نشریه رهپویه هنرهای صناعی
سال دوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 6، زمستان 1401)

With the collapse of the Qajar Dynasty, the intellectuals who couldn’t reach their aims and ideals which had come up by the Constitutional Revolution did whatever they could to empower Rezakhan to become the king of Iran because they believed that the aims of the Constitutional Revolution would only be achieved by the support of a powerful government. So, in the first Pahlavi era, Rezashah’s general politics used to reach his and some of the intellectuals’ aims, led to some stream of thoughts widespread in the country, especially among the Iranian people. Under the influence of these developments, Miniature, which had long been in decline, experienced a revival, leading to a surge in miniaturists working to rejuvenate this traditional art form. However, during the first Pahlavi era, these miniature artists frequently replicated the artistic works of earlier miniaturists, particularly those of Reza Abbasi. Since the Second Pahlavi period, they could have their style of painting. These changes in the artists’ attitude in creating their works of art happened under the influence of some cultural evolutions that took place during the first and second Pahlavi eras, leading to some fundamental changes, as in artistic teaching methods. Sanaye-Ghadimeh school was established by Hossein Taherzadeh Behzad in 1309, as a consequence of that. This school aimed at rejuvenating and reviving Miniature art, led to the emergence of a new style of miniature painting under the guidance of Hadi Tajvidi. He trained many miniaturists, such as Ali Karimi, Hossein Behzad, and Ali Moti who became the most famous contemporary miniatures in the second Pahlavi period. Now the question is, which cultural factors provided the ground for the miniatures to find their style of painting? This article examines the factors that contributed to the continuity and development of the first Pahlavi era’s miniaturists’ works in the Second Pahlavi period, with a focus on understanding the cultural atmosphere of both eras. So, this research gives some information about the institutes founded during these periods, especially during the second one, which led to the formation of these cultural and artistic evolutions. Besides, this article studies the expositions held during the Second Pahlavi era in foreign countries, which played a crucial role in the miniaturists’ artistic lives to help them find their way and develop their style of painting.

Discovering the mysterious world of the symbolic art of flowers and birds (Gol-o-Morq) is not easily possible except by referring to the mystical texts of talented and influential mystics. The Artist visualizes these interpretations as suspended images and expresses them as engravings. In these texts, we see that many words, far from their apparent meaning, have a hidden meaning, among which we can refer to the works of Ezzoddin Moghaddasi, a mystic of the 7th century Hijri. The conversation between flowers, birds, and animals is written in three parts. It starts with thanking and praising God Almighty and then asks people to pay attention to all the creatures of the universe with insight because each expresses their secrets. The main research question is to what extent this treatise has been influential in Persian literature in the dimension of mystical symbolism of Flowers and nightingales. And to what extent has it influenced the use of these symbols in the art of flowers and chickens? This research analyzes the treatise’s text, its semantic compatibility with Persian literature, and its influence on Iranian flower and bird art. Therefore, the dominant approach of this study is comparative research. The results clearly show a high correspondence between our holy view of the rose, jasmine, and nightingale and the view of Iranian mystical literature in this direction. Undoubtedly, mystical and lyrical literature has also inspired painters for the formation of flower and bird art from the Safavid period onwards. However, regarding the other flowers examined, Ezzoddin’s symbolism does not conform to the symbolic view of Iranian poets and mystics. Of the 11 cases studied, complete compliance was observed in only two—specifically, the rose and nightingale, central to Iranian flower and bird art.

The art of the Qajar period has received deep influences in the face of various cultural, political, and social currents. By the beginning of the reign of Feth-Ali Shah, a new style called “Court portrait painting” entered the field of Iranian painting. In this style, people enter the picture contractually without any resemblance. Although portraiture is borrowed from European naturalistic elements, it has preserved the traditional method of idealizing reality. At first glance, this style seems to be only a court order, but the main issue is the artist’s indisputable obedience to the conditions and wishes of his patron. These conditions have a direct relationship with social conditions and events. Fath-Ali Shah’s preference for symbolic and surreal paintings of himself unlike other Qajar kings, has sparked curiosity into the reasons behind this choice and its psychological and social impacts. This has resulted in both a formal analysis of the paintings and an exploration of the related effects. The content and meanings hidden in them should also be read and examined. Therefore, to achieve this goal, iconological criticism of portraits based on the theories of “Jacques Lacan”(imaginary order, symbolic order, real order, and political order) have been used to present a new analysis of this character and his pictures. The statistical population of this research includes five selected paintings of Fath Ali Shah. The research has been done by the descriptive-analytical method and by examining the books and works available in museums and libraries. The results of the findings show that the lack of realism and idealism of the portraits can be justified and analyzed according to Lacan’s definitions of the imaginary, symbolic, and real order to meet the psychological needs of the king.

