فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 60 (زمستان 1402)

China's rise in the world order has made discussions about the relationship of this government with the international order left by Bretton Woods and its future among China scholars and policy makers. One of the important aspects of this discussion is the explanation of China's approach to the global institutional order. While acknowledging China's dissatisfaction with international financial institutions and this country's efforts to gradually rebuild an alternative to this system, the establishment and operation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is in line with China's efforts, which can be considered within the framework of the institutional power. Based on this, this article aims to recognize the capacities of this bank in realizing China's institutional power in the international order by posing the question, what opportunities and challenges does this bank pose to China for the transfer of power in the international order? As a hypothesis, the article argues, the playing the role of this bank in the direction of advancing and strengthening China's institutional power can be analyzed in the light of identifying the capacities and challenges of this institution. , the research findings show that this bank, as one of the tools of institutional power, brings opportunities such as the internationalization of the yuan, the promotion of Asian values, and the introduction of China as a responsible great power for China., there are challenges such as the institutionalization of the Bretton Woods system, the challenges of playing the role of the yuan as a global currency, and the perception of a threat to China's economic rise.

Contemporary or new terrorism is one of the new phenomena that has caused various effects on human life in the 21st century. On the other hand, states are trying to reduce the scope of the negative effects of contemporary terrorism on human life by using defensive and offensive counterterrorist measures. The main goal of this research is to investigate the role of diplomacy in dealing with contemporary or new terrorism against the Islamic Republic of Iran. diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran is done by institutions such as the SHOAM(Supreme National Security Council), SHAAK(the National Security Council), VAJA(the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS)), the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, VACH(the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), etc... In this regard, the mainstream terrorism studies and the opinions of thinkers such as Wilkinson, Jackson, Kurtulus, Smelser & Mitchell, Hoffman, Rogers, etc. have been chosen as the theoretical framework of the current research in order to be able to answer the main question of research. Therefore, this research seeks to answer the main question, "What is the role of diplomacy in dealing with contemporary terrorism against the people and the state of Iran?" It presents the hypothesis that "by using diplomacy, the Islamic Republic of Iran can carry out 9 basic counterterrorist measures in dealing with contemporary terrorism:

Understandig power in the Islamic Republic of Iran is difficult both in terms of conceptual complexity and due to the multi-layered nature of the policy-making process. Looking at power as “resource” or “behavior” can help to understand it. In fact, this research seeks to answer the question that how can power in the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained on the “Power currency” concept? For answer the question, the characteristics of this new concept of power were analyzed and it was found that the power currency can be represented in three aspects of brilliance, benignity and beauty (3B), and each of them shows a part of the preciousness of power. The descriptive-analytical research method was used to collect data from library sources and documents. Based on this method, first, the concept of power currency was examined as a theoretical framework so that it can be applied to the power of the Islamic Republic of Iran by deducing the axes of this concept. The results of the research showed the power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 4 political, cultural-social, defense-military and economic dimensions (4) and components (19) and indicators (28) (power currency) can be explained in three aspects of brightness, benignity and beauty.

With the beginning of the Arab uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa region, the tension, competition, and conflict between the regional powers in this region also took an upward trend. Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most important regional powers in the Middle East, and the tension and competition between them reached its peak in the years after 2011. In fact, during the years 2011-2023, these two regional powers competed with each other in various regional arenas using economic, political, and military tools. The important point is that the rivalry between Tehran and Riyadh was not limited to the geographical borders of the Middle East, but the rivalry and tension between them spread beyond the region and to neighboring regions, including the Horn of Africa region. According to the above issue, the question of the current research is, what motives, causes, and factors have caused the activism of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Horn of Africa and provided the ground for the transfer of their competition to this strategic region? Using the Descriptive-Analytical method, the authors examined the hypothesis that Iran and Saudi Arabia competed in the Horn of Africa due to the strategic nature of the Horn of Africa region, the developing economy, and the existence of insecurity and power vacuum in it, and to gain some kind of dignity and prestige.

China's role as a mediator between Saudi Arabia and Iran was surprising to many observers, because until recently, Beijing avoided from interference in prominent events on the world stage. China would prefer not to assume the responsibility of controlling threats to stability and give the UN an observer role in global events. Chinese mediation was new and clear evidence that Beijing has turned from Deng Xiaoping's principle of staying in the background diplomacy to the more active diplomacy of a great power. The aim of the current research is to investigate the role of China in mediating between Iran and Saudi Arabia based on Simon's decision-making theory related to risk management. Therefore, the basis of the questions of the current research is that why did Iran and Saudi Arabia choose China as a trusted and effective mediator? In response, this hypothesis is proposed that China's advantage for Iran and Saudi Arabia lies in its diplomatic paradigm, which includes avoiding taking one side and trying to bring both sides closer to each other, ability to take advantage of China's growing geo-economic influence and this country refrains from using force in regional affairs. The aim of this approach is to provide a new method for China's participation in regional peace affairs.The results of the research indicate that the success of China's mediation can be attributed to Beijing's diplomatic approach of non-commitment and non-intervention, which is based on China's neutral image between Iran and Saudi Arabia and its long-term accumulation of economic ties.

In all of battles and wars, especially wars of will and determination, early understanding the enemy's intentions, plans and maps is an important factor in victory. Knowing the general plan or understanding the intentions of the enemy requires model and framework; In this article, by descriptive and analytical method and using documentary and library sources, the Sentos model is presented to understand the strategic intentions of the United States against Iran. Almost after Gary Hamel, most of the literature for understanding strategic intentions, especially with adverserial approach, belongs to Eugene Sentos. The components of the Santos intentions model to terms of comprehensiveness and depth are superior than other models in, especially for strategic levels. The components of her model include "Iran's fundamental beliefs and assumptions about itself", "Iran's beliefs about the United States", "Iran's basic goals toward the United States", and "Iran's basic actions toward the United States". His model is more valuable than his findings about Iran. Understanding strategic intentions have shifted from person-centered to intent fusion systems, this systems connect to a variety of behavioral sensors in the air (satellite, aircraft, and UAV), land, sea, and political, Social, economic, industrial and infrastructure networks and this systems with the help of knowledge bases, artificial intelligence and software systems are on the verge of accessing big data, meta-analyzes and social knowledge are more real. The IRI and its institutions must logically and systematically design models and processes for understanding the strategic intentions of the enemies in their structure and contexts.

is not possible to understand the nature of structural changes and the transformation of the political economy of the Middle East and North Africa without understanding the current of modernization and neoliberal policies in this region. The evidence is that the output of neoliberal policies in the region is the collapse of models of capital accumulation in an unbalanced way, the formation of The new class and the emergence of capitalism is a greenhouse inside, which has had no result except the expansion of inequalities, ecological crises, exploitation of women, increase in informal work and class gap, rising debt and food crisisThe present article, with descriptive and analytical method, aims to answer the main question that neoliberalism and its goals and indicators in the Middle East have had an effect on the nature of the political economy of the region and the formation of new classes for the benefit of the existing governments. The hypothesis is that the application of neoliberal policies as a strongly government-oriented project will cause the internationalization of capital in favor of authoritarian governments as regular managers of capitalism inside, the formation of emigrant capitalism and global capitalism, structural adjustment.

The concept of the geopolitical code was originally expressed by Gaddis (1982) in his analysis of post-war security policy in the United States. However, Taylor and Flint have been the main contributors to the development and strengthening of this idea in the geopolitical literature. Geopolitical code is defined as the operating code of a government’s foreign policy that evaluates places beyond its boundaries. ‘It is a set of strategic assumptions that a government makes about other states in forming its foreign policy. The geography of transportation is to study the geographical areas in which transportation is done and includes water-based and land-based strips as the main routes; furthermore, ports are the connection between these two geographical areas. Ports, as geoeconomic components, because they are at the heart of global trade, are clearly an issue in the geography of transportation. In such a way these effective components play an important role in the geography of transportation, in important and key crossings, shipping control points, and global corridors. In the twentieth century, the key role of geographical spaces in the competition of world powers had attracted the attention of geopolitical thinkers to transportation technology.

The end of the Cold War and then the September 11 attacks on the United States can be considered the most important milestones that affected the international order in the 21st century. The event of September 11 caused the United States to adopt an aggressive and interventionist approach with the aim of establishing a new international order. A more serious presence in the West Asian region, laying the foundation for the creation of terrorist groups such as ISIS and its expansion in some countries of the Middle East and West Asia has been one of the most important efforts of the United States of America to expand and consolidate its position in the strategic and tense region of the Middle East.. After the fall and defeat of ISIS in the region, as well as Donald Trump's approach towards regional allies, the withdrawal of part of the United States of America forces from the Middle East, the decline of this country's power in the region and the world, and the emergence of new regional powers that the international system is The transition is towards multilateralism and without a doubt, in addition to the expansion of great powers such as Russia and China, the future international order will witness the emergence of regional and extra-regional powers such as Iran, Turkey, India and other emerging powers.. Based on this, in this research, we are looking for an answer to the question, what will the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran be in the future of regional and international order? In response to this question and with a descriptive and analytical approach, the hypothesis is proposed that the Islamic Republic of Iran as an emerging regional power in many fields and relying on its political, identity, discourse-making, military and security capacities and capabilities has been able to play a role as an important actor in regional equations.

The United States of America has long been the primary actor in shaping international cyber law norms and global cyberspace governance frameworks, actively engaging in this domain for nearly two decades. However, China's emergence as a key player in the cyber and technology realm has significantly changed the international landscape in recent years. Consequently, America's influence in this sphere appears to be challenged, and its discourse on cyberspace governance is seemingly declining. This profound investigation seeks to elucidate the far-reaching repercussions of the United States' waning assertive power within the intricate tapestry of international law, juxtaposed against the meteoric rise of China's global influence, on the complicated dynamics of global cyber-geopolitics and the evolving paradigm of internet governance. Therefore, This research delves into the factors contributing to the erosion of US cyber power, including the decline of trust and credibility, policy shifts, and challenges in norm creation and enforcement. To this end, a descriptive-analytical approach examines China's growing influence in international cyber law. This entails a comprehensive analysis of its expanding cyber capabilities (espionage, offensive operations, technological advancements), diplomatic assertiveness in shaping global cyber governance frameworks and promoting alternative, state-centric norms aligned with the Communist Party's vision. Our analysis reveals that China's burgeoning cyber capabilities position it as a formidable competitor to the United States. Additionally, its diplomatic assertiveