مجله پژوهش های سیاست اسلامی
پیاپی 24 (پاییز و زمستان 1402)

One of the important concerns of political thinkers in the modern era is to explain the relationship and limits of the influence of moral principles in the scene of political action and to persuade rulers to comply with these principles in political decisions. This research tries to discover and present solutions for the institutionalization of moral rules in international politics by analyzing the content of the Qur'anic verses and the traditions of the innocents. The findings of the research show that epistemic, emotional and behavioral solutions have been used in Islam to institutionalize moral values. Calling to monotheism, mission, monotheism, raising awareness among nations, encouraging rationality, avoiding eclecticism and avoiding suspicion are the most important methods of knowledge, love and compassion, gentleness and appropriate violence and human dignity are considered the most important emotional methods and moral behavior in Society, cultural and social behaviors and political, economic and military behaviors are among the behavioral solutions for institutionalizing moral values among Muslim and non-Muslim nations. The result of the article suggests that, from the point of view of Islam, in addition to the necessity of aligning political goals with ethics and moral values in international relations, the means of implementing political goals should also be valuable and moral.

The subject of foreign policy can be found in the teachings of the Holy Quran; Therefore, what is followed in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran today can be measured by the verses of the Holy Quran. One of the most important categories in Islamic foreign policy is "negation of domination over others and not accepting the domination of others". This issue has been emphasized by Ayatollah Khamenei. The current research tries to answer this main question: To what extent do the negation of dominance and acceptance of dominance in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei and the Holy Quran correspond? The current research is based on the content analysis method. In this research, an attempt was made to examine all the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei, and the unit of analysis was "subject". To answer this question, after analyzing this principle in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei and collecting its categories and components, they were compared with the results obtained from the verses of the Holy Quran, and their similarities, differences and degree of correspondence were measured. Based on the findings of the research, the common categories that have been mentioned and analyzed in the analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements and the verses of the Holy Qur'an are: the mutual relationship between injustice and justice, the reason for fighting against the domination system, the way out of the domination system.

Positive freedom, by emphasizing reason as an aspect of the consistency of the higher dimension of human existence, is primarily exposed to cognition as a concept closely related to the principles of Islamic anthropology. Therefore, in addition to providing a comprehensive and accurate presentation of this concept, it is necessary to critique its basis based on an Islamic approach. In this article, based on a text-based interpretation, after presenting the concept of positive freedom, it is criticized and evaluated based on the Quranic principles of Allameh Tabatabai. In this sense, reason is the basic element that is necessary for human beings to attain freedom, and if they are at the center of the regulation of social life, it will enable human beings to enjoy freedom. This is if the basis of attaining freedom in the Holy Qur'an is the divine caliphate of man, which only with the rule of law in the field of social life, it is possible for man to enjoy freedom. Providing an independent understanding of man by relying on reason, as well as the lack of separation of reason in the position of proof and proof are among the factors that cause this concept to deviate from the truth of freedom. Philosophers who believe in positive freedom by emphasizing reason are shaping a human being independent of God Almighty. This is in the case that man's attribution of freedom is basically rooted in his divine caliphate. Therefore, human freedom is due to the fact that he has the right to rule and exercise his will secondarily, and not independently. As a result, the development of an independent understanding of human beings means distancing oneself from the real basis that prepares freedom for human beings. The Holy Qur'an also explicitly outlines the agents and obstacles to freedom by designing the element of "truth" as the circuit of freedom. Therefore, any factor that seeks to plan, establish and maintain the rule of law over society is an agent of freedom, and any factor that seeks to oppose the right and damage its rule is considered an obstacle to freedom. Hence, religion, government based on the axis of innocence and popular control can be proposed as agents of freedom and the devil, tyranny and the public and dissidents as the main obstacles to freedom.

Since the occurrence of political-military developments in the region, especially in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been studied from various perspectives. This research aims to investigate new dimensions of Iran's presence in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq and the role of the axis of resistance in these developments by using Nedlibo's cultural theory and emphasizing the principle of dignity. In this research, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is analyzed on the basis of prestige and the axis of resistance, and it is hypothesized that Richard Nedlibou's cultural theory, relying on concepts such as seeking honor and prestige, can reveal the neglected dimensions of Iran's foreign policy towards the axis of resistance. enlighten us The results of the research show that the historical past as well as Islamic and revolutionary teachings have caused the motivation of the spirit to be the basis of the foreign policy behavior of this country, and concepts such as "honor" and "self-respect" have shaped Iran's positions and behavior in the international arena. . The topics of this article analyze Iran's foreign policy towards the axis of resistance in a descriptive-analytical way.