In the 16th century in Iran, carpets with an altar design were produced, which became the source of inspiration for many artists in the 19th century in the city of Herke. Among these carpets is the Mahfouz carpet in the Tehran Carpet Museum, which is a source of inspiration for all artists. In terms of visual and verbal symptoms, the reproduced carpet in Hereke is slightly different from the one in the Carpet Museum. Given that the rugs primarily feature Quranic verses and hadiths, and noting that the two rugs were created in distinct times and locations with evident variations in religion and culture, this study aims to explore how religious disparities between the two eras manifest in the carpet’s design. It also seeks to elucidate the rationale behind these differences. Hence the research aims to find the effect of religious discourse on the reading of Iranian and Hereke altar carpets. The research was conducted using a descriptive comparative method. Information was gathered through library research, and two carpet samples were chosen on a case-by-case basis. It was noted that one of the carpets appeared to be a reproduction of the other and were compared accordingly.From the comparison of the two carpets, it was concluded that the carpet woven in Iran refers to Shiism in terms of visual and verbal symptoms according to the popular religion in that period. In the carpet produced in Hereke, which was reproduced in the late Ottoman period, signs that have a direct reference to the Shiite and pre-Islamic religions are removed. The verbal text generally refers to Islam, and the visual text does not refer to any of the religions. Therefore, the Hereke carpet is not a pure imitation of the Safavid period carpet, but it has been read differently according to the religion and culture prevalent in that period. According to the form and ideology of the Safavid carpet, the structure of the carpet shows the visual texts used in the carpet with an implicit expression of the coexistence of the Shia text along with a text from ancient Iran. In every Mihrabi carpet and many other works of art, considering that it mostly represents a return to the Ottoman era and is not in the service of the Khadi religion, the Shiite signs are removed; Also, considering that it is woven in a different culture, there is less reference to Iranian religions before Islam in the carpet. The reproduced carpet only expresses Islamic thought and does not refer to any particular religion. In reproduction, the carpet has found a different identity, and although the structure of both carpets is the same, the narrative of the thoughts is not the same.

The way Fereydoun sits on the throne, or sitting royally, shows his special and even extraterrestrial position. The characteristics of the king's throne, the clothes and tools that he wears, as well as the position and composition of his drawing, can all be a sign of the sensitivity that the painter has towards the first person of the story centered on Fereydoun. This research has been done with the aim of identifying and classifying the way Fereydoun sits in the pictures of the Shahnameh of Shah-Thamasbi in the composition of the mentioned pictures and to identify and identify the pictorial features resulting from these elements in the pictures. In order to achieve the results of the main question of this article, it has been compiled as follows: 1- What visual characteristics does Fereydoun's position and sitting position on the king's throne have? In this research, the linear analysis of the king, the throne, the scepter, and the placement of the king in the composition of the painting have been discussed, and after the description and analysis of the data, the researchers have come to the conclusion that out of the nine paintings examined, the type of sitting of Fereydoun on the royal throne It is meaningful and corresponds to the content of the text (the unique character of Fereydoun in the Shahnameh). Generally and specifically, the king's throne is divided into two important categories: two-part and three-part thrones. Also, in most paintings, the figures of the king have crowns and luxurious clothes, and in the hands of Fereydon or his assistants, a cow-headed mace is seen, which is a symbol of his kingship. The composition of Fereydon's placement in the painting also attracts attention and has a central state. All of these cases show the lofty, important position and have the divine meaning.After describing and expressing the pictures, from the data of the previous sections, the three main keywords of this article can be respectively; He examined the throne, the body of the king and its composition:After examining the images, it can be concluded that we are facing two important categories of royal thrones, and all the examined thrones in these nine images are composed of the following components: 1. Sitting room 2. Support 3. Crown above the bed support 4. Platform under the bed 5. Chair 6. Roof above the bed or canopy.In the studies carried out on the pictures, Fereydoun is sitting on the throne, except for two pictures (lamentation over the death of Iraj, handing over the royal throne to Manouchehr) who is sitting on the ground. In the painting "Lamentation over the death of Iraj", Taj Fereydoun falls from his head due to the grief of the death of his child and is sitting while holding Iraj's head In the painting "Handing over the royal throne to Manouchehr", he is sitting on the carpet next to Manouchehr, which is a confirmation seal of Manouchehr being the king. At the beginning of his reign, Fereydon held the gauser mace in both hands. One of the most important identifying features of Fereydon is the cow-headed mace. in his hand, this mace is one of the symbols of Far Kiani, in the next eight images, the mace is in the hand of one of his attendants.

Children’s clothing during historical periods has rarely been studied. The most significant studies on the history of clothing focus on women’s and men’s clothing, as if avoiding mentioning the subtleties of children’s outfits. This study examines the clothing of aristocratic children of the Qajar dynasty during Naser al-Din Shah Qajar (‘Naseri’) era using illustrated historical records. This brings us to the research question, “What defined and explained the characteristics of aristocratic children’s clothing, as opposed to the adults clothing, during that period?” The research method is developmental research using library research methodology. Our statistical population consisted of twenty-one pictures, selected using stratified random sampling, including children’s clothing of boys and girls. This period was chosen because it offered photographic evidence supporting the study’s hypotheses based on written sources alone. Corresponding to a traditional classification of childhood stages, the children’s clothing in the Qajar period in Iran can be divided into three categories, infant clothing, preschooler clothing (for children under 6), and middle childhood clothing (for girls of 6–9 and boys of 6–15 years age). Infant clothing was unisex and consisted of a headscarf known as the lachak, a hat, a shirt, pants, a jacket, a bib, a headband, forearm wraps, a chest wrap, an abdomen wrap, and a swaddle blanket that came with a cover and a strap. These items were similar to adult garments in material, color, and pattern. Preschooler clothing for boys closely resembled men’s outfits in form and pattern, as well as other items: not only did both comprise a hat, a shirt, pants, a jacket (which came in two varieties: qaba and sardari/kamarchin), socks, and shoes, they also included accessories such as a crown or a crown-hat (for princes) and even a decorative dagger (for photo portraits). Male preschooler hats mimicked those of adult men, only less elaborate. In upper-class families, girls wore the same garments in the andaruni (the private quarters of Qajar homes) as adult women: a lachak, a shirt, a skirt, pants, a jacket known as the arkhalig or shapkin, and socks. The women of Naser al-Din Shah’s harem were the trendsetters for female preschoolers from royal and aristocratic families, who followed the suit, for instance, when the harem women adopted shorter skirts and left pants for leggings. Given that, the girls’ clothes emulated that of women in form. It was only natural for them to be similar in color, pattern, material, and even decoration. Floral-patterned chadors were the only andaruni garments that female preschoolers wore less commonly than middle childhood girls, who always wore chadors and niqabs over their clothes in public. As for boys’ headwear, hats were preferred to turbans for being easier to handle and looking more stylish. The results showed that during the Naseri era, the children’s clothing in the royal court followed adults’ clothing in form, pattern, color, gender, design, motifs, and ornaments, even for the children’s dolls’ clothing. Naturally, swaddle and its accessories were added to the usual adults’ outfits in infants’ clothing. Boys’ and girls’ clothing were from similar standard fabrics. No particular gender preference existed in the choice of fabrics. Boys’ and girls’ clothing in preschoolers almost followed the inner-house (andaruni) clothing of men and women, respectively. During middle childhood, boys’ clothing followed the same pattern. In girls’ clothing, feminine outfit pieces became official outer garments out of the house. In contrast, complementary inner-house clothing pieces were added to their wardrobes, and the decorative aspects of various inner-house clothes increased.