still faces challenges in practice

Literature Review:

Fallahnejad et al. (2023) in an article about Iranian and Chinese law, have acknowledged that the right to silent has been explicitly accepted in Iranian law, while in the Chinese judicial system, there is a dispute. On the other hand, there is no specific legal regulation regarding the right to prohibit self-incrimination in Iran, while this principle is specified in China. Mousavi et al. (2019) in discussing the ethical challenges of the defendant's right to silent, have emphasized that despite the provision of this right in Iran's laws, the enforcement aspects and its compliance in the proceedings are still disputed. Shabani (2013) shows that in transnational documents, the right to silence is an issue that the assignment or non-assignment of the judicial authorities and its scope is to inform the accused to remain silent in the face of accusations. Qarqani (2013) believes that the accused's right to silent is one of the definite results of the commitment to the principle of acquittal, and the principle of immunity against self-incrimination should also be considered as one of its foundations.

The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data and information are also collected by library method.

In France, according to Article 63-1 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, during hearings, a person arrested by the police has the right to answer the questions asked of him or remain silent. The law officer also has two duties: 1) to explain the charges to the accused person; 2) reminding the accused of his right to silent. But in Iran, regarding the accused's right to silent during the preliminary investigation, the Constitution is not clear. The accused should know that he cannot answer the questions and his silence cannot have criminal consequences. In accordance with Article 32 of the Constitution: 1) the questioning of the accused must be within the framework of the accusation; 2) explanation of the accusation and interrogation must be in writing with the reason; 3) it is not enough to merely present the accusation, but it is necessary to write the accusation in the interrogation sheet and the accused must also answer it in writing; 4) merely writing the accusation is not enough, and the law is clear that the accusation must be accompanied by a reason.

In France, according to the recognition of the right to silence based on the text of the law, the background of recognizing such a right in itself indicates the unwillingness to comply with it. In addition, in two cases, the Court of Appeal has requested the notification of the right to silent: 1) in cases where the court inevitably has to rule on the charges, especially in the case of an appeal against the indictment or when the inspection branch has announced the disclaimer of the accused due to mental disorders as part of the procedure; 2) whenever the court necessarily has to ensure the existence of serious or proven reasons in this regard that a person is being prosecuted as a perpetrator or accomplice in the commission of the crimes based on them.In the Constitution of Iran, the right to silent is one of the accused's defense rights, which is recognized. It is considered as one of the clear examples of his defense rights and is important in the preliminary investigation stage of the proceedings. The accused can not only remain silent and avoid answering the questions of the investigating authority, but judicial officers are obliged to announce this right to the accused from the very beginning. Silence is the right of the accused and Article 38 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran explicitly mentions the prohibition of obtaining a confession through coercion. In addition, this right cannot be considered as a proof of the truth of the incident or its confirmation. Alson, according to Article 197 of the Criminal Procedure Law of Iran approved in 2013, the right of the accused to silent during interrogation is implicitly accepted by the legislator.

Article 38 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, without explicitly mentioning the right to silent, implicitly considers this right for the accused. This right during interrogation is also mentioned. However, there is no obligation to announce this right to the accused, for the officials who are involved in the criminal proceedings and are in charge of the investigation due to their responsibility, neither in the Constitution nor in the ordinary laws. Declaring the right to silent in all stages of proceedings in order to observe humane behavior towards the accused person who has not yet been proven guilty is one of the fundamental guarantees to legitimize the punishment imposed in accordance with human standards.In French law, the discussion is not only about the existence or non-existence of the right to silence, but also about the exact nature of this right. In addition, the right to silent in the French judicial procedure has also been considered in terms of concept and scope; although the discussion of opposite inferences from the accused's silence is raised in different stages of the investigation. Despite this, in France, the accused's right to silent is accepted and the only difference is in the importance of this right as a balance between the possibility of opposite inferences from the right to silent and the prohibition of forcing him to confess. In Iranian law, the right to silent is accepted both in the Constitution and in ordinary laws; but the judicial procedure has not entered into this discussion to clarify its territory and aspects, and basically it has not entered into the discussion of the possibility or impossibility of inferring the right to silent.

And by studying the events and opportunities of recent interactions and political behavior between the Islamic Republic and the United States, this article tries to answer the question that the challenges and opportunities related to the economic and strategic embargo of Western countries, especially the United States. What challenges and opportunities did it have against the Islamic Republic of Iran In order to answer this question, this hypothesis is proposed that in the level of challenges, the American economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran have led to restrictions on Iran's financial, banking, commercial and strategic activities, and in terms of opportunities, Iran has The initiatives resulting from the restrictions created by the sanctions, on the one hand, were able to identify and realize their strategic capacities in various economic sectors, and on the other hand, increase their flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, it is necessary to formulate a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the atmosphere of sanctions.