Since the beginning of its formation, the Islamic Republic of Iran system has been the target of various threats from its enemies due to the logic of confronting the domination system. Therefore, the main question is, what are the strategies and solutions for strengthening the internal power of the Islamic Republic in the socio-cultural field based on situational assessment in the 1990s? Therefore, the purpose of the research is to measure the strength of the internal structure of the system's power in the cultural and social sphere in the period of the 1990s and formulate strategies and strategies for strengthening based on the findings of the situation. Using the operational method of discourse analysis, the authors first calculated the socio-cultural components of measuring the strength of the internal structure of power from the statements of the Supreme Leader and then analyzed the status of the strength of the system's power structure in the socio-cultural dimension during the nineties and in Finally, based on the SWAT method, they determined the position of the system in the four strategic spaces. The findings show that the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this period of time, in the socio-cultural dimension, on the one hand, faced more threats than opportunities, and on the other hand, it had more weaknesses than strengths; Based on this, it is necessary to formulate and implement defensive strategies. Therefore, based on the most important weaknesses and threats, strategies for strengthening the internal construction of power in the cultural and social sphere were formulated and proposed solutions were presented for their realization.

The problem of the current article is to explain the relationship between the two fundamental concepts of power and security, along with its application to the developments of contemporary Iran in two time dimensions before and after the Islamic Revolution, in order to determine the geometry of their evolution. Power and security have at least four cause and effect relationships, means and goals, sometimes synergistic and sometimes negative; Using a native and Quranic framework, the author categorized the ratio of power and security in Iran in five levels (passive power, defensive power, deterrent power, counter-strike power, first link power) in a process and by means of documentation and implication. , has analyzed and explained. The occupation of Iran in the twenties, the seizing and looting of Iranian oil tankers in the thirties, Iran's military dependence on the United States in the forties, and the separation of Bahrain from Iran in the fifties are some of the historical cases that were examined before the revolution and show the power Iran is passive at that time. The sacred defense, the production of Shahab 3 missiles and..., the attack on the American base in Ain al-Assad, and..., the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's fatwa regarding the initial jihad, if expediency requires it, in the period after the revolution have been invoked. The findings of the article show that with the passage of time, the power and as a result of the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran has increased and it has turned from a passive power to the power of the first link.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

During the time of Seyyed Jamal, Islamic countries were backward due to colonialism and tyranny. By studying the Islamic world, he identified the causes of backwardness on two internal levels (tyranny, distortion of religion, lack of social solidarity, superstitions and ignorance, separation of religion from politics, dependence on the West) and foreign (colonialism) and has also presented solutions to overcome these challenges in two dimensions (theoretical and practical), the present article is based on the model of Spriggan's crisis theory (examination of the current and desired situation, identification of the causes of the problem and presenting the solution) examined Seyyed Jamal's solutions to overcome this challenge and finally for the theoretical work of Seyyed Jamal's political thought: fighting the autocracy of autocrats, equipping with science and technology, returning to the first Islam, The unity of Muslims, instilling the spirit of jihad and fighting in the body of the Islamic society, fighting self-defeat against the West, the participation and solidarity of the people and for a practical solution: dealing with the court to fight tyranny, informing the people and popularizing the process of tyranny, training forces. Young people and institutionalizing anti-authoritarian thinking in them, informing the scholars of Balad about the situation in Iran and uniting them to confront the tyranny, has extracted the illegitimacy of the authoritarian government.

Researches on the subject of "governance" are expanding in the scientific space, but this subject has not yet found a clear literature. For this reason, this research tries to approach some important aspects of governance in its new meaning, so as to firstly create a correct understanding of them, and secondly, to clarify the relationship of the Islamic Republic of Iran with those aspects to some extent. The main question of this research is as follows: What challenges and opportunities do the fundamental features of the new governance create for the Islamic Republic system? Due to the scope of the aspects of governance, this research will only clarify the relationship of governance in the new sense with authority and democracy as two important aspects that have the most contact with the current political system of Iran, so that with a degree of self-awareness, we can understand governance in the field of political and Social life. This research has shown through analytical-descriptive method and with the help of reliable library documents and by introducing three rationalities as three types of governance that governance in the new sense is compatible with the third rationality. The findings of this research show that governance based on the third rationality challenges and opportunities such as greater participation of people in decision-making, increased productivity in the implementation of policies, increased socio-political legitimacy, lack of attention to Threats in the field of culture and fixed religious values create a severe limitation in policy-making related to transcendental values.

Today, the representation of protests in the media is one of the tools to influence public opinion in sensitive social and political situations. One of these examples is the unrest that took place in the protests of September and October 2022 in Iran. The present research seeks to investigate the representation of the 2022 unrest in Iran on the Persian television network. This research has analyzed BBC Persian TV programs between September 16 and October 10 using thematic analysis method. Among the relevant programs, the 60-minute analytical news program, the program in other words, the page 2 program, the Blue Crystal program, and the special program of Pargar of BBC Persian network, were selected by purposeful sampling and analyzed by thematic analysis method. The BBC has presented the unrest of 1401 in Iran as genuine, ideological, nationwide and purposeful protests .Focusing on the ethnic divide, exploiting the protests of border towns, proposing the proposition that the Islamic Republic of Iran is against women, the dissatisfaction of all classes and all age groups from children to the elderly with the aim of overthrowing the Islamic Republic of Iran are among the most frequent categories extracted in the news of this media. According to the findings of the research, BBC Persian TV has tried to direct the protests towards riots and riots by using the mentioned techniques.