Alinqipour and Guderzi (1401) in an article entitled "The impact of American sanctions on the orientation of Iran's economic diplomacy towards the East during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani (case study of Russia)" have shown that policies based on sanctions and Western pressure has caused foreign policy c. A. From the beginning of the revolution, Iran should be designed based on looking to the East in different dimensions; The authors have come to the conclusion that during the era of Hassan Rouhani, the government's policy in dealing with sanctions in the economic dimension was based on Iran's dependence on economic imports from Russia. The Caspian Sea and Eurasia have been implemented against the policies of the West.Mohibi Hare Dasht and his colleagues (1400) in an article entitled "Countering financial and economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran with timely warning tools of banks' helplessness" addressed the issue of the impact of American sanctions on Iran's banking system. In response to this question, the authors asked how the position of the timely warning model of banks' helplessness can lead to the reduction of the effects of sanctions. have concluded that with the help of annual calculation of these indicators, the banking system can predict financial helplessness and bankruptcy before it occurs and take the necessary measures regarding the revision of the control of its collection and prevent the occurrence of bankruptcy.Alavi and Amiri (2015) in their article entitled "The role of the US Congress and the Treasury Department in applying economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran (2010-2014)" emphasized the role of the US Treasury Department in implementing the sanctions system of this country. The United States government, with the influx of primary and secondary sanctions, especially from 2010 to 2014 in the form of congressional laws and executive orders of the president with the executive arm of the Treasury Department and under it the "Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), with its full-scale economic war, It has put the country's economy under pressure.Bajgholi et al. (2024) in the book How Sanctions Work: Iran and the Effects of Economic War tried to analyze the effects of extensive and long-term Western sanctions led by the United States against Iran. This book is mentioned as the first extensive and systematic study about the effects of sanctions on Iranian society. The authors in this book have concluded that the sanctions of the United States of America against Iran have not been able to achieve their goals, because on the one hand, not only did it not change Iran's behavior, but it has made it more aggressive, and on the other hand, the maximum pressure sanctions of many It has plunged Iranians into poverty, both in rural and urban areas, and has exacerbated economic and class inequality.Ghasemi-nejad and Jahan-parvar (2021) in an article entitled "Effect of Financial Sanctions: A Case Study of Iran", financial sanctions have had a great impact on the decline and decline of Iran's economy. In this context, the authors believe that sanctions affect politically connected companies more than ordinary companies, have persistent negative effects on profitability ratios, and the stock prices of politically connected companies recover more slowly after sanctions are lifted. Firms targeted by financial sanctions reduce their leverage and increase their cash holdings to manage the perceived increase in their risk profile.Nefiu (2017) in his book titled "The Art of Sanctions: A View from the Field" divides sanctions into four major parts: diplomatic and political, military, technological and economic, and believes that the most widely used and effective type of sanctions is It is the "economic" type, which is divided into two categories: commercial and financial. In this book, the author examines the formation of sanctions considering the conditions and context of Iran; Also, in this book, the author tries to convey to the activists and those interested in the practical implementation of foreign policies the mental framework of when and how they should implement the sanctions.Opinions in the researches conducted in this field show that most of these works and researches have emphasized the negative side and challenges of economic sanctions on Iran's economy and society and have examined their results; On the other hand, some researches have focused on the positive side and the window of opportunity of economic sanctions in order to pay attention to the domestic and indigenous capacities and endogenous development of the country; For this purpose, according to the works compiled in this field, the present research tries to address both the challenges and opportunities of the economic sanctions of the United States of America, and this is the reason for the innovation and innovation of the present article.

The article used the descriptive-analytical method and collected its data in a library form.

American sanctions against Iran refer to the economic, commercial, scientific, human rights and military sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran imposed by the United States government, or under the pressure of the United States on the international community through the United Nations Security Council. American sanctions against Iran It is one of the oldest sanctions in the world. These sanctions started in 1358 at the same time as the issue of hostage taking of American Embassy employees in Tehran with Executive Order 4702 and 12170 by Jimmy Carter and gradually increased its dimensions. Numerous executive orders and various laws are the result of America's hostile actions in the past years. Executive orders 12613, 12957 and 12959, 13382, 13553, 13574, 13590, 13599, etc. are examples of the extensive actions of the United States in the past years to institutionalize and structure sanctions against Iran. Actions that reached their peak during the Obama and Trump eras. US government officials have called the sanctions imposed on Iran the toughest and most crippling sanctions in the history of human civilization. Financial, economic, defense and military sanctions as a tested solution in curbing the economic and military power of J.A. Iran is institutionalized in the strategic document of the United States of America and cannot be ignored easily. The sanctions theory has secured the interests of the United States and its regional allies, such as the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia, and this group considers the release of financial energy and the rise of the power of the Islamic Republic in the aftermath of the JCPOA against its own interests and in the direction of the complete victory of the axis of resistance and facilitation. They see the fields of domination of the Islamic Republic in the region. According to the mentality of the political elite of the United States, the discourses against the nuclear agreement and the success of the sanctions policy of J.A. Iran in serving the interests of the United States, the continuation of sanctions and the approval of new sanctions by the political elite of the United States will be very likely.But on the other hand, in spite of all these propositions, America's smart and multi-layered sanctions system against Iran in the last few decades has caused challenges and on the other hand many opportunities for Iran. In this article, an attempt was made to address the issue of what were these challenges and opportunities As discussed, the economic sanctions have placed numerous financial, banking, economic and commercial restrictions on the growth and development of the Islamic Republic of Iran; And he has basically tried to exclude this country from the agenda of global trends and intensify its isolation. Sanctions and various prohibitions in the fields of technology, transportation, money transfer, import and export; Industrial and military cooperation are the most important examples of these challenges. On the other hand, paying attention to domestic and indigenous capacities for the development of military and security technologies (especially in the field of missiles and drones), using local knowledge to improve technology in the fields of medicine and medicine, nuclear knowledge, drafting doctrine New security and military measures in the Middle East region, improving the level of interactions and strategizing them with emerging powers such as China and Russia and the BRICS member countries, a significant increase in human development, etc. have been among the opportunities that sanctions and prohibitions Many have caused them to emerge for the Islamic Republic of Iran. With the initiatives caused by the restrictions created by the sanctions, Iran was able to realize its strategic capacities in various economic sectors and on the other hand, increase its flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, while formulating a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the environment of sanctions, it should put the following axes in its agenda:- Attention to the capacity of knowledge-based companies in order to diversify the economic structure of the country. Promotion of internal cohesion at the level of elites, officials and society Adoption and promotion of smart support policies by the government Creating hope for the future and managing public opinion The use of the Iranian government's security capabilities in the positive and negative aspects in the Middle East as bargaining levers with Turkey, Russia and especially the European Union Encouraging neighborhood policy through non-governmental organizations from the government.

Terrorism is one of the most important global dangers, which has been carried out for a long time either in the form of actions against ordinary people or political and military officials. With the formation of the nation-state in the modern era, violent acts in the form of terrorism entered another stage, and in this new procedure, countries tried either directly or by using forces in rival or enemy countries, do life against them. However, the approach of international organizations, including the United Nations and its related institutions, plays an important role in preventing or spreading terrorism in the world. Therefore, the present research aims to investigate and analyze the decisions of international organizations regarding state terrorism after the Islamic revolution. The question is, what role has international law, which is reflected in the decisions of international organizations, played on the challenge of state terrorism against the Islamic Republic of Iran The hypothesis is that international law has a weakness due to the non-authoritarian and advisory aspect of its rulings and laws, as well as the lack of sufficient independence to deal with the political demands of its influential members, as well as the dual treatment of terrorism cases, which results in not addressing Terrorist activities against Iran have also had an effect.

Mansorel's article (2021) entitled "Fighting terrorism in East and North Africa; "Regional Perspective" has stated that the experience of political terrorism and violence in the Middle East during the years 1980 to 1990 indicates the adoption of an anti-terrorism strategy in the region, which also gives us valuable experiences. Among other things, based on the rules of the case that are used by the international assemblies and the member countries of these assemblies, in many cases, it is wrong strategies that are not only not effective, but sometimes have the opposite result. Yazdan-Panah Daro's article (2018) entitled "Tracing the root causes of the creation and growth of extremist and terrorist groups in the West Asian region" states that although terrorism has spread globally and has caused international concern, the causes its formation and fighting against it in a hasty and piecemeal manner has not worked. Basiri and Aghamohammadi's article (2016) under the title "The future of Middle East research in the next three decades; Analyzing the trends of countering terrorism at the international level", has addressed the role of the cooperation of the international community with the role of the United Nations. The authors concluded that strengthening solidarity, cohesion of the international community, more serious leadership of the United Nations, commitment to respect human rights in the fight against terrorism, acceptance of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, are among the best strategies for fighting terrorism in the future. Aghaei (2012) in the article "Analysis of Political-Legal Solutions to Counter International Terrorism" has paid attention to the political and legal dimensions and the role of great powers in countering terrorism. Also, the international legal mechanisms, which appear to be very powerful in theory, but in practice have problems in fighting terrorism. Eftekhari and Shabestani's article (2013) entitled "Strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Countering Terrorism" has concluded that the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is linked to the phenomenon of terrorism and has been damaged by terrorism in a dual way.

In this article, critical theoretical framework and descriptive-analytical method are used.

the decisions of international organizations, including the United Nations, the Security Council, the Human Rights Council, and the International Court of Justice, show disregard for international principles and rules on the one hand, and the violation of rights and obligations towards member countries due to damages. Life and money are caused by terrorism. In some cases, for terrorist killings, the Security Council has initiated a special court (the case of Yugoslavia and Rwanda) and in the case of the assassination of Sardar Soleimani and even Iran's nuclear scientists, it has not even tried to convict. International institutional double standards show the relative weakness of countries' political influence and the use of terrorism as a tool, which drives its spread worldwide and the spread of terrorism victims. Violation of political sovereignty of countries, violation of independence and encroachment on their territory are among the achievements of this approach. It seems that the solution is to upgrade the judicial actions from the domestic level to the international level and give them a legal aspect. The country's diplomacy should focus on filing lawsuits in international legal institutions from a specialized aspect and refrain from accepting the positions of influential governments as rhetoric. Even filing a lawsuit to identify and introduce the perpetrators is a positive step, and you cannot refrain from filing these complaints on the pretext that powerful countries have international legal institutions to answer for their actions. Considering that the physical removal of the country's scientific, military and security capitals, taking action to increase the cost of terrorist acts for its perpetrators through proposals in legal forums or mutual response, can be on the agenda of legal diplomacy and military approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In this regard, the current research tries to investigate the position of women in the family in two Islamic and Western legal discourses, and especially the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the country of Canada, tries to investigate the issue of women's rights in the family institution. The main question of this article is as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family In response to this question, the main hypothesis of the article stipulates: Western legal discourse, especially in countries like Canada, with a materialistic and reductionist view, considers the position and rights of women in the family in her individuality and freedom, and it is based on the dimensions He compiles his sexuality and material; This has been formulated in the Islamic discourse based on the rights and duties of women in the sacred sphere of the family and its constructive role in human education and excellence.

A review of the literature and research conducted in the field of comparative analysis of legal systems and discourses clearly shows that less research in this field has investigated women's rights in the two legal systems of Iran and Canada. Meanwhile, only one article has been compiled in this field, and most of the works are about women's rights in the family in Islam, Iran, or other countries such as France, England, and America. From this point of view, this article has innovation and tries to provide the ground for further research in this field. In the following, we try to examine the most important and closest articles in terms of content and topic.Maruti et al. (2019) in the article "Comparative study of women's legal system discourses in Iran and Sweden" discussed the issue of abortion and women's rights in this matter; The author has concluded that the prevalence and prosperity of women's absolute freedom in countries like Sweden is due to the prevalence of "freedom of choice" theories, which emphasize the absolute freedom of the "body" with a philosophical view of the world, and against the discourse Divine laws in the legal system of a country like Iran arise from the duality of right/duty, which is the continuation of the divine view of human existence, therefore, absolute and unbridled freedom cannot be believed.Zainaldini and Razavi (2019) in the article "Investigating the requirements for the entry of the property sharing system into the structure of the family financial system in the laws of Iran with a view to the laws of the province of Quebec/Canada" talked about two models of financial order in the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada and has concluded that the legal system of the Quebec state of Canada, believing in the equality of rights and responsibilities of couples in the family; The financial system presents the property sharing of spouses as a legal financial regime for the family, in which men and women share each other's income in the family; But in Iran's legal system, following the model provided by Imami jurisprudence, couples have chosen "financial independence".In the article "Comparative study of female alimony in the laws of Iran, England and America" ​​(2013) Tashet and Hejbari discussed the issue of the right to alimony from the economic rights of women in the family. In this article, the authors have concluded that "in the legal laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, alimony is the responsibility of the man, and in the common legal system, it is the responsibility of the husband and wife, and in the comparison between these two models of Iranian law, with regard to the duties that are customary for couples It is defined in the family as being closer to justice. Also, the receipt of alimony by a woman depends on fulfilling her duty towards her husband (obedience), while in common law, the financial need of the spouses is a condition for the obligation of alimony, and apparently as soon as the marriage contract is concluded or without the marriage contract and cohabitation for a period of time. Special payment becomes obligatory.Abbasi and Ramezani (1400) in the article "Women's non-financial rights in Iran's legal system and its compatibility with international documents" have made women's non-financial rights the principle and concluded: Women's non-financial rights in international documents and in the legal system Iran has been formulated under the shadow of cultural and ideological considerations and political-social developments, and these rights have always been formulated under the dominance and structure of the male approach, and it has not been able to realize women's rights in the non-financial dimension.Johnson (2017) in the article "Family Matters: Gender Justice and Success of Litigation in Canada's Supreme Courts" tries to examine the issue of gender justice in the family and family litigation in Canada and has concluded that in the courts Supreme Court of Canada, female judges pay more attention to women's rights than male judges and have caused many successes in family disputes for women and have been able to establish more gender justice in the realization of women's rights.

This article has been compiled using the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data and information through documentary and library methods.
4. ConclusionIn this article, an attempt was made to examine the status and rights of women in the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Canada with a comparative perspective. In this regard, the main question of the article was as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family In order to answer this question and based on the research done in this article, it should be said that the two Islamic and Western legal discourses regarding women's rights have basic differences. A woman has great dignity in the Islamic discourse because of the expectations and duties that are expected from her in the form of building a family. The subsequent legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is based on Imamiyyah jurisprudence and Islamic teachings, has taken a family-oriented approach and by adopting the discourse of legal propriety for women in the family. These rights are all in line with the role of women as the main pillar of the family. On the other hand, the Canadian legal system, influenced by the doctrines of individualism, libertarianism, materialism, and feminism, has tried to regulate the rights and position of women in the family like men by adopting a subordinate and analogical approach. From this point of view, women's economic and non-economic rights have been drawn and compiled in a completely equal way without any difference in the roles and responsibilities of men and women within the framework of the family. In this system, the family is the product of a completely biological choice that can be started and ended at any time by the will of one or both couples; Regarding the economic rights in Iran's legal system, the man is responsible for securing and realizing the economic rights of the woman, and for this purpose, he imposes various models (dowry, alimony, etc.) Building and managing the family should be provided by the woman. It is for this reason that the financial system of the family in Iran's legal system is based on the system of financial independence; But in the Canadian legal system, this financial system is based on the sharing of property and assets by men and women; because each of them is equally responsible for the economic provision of the family; And according to this common procedure, they can choose multiple models of the family financial system. Regarding women's non-economic rights, it should be said that the legal system in Iran has tried to protect women's rights and legitimate and legal freedoms against men. For this purpose, it has considered ten rights in its civil and family laws for women to guarantee their rights. Also, these rights guarantee a woman's active role in performing the tasks expected of her in the family; This means that the duality of right/obligation has been seen by the legal and the legislator; In this way, if rights are considered for the woman in the family, it is for the purpose of doing the tasks that have been asked of her; And this duality has been based on the natural need of man to form a family and the active role of men and women for the promotion and excellence of this social institution. However, the non-economic rights of women in Canada, which are formulated at the core of the unwritten system of common law and based on subject requirements in the courts, are set with emphasis on femininity and gender justice to guarantee the preservation of individuality and freedom of women in the field. His numerous personal and public. Therefore, in this system, due to the emphasis on the individuality and freedom of the woman in regulating her rights and status, the concept of family does not have its Eastern and Islamic meaning and is merely an interpersonal contract that was formed during a historical process in the society and is changing day by day. The benefit of feminist demands goes to the sidelines and takes a nuclear form. In the following table, we can discuss the most important differences between these two legal discourses.

In the era of global economy, monetary flows are one of the main reasons for the economic growth of countries. In this regard, immigrants are one of the main factors in the economic growth of countries that can benefit their mother country by returning remittances or remittances. Remittances are transfers of money, goods and various features by immigrants to their countries of origin or motherland. Although the concept of remittance includes only the monetary aspect, remittances also include monetary and non-monetary flows such as social remittances. In any case, this flow has economic and social effects and consequences in the destination society of Afghan immigrants, such as Iran. For this purpose, the current research, by analyzing the genealogy of the remittance concept of Afghan immigrants, in addition to clarifying the concept of remittance, tries to answer the question that what are the social and economic consequences of the flow of economic and social remittances of the Afghan diaspora for Iranian society in the social and economic field In response to the research question and as a research hypothesis, it should be said that the remittance flow of the Afghan diaspora in Iran has social and economic consequences; which will be examined further.

An article titled "Afghan Remittances: Review of Transfer Cost, Identification of Amount and Transfer Channels" by Mohibullah Faqir Zahi, which was conducted by the National Bank of Afghanistan in 2018, examines the official channels of remittance transfer to Afghanistan. In this report, the official channels of remittance transfer to Afghanistan and its entry points are considered. This report has focused its attention on the main financial and official legal institutions of remittances to Afghanistan. A report titled Financial Leverages of Immigrants to Mobilize Private Sector Capital in December 2023 has been published by the World Bank Group in the Development and Migration Department. In this report, the main trends in remittance flows, the outlook of remittances until 2025 and the consequences of remittances for countries of origin and destination are considered. Considering the phenomenon of Afghan migration from 2021 onwards, this report considers the flow of incoming remittances to Afghanistan to be more than ever and one of the influencing factors on Afghanistan's gross national product.Daniel Garrot Sanchez (2017) in an article titled "International Movement of Migrants, Experience and Evidence for Afghanistan at the Macro Level", examined the quality of economic migration of Afghan refugees and found a significant relationship between migration and the remittance flow of Afghan refugees. In this research, the historical patterns of migration in Afghanistan, the analysis and the latest trend of Afghan migration, due to economic and financial reasons, defines economic migration; Migration that is tied to the flow of remittances and the return of money from the destination country to Afghanistan and the families of the migrants.John Ocho (2008) in an article entitled "Remittance Flows and African Diaspora" has acknowledged that remittances are the transfer of money, goods and various characteristics by immigrants to their countries of origin or motherland. According to the author, the flows ofmoney transfers from immigrants to their countries of origin include economic and social flows and have effects beyond the financial flow.The general opinion of the published works in this field shows that no scientific and research work has been compiled on the process and flow of remittances of Afghans and its social and economic effects on Iranian society. This can guarantee the originality and innovation of the present article and provide a basis for the expansion of this literature as well as conducting more research in this field of economic and social studies.

The research method in this research is analytical-descriptive and its data is collected based on library and documentary methods.

The present article tried to answer the question regarding one of the important dimensions of Afghan immigration in Iran: what are the social and economic consequences of the flow of economic and social remittances of the Afghan diaspora for the Iranian society in the social and economic field As discussed, remittances constitute an important part of Afghanistan's financial ecosystem (4% of the GDP). Considering the number of Afghan immigrants in Iran, a major volume of this remittance flow is sent from the Iranian community to Afghanistan. Although the amount of remittances sent from Iran to Afghanistan cannot be a significant amount due to the economic crisis and the fall in the value of the Rial, but the monitoring of the transfer of these funds and the monitoring of the people with accounts can create a database regarding the nobles of Afghan refugees. provided for regular information monitoring. In this regard, a mechanism such as FATF (Financial Action Task Force) and CFT (Combating the Financing of Terrorism) to monitor financial information, i.e. remittances of Afghan immigrants, international payments of immigrants, and denying the financing of regional terrorism in the country. it is needed. At the same time, we should not forget that remittances play a very important role in building peace and the peace-making process between the countries of origin and destination; It should be mentioned that remittances are transferred and monitored in countries with formal financial and banking structures, while the lack of banking infrastructure for any reason causes the transfer of the official money transfer network from unofficial and personal sources. which is a pest on the monetary structure of the country of origin. As mentioned, although the concept of remittance may at first glance only include economic and monetary aspects, the analysis of the data of this economic flow has shown that it also includes non-monetary flows such as social remittances. and from this point of view, the flow of remittances can create an opportunity-threatening face for national interests.As a conclusion and answer to the question of the article, it should be said that the Afghan diaspora in Iran has both negative (threat) and positive (opportunity) effects, which can appear according to the behavior of the Iranian policy maker. For the social and cultural purpose, the Afghan diaspora can change the demographic and cultural context and impose an ethnic and religious divide (Shia and Sunni divide/Iranian and Afghan divide) on the deeply divided Iranian society; Also, in this context, the Afghan diaspora is able to do anything due to the stability of its economic remittances and the increase of its financial income, and accept jobs that are not related to the demands of job seekers, and in addition to the expansion of fake jobs and the informal economy in The outskirts of the metropolises. On the other hand, the same immigrant force, with its presence in the construction industry and mining industries, can cause the prosperity of these economically productive sectors. In this way, the Afghan diaspora can be both an opportunity and a threat. However, considering the current situation and the context of the unstable Iranian economy during the last decade, the possibility of negative variables of the presence of Afghan immigrants in the Iranian society is more. Therefore, monitoring and tracking the flow of remittances of the Afghan diaspora in the Islamic Republic should be pursued as an economic-security agenda by the custodian institutions.

Before the victory of the Islamic revolution, the army played an important role in ensuring the country's national security due to its structural characteristics (discipline, hierarchy and loyalty to the first person of the government) and its sovereign affiliations with other security institutions. With the occurrence of the Islamic revolution, due to the same sovereign and loyal ties to the former regime and the distrust of the forces of the revolution - which were influenced by the Marxist leftist movements in sync with the former Soviet Union (Tudeh party, Chezikhas of the People's Fedayees and the People's Mojahedin Khalq) - towards it, In the beginning, it was marginalized to ensure national security. After the revolutionary purges and purges and the declaration of support for Imam Khomeini, the great founder of the Islamic Revolution, and becoming a school-based and revolutionary army, it gradually entered the security equations of the Islamic Republic. The issue of this research is "What role did the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran play in ensuring the national security of the country during the first decade of the Islamic revolution and within the framework of various security strategies"

This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in a library form. Discuss The army in the era of expansion-oriented security strategy: dissolution or continuation In the Pahlavi patrimonial system, the imperial army of Iran considered it their duty to blindly obey their superiors without question. For this reason, the army was hierarchically connected to the king and was under his command. Based on the principle of loyalty, the orders and plans of the army were taken from the king and he acted accordingly. Such a system of loyalty was created as a result of the regime's extensive propaganda (reading collective prayers in the morning for the king's health and survival, or the slogan "God, King, Motherland") and, of course, the payment of rewards to the military. The army was completely dependent on the king. The king's autocratic and autocratic culture and relations had made the army so obedient and follower that in the absence of the king, independent and coherent decision and action on its part was completely ruled out. The king was like a country for the army. This degree of loyalty and dedication made the army chiefs not to surrender to the revolution as much as possible, and only declared neutrality when they felt that the revolution was on an irreversible path. Before the victory of the revolution, the leader of the revolution always tried to create a separation between the army and the king. In his messages, he asked the people not to insult the army and not to attack them, and in return he asked the army. Abandon the spirit of dependence on Shah and America and stop killing people. The Imam advised the people to welcome the free and independent soldiers, "The people of Iran are obliged to respect the honorable officers and officials. They should note that a few traitorous army people cannot infect the majority of the army." This peaceful approach of the leader of the revolution played an important role in dissociating the discipline and obedience of the army body to the orders of the superiors and ultimately declaring its neutrality.The position of the army in providing security in the period of defense strategy (war period) Considering the issues caused by the war for the country's security considerations, the government of the Islamic Republic should focus all its efforts on dealing with itssecurityconsequences. For this reason, the preservation and protection of the country's territorial integrity and the preservation of the newly established political system against the objective threats caused by the war had occupied the attention of the system. The national security of the country prevailed. For this reason, an effort was made to establish a reconciliation between "values" and "realities" and between "beings" and "musts". It is for this reason that some talk about the "cycle of idealism and realism" in the analysis of different stages of the war. The army and providing national security: defensive operations (September 1959 to May 1960) During this period, it was decided that instead of a general mutual confrontation with the Iraqi army, the army would limit itself to "local, temporary, local and small attacks". The ultimate goal of these defensive operations was to stop the enemy's war machine from advancing further. All the efforts of the army headquarters in the first six months of the war prevented the fall of the cities of Abadan and then Ahvaz. Especially after the fall of Khorramshahr, the protection of Abadan was paid attention to. The army forces succeeded in doing this with the help of the people's forces, and with a few limited operations, they forced the aggressor forces to stop and take a defensive position, which was an important achievement in the way of securing security. and maintaining the territorial integrity of the country was considered.

 The army, which could not play a significant role in the country's national security equations at the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, after the purges and the efforts made to make it academic and revolutionary with the all-round support of Imam Khomeini. Reh), the great founder of the revolution, since its existence, has played an irreplaceable and effective role in ensuring the country's national security, maintaining the system and territorial integrity of the country. In addition, the three forces of the army in cooperation and coordination with the forces of the Revolutionary Guards and with the blessing of the revolutionary spirit existing among the young officers, the spirit of self-reliance, self-reliance and confronting the comprehensive sanctions of the enemy during the first decade of the revolution to the general society. And even some of the officials spread it and it was the source of many huge works in different economic sectors that prevented the country's economic breakdown at that time. With their sacrifices on the battlefield and the liberation of the occupied areas of the country, the army forces contributed significantly to the defense diplomacy of the country, as after the liberation of Khorramshahr, the diplomatic exchanges to stop the war and Iran's superior position in this field are clearly visible. Is. In this way, the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran despite all the bottlenecks and shortages

 Effective political branding in the political market attracts more voters willing to invest. The demand for reputable political branding is increasing in the highly competitive political market. In addition to this famous political branding in different periods, there is room for revival in political markets in different fields. Loyalty to specific political branding causes parties to stagnate in periods and leads to re-emergence and profit in the political market in other periods. In addition, it was used in political branding, such as commercial branding of the good politician label. . . Like product branding and production, it is also transferred to the next political generations. With the development of this concept, consumers will have the knowledge structure (characteristic of political parties) in the same way that they have information and knowledge of brands like Ford and BMW. Consumers' accurate knowledge of politicians' names, party brand value, specific policies, etc. is stable among voters in wide dimensions. The present study examines the development of a strategic plan for political branding in Iranian parties.

The present research is a qualitative study, and in this phase, by reviewing and evaluating the studies conducted in the field of the subject raised in the present research, as well as in-depth interviews with political journalists and political activists who are members of Iranian parties, the necessary information has been collected and using the method Grounded theory deals with coding and categorization and presenting a conceptual model.

Statistical Society:

The statistical population of this research, political journalists and political activists who are members of Iranian parties were selected as potential participants for the design and formulation of the model. And having enough time for interview and... has been taken into consideration. In order to extract the codes, interviews are conducted using the theoretical sampling method until the theoretical saturation is reached. The sampling method in the current qualitative design was theoretical sampling, the purposeful selection of key informants based on the specific information they have about the research topic. Theoretical sampling requires data collection based on categories to formulate theory. Sampling of experts in this research continued until the process of discovery and analysis reached the point of theoretical saturation.

Discuss:

First question: What are the dimensions, components and indicators of the strategic plan of political branding in Iranian parties To answer this question, using exploratory and semi-structured interview tools, 6 questions were asked to political journalists and political activists who are members of Iranian parties, and after conducting 12 interviews, theoretical saturation was achieved. Grounded theory qualitative method was used to analyze the interviews. In this method, in the open coding stage, the text of each interview was examined word by word and concepts were extracted from the words and expressions of the interviews. In the central coding stage of each interview, by placing similar categories in the general levels of characteristics, the model of the strategic program of political branding in Iranian parties was selected. After reviewing the text of 12 interviews, 161 open codes were obtained, since in this study, after 9 interviews, the researcher had reached theoretical saturation and conducted the 10th to 12th interviews to ensure theoretical saturation, out of 161 The extracted open code was 106 duplicates, and by removing them, 55 open codes were obtained for the present study. Next, as a result of the axial coding of interviews conducted with individuals, 6 axial codes were obtained from 55 refined open codes. Finally, based on the contextual paradigm, selective coding was done and 6 selective codes including causal conditions, central phenomenon, intervention factors, contextual factors, strategies and consequences were obtained.

Second question:

 What is the appropriate model for the strategic program of political branding in Iranian parties In order to answer this question, after interviewing political journalists and political activists of Iranian parties and coding process using grounded theory method, a total of 1 selective code, 6 central codes and 55 open codes were selected. Next, in order to confirm the extracted codes, a focus group consisting of 12 experts with whom the interview process was conducted at the beginning was formed and the extracted codes were provided to them and they were asked to give their opinion about the codes. Express extracted. The result of the focus group investigation and evaluation and their discussion about the extracted codes was that the appropriate model for the strategic program of political branding in Iranian parties includes 6 dimensions of causal conditions, 2) central phenomenon, 3) intervention factors, 4) background factors, 5 ) strategies and 6) consequences and has 55 components.

 In this study, the aim was to present a model of political branding in Iranian parties. The results showed that this model includes the components of causal factors, contextual factors, intervening factors, central phenomenon, strategies and consequences of political branding in Iranian parties. Causal conditions are the conditions that cause the creation or development of the central category, which are the conditions mentioned in the present research that are described below. In this study, causal conditions include the indicators of a democratic country, free political environment, social movements underlying the creation of a political brand, the ability to create waves in society, the impact of branding among public opinion on various issues, and attention to branding as the essence of parties.

 Corruption is more or less an insidious cancer of all political bodies. Corrupt practices brutally destroy all classes and castes, disrupt institutions, destroy societies and contaminate all the foundations of people's lives. The corruption of nations wears out even the most advanced ones and breaks the fabric of their lives. With regard to two presuppositions, one is that all structures and societies are inherently susceptible to corruption and its spread; And the other thing is that Islam, as the most comprehensive and complete divine religion, definitely has detailed and practical instructions for fighting corruption in its political culture, this article has considered the main question of what programs and instructions the economic culture of Islam has for anti-corruption. And it prevents production. In the following, while clarifying the concepts in the theoretical framework, by examining the anti-corruption components and tools, the Islamic guidelines will be explored and investigated in these cases.

 This article presents data and analyzes them by collecting library resources in a descriptive and analytical way.

Anti-corruption tools in Islam:

In any model of healthy and efficient governance that seeks to improve the quality level of society's administration, there are a set of tools and measures that can be used to prevent the occurrence and spread of corruption, and governments often consider themselves obligated to fight against all types of corruption. Moreover, it is stated in the third principle of the Iranian constitution that the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is obliged to use all its facilities for the following matters in order to achieve the goals mentioned in the second principle: Creating a favorable environment for the growth of moral virtues based on faith, piety and struggle With all the manifestations of corruption and destruction.

The principle of the rule of law In general:

 in the Islamic worldview, the lack of law is equal to chaos and confusion in all matters. Basically, what has caused the divine law and heavenly legislation to prevail is the nature of human discord.Whistling  Exposing the corruption of government officials is excluded from the rule of preserving the sanctity of the believer. Because, if the actions of the government agent cause damage to the Muslim treasury or damage to Islamic culture, it is certainly an example of corruption and oppression, and the perpetrator will not be respected, and the obligation to protect his reputation is meaningless. The aforementioned claim will be used by many evidences in the Alavi government. For example, since the priority of His Holiness' government was the fight against economic corruption, he forbade those who were aristocracy and luxury by writing names with a tone of reproach and threat, in a way that would be recorded in history. they did An example of that is Hazrat Ali's letter to Uthman bin Hanif, who had participated in a party of rich and luxurious aristocrats, and Hazrat Ali strongly condemned his actions as an agent of the Islamic government. It is noteworthy that Hazrat did not limit himself to verbal and verbal reminders, but wrote to him in order to register in the public mind and spread the positions of the Alavi government at the community level.

Promoting ethics:

 Islamic economy is founded as a moral economy from the beginning. Islam wants people to consider even economic activities and providing material needs as a means of achieving human perfection. Therefore, the fulfillment of financial obligations such as paying khums and zakat is conditioned by the intention of closeness, which leads to the moral and spiritual excellence of man. The meaning of ethics here is not only physical virtues and vices, but the actions resulting from them are also in the realm of our analysis. According to Shahid Motahari, the ethics of science is how to live, how to be and how to die. How to live includes behavior and possessions; That is, how a person should behave, and how to possess properties in order to spiritually have a valuable and sacred nature and reality.

Transparency:

 In this context, in the economic culture of Islam, we can talk about the "general principle of transparency". In the 50th letter of Nahj ol-Balagheh, Imam Ali says, except for one exception, which is indeed "military secrets", all other matters must come to the knowledge of the members of the Islamic society, and this is the "right" of the citizens.

 This research with an anthropological philosophical basis was based on the belief that human beings are prone to slip and make mistakes by nature. Human institutions are also not exempt from this principle, and the main institution - which is the government institution - as much as it has the greatest capacity to create prosperity, it also has the greatest capacity to create corruption because it dominates public resources. Besides, human historical experience has shown that governments have always been involved in corruption. In this regard, every school that has normative frameworks for regulating human relations, Ali al-Qaeda also pays attention to the issue of eliminating corruption - in the individual and collective spheres. The revelation school of Islam, which is the leader of all human and divine schools, has definitely designed foundations and principles for anti-corruption in its economic culture. In this research, fundamentals and principles such as the rule of law, media publicity and whistle-blowing, promotion of ethics, elimination of exceptions, and the principle of transparency were examined from the perspective of contemporary theory, and the Islamic approach to it was also researched. Of course, the scope of the research was limited to mechanisms that had a corresponding facet in Islamic civilization, for example, e-government was not addressed because, firstly, it could be proposed under the principle of transparency, and secondly, it is a completely modern subject and has no counterpart in Islamic literature. The findings of the research showed that the rich and fruitful Islamic revelation literature has extensive guidelines for fighting corruption, which can be used to clean the Islamic government and society from this evil.

Revolutions have always been in danger of "restoration". This issue has also been raised about the Iranian revolution. From the very beginning days of the victory of the revolution, the monarchists had created an organization abroad with the desire to return the monarchy and started their conspiracies and crimes against the Iranian nation and the Islamic revolution. The royalists and their supporters, with the help of Western governments and some of their politicians, with the tactics of media diplomacy, and to overcome the discourse of the revolution, through the launch of dozens of sites and satellite networks and the cooperation of television channels, such as ManoTo, tried to revive the monarchy project.  But the project of restoring the Sultanate has not only been unsuccessful so far, but sociological evidence (such as the hashtag "you are my lawyer") has also shown that it will not be successful in the future either. In this regard, this research will address the main question of why the media diplomacy tactic has failed in the West's soft war against the Islamic Republic.

The theoretical framework of the article is based on the investigation of the evolution in political culture. Political culture has been defined as follows: patterns of orientation towards political issues, such as parties, courts, the constitution and the history of the state. Orientation means having talent and readiness for political action, which factors such as tradition, historical memories, motivations, norms, feelings, emotions and symbols determine these actions. Orientations can be divided into different types: cognitive orientations, which consist of knowledge and awareness of political issues; emotional orientations, that is, emotions and feelings about political issues; and value orientations, meaning judgments about political issues.The research on political culture evaluates four criteria: (1) How much does a person know about the nation, the political system in its general sense, history, size and position, power, the characteristics of the constitution and things like these What are the characteristics ofhis emotions What are his more or less noticed beliefs and judgments about them (2) What knowledge does he have about the constructions and roles of different political elites and the proposed political policies that exist in the emerging policy-making process What are his feelings and beliefs about these constructions, leaders and proposed political policies (3) What knowledge does it have about the downstream flow of policy implementation, structures, people, and decisions involved in these processes What are his feelings and beliefs about them (4) How does he identify himself as a member of the political system What does it know about the rights, powers, obligations and strategies related to access to the point of influenceDiscuss:Iran's political culture before the revolution was authoritarian, which was rooted in the patrimonial power structure. The Islamic revolution caused a change in the political culture. The most important factors that caused the transformation in Iran's political culture after the revolution are: the change in the power structure from the monarchy to the republic; the number of elected positions (representatives of parliament, leadership experts, presidency, city council, and the like); Holding multiple elections (once a year on average); the growth of civil parties and institutions; The formation of the public sphere that has enabled dialogue between citizens and elites (especially with the emergence of social networks that have provided a good technological tool for criticism and dialogue). Therefore, with the change in the political culture of Iranian society, the possibility of returning and restoring the monarchy has been lost forever. Therefore, the media actions of royalists for the project of reviving the monarchy could not be successful in principle due to the change of social contexts. Therefore, actions such as media campaigns; Campaign no to mandatory hijab; And the I advocate hashtag basically failed. The media war to overcome the discourse of the Islamic revolution could not be successful, because the political culture of the society was no longer receptive to the monarchy.

Political culture determines the emotional-cognitive basis of how citizens relate to the government. The authoritarian culture of the Pahlavi era, which was the legacy of long centuries of oppressive monarchies in Iran, had created a vertical and authoritarian power structure that did not allow the society to act and participate in politics. This construction of power followed politics in a closed circle and basically promoted a limited political culture. The Islamic revolution changed the political culture of Iran. With the transformation in the political culture, the possibility of reviving the monarchy was lost forever. For this reason, the project of reviving the monarchy, which was followed by the tactic of media diplomacy, could not be successful, because basically the social platforms are no longer receptive to the monarchy and the construction of authoritarian power.

Citizenship rights are an important and influential issue in the contemporary world, which has different dimensions. In this context, the laws of the countries on the one hand and international documents in the form of human rights issues on the other hand, try to regulate the rights and needs of people in different societies without considering ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic considerations. give In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, although it is not explicitly mentioned under the title of citizenship rights, there are clear signs of recognition of the nation's rights, including the right to freedom of speech, assembly, participation, and the right to self-determination, equality, and justice. Covers In addition, in the opinions of the founder of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, various aspects of citizenship rights have been proposed based on religious and jurisprudential attitudes, which require a detailed explanation and recognition in the light of contemporary developments and conditions. Considering the importance of the nation's rights in the eyes of Imam Khomeini (RA) and internal laws, including the constitution, the discussion of citizenship rights or the nation's rights is an obvious necessity for the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in different periods, including the fourth period of the Islamic Revolution. In the present research, the aim is that citizenship rights, in addition to requiring changes in the light of time changes and along with political and social requirements, require adherence to fundamental principles that can protect the rights of citizens in any situation, without ethnic considerations. , support linguistic, sexual, racial or extra-legal matters. Therefore, one of the requirements of citizenship rights is to rely on principles and rules that provide the ability to transform into inclusive, comprehensive and at the same time diverse laws for pluralistic societies such as Iran. From another point of view, it should be said that the analysis of the state of citizenship rights in the fourth decade of the Islamic Revolution can make it possible for policy makers and educational, legal, legal and media practitioners to provide conditions to shed light on previous weaknesses. , the damages related to the realization of citizenship rights should be removed and the ground should be provided for possible revisions in future decisions and plans. In addition, what is mentioned today under the title of "public good" is beyond the various dimensions of citizenship rights, which can be considered as a framework for identifying examples of citizenship rights and their plan for the fourth decade of the Islamic Revolution.Research background Ramezanipour and Ismaili (2019) in the article "The position of citizenship rights in the political style of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei, focusing on the three components of the right to freedom of speech and opinion, the right to participate in determining one's destiny, and the right to party and organize They concluded that the view and action of Imam Khomeini (RA) is a value view based on freedom of thought and action. Also, Ayatollah Khamenei has considered civilization to be impossible without freedom of thought. The discussion of maximum participation in practice has been emphasized by both cases. Afshar Ahmadi et al.'s article (2017) entitled "Individual rights of citizenship in the Islamic Republic of Iran with the jurisprudential approach of Imam Khomeini (RA)" has stated that individual human rights including the right to self, recognition and realizing the true position of the individual as Ashraf al-Kharqat, and also by referring to verses and traditions, recognizes the rights and property of citizens in the society as the foundation of the system of citizenship rights in his jurisprudence. Ansari and Nazari (2014) in the article "Basics and principles of citizenship rights in the thought of Imam Khomeini (pbuh) and its differences with citizenship rights in the West" pointed out some differences that are specific in the opinions of Imam Khomeini (pbuh) Achieving basic freedoms by considering the right to good and forbidding evil as a universal duty (extreme freedom), active and effective participation of women (against extreme feminism), paying attention to the rights of ethnic, racial and religious minorities. Oppression of minorities in the West) and attention to virtue-based citizenship training (against superficial citizenship in the West only for participation) are mentioned. Mousavi Bejnvardi and Mehrizi Thani (2013) in the article "Citizenship Rights from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (PBUH)" stated that the theoretical approach of Imam Khomeini (PBUH) is based on the rights of the Ummah. His vision is based on rights-oriented and giving importance to citizenship rights including freedom, justice and security and the rights derived from them. Therefore, creating a discourse around their opinions is one of the main foundations of citizenship rights in the Islamic system.

Descriptive and analytical methods and library tools are used in this article. The theoretical framework of the article is also in line with the topic of the current discussion, public good.

Analytical framework of the public good, referring to the requirements of citizenship rights for the fourth decade of the Islamic Revolution, shows that Imam Khomeini's opinions also pay attention to the elements of freedom of expression, political participation, the right to self-determination, expression of opinions and beliefs within the framework of the law, and protection of privacy. It has paid attention to the privacy of individuals as well as the responsibility of citizens towards building society. Therefore, it should be said that rights and obligations are inseparable elements of citizenship rights, which need more clarification in the fourth decade of the revolution. However, inferring from the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) and in the light of the principle of public good, it should be said that the establishment of a national institution of citizenship rights by using the role of customs in determining the examples of citizenship rights and re-reading the principles and foundations of citizenship rights based on the constitution and principles 24 to 26 of the Constitution or the principle of the nation's sovereignty, etc., will be the ways to present a model of Islamic citizenship. In fact, the "rights of the nation" should be considered the heart of the constitution and should be considered even in possible changes to the constitution and other laws. The crystallization of these fundamental rights in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a clear sign of the manifestation of "dignity-based governance" and "righteous governance", the elements and requirements of which are expressed in the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) and require explanation and explanation based on his wishes. Changeable citizens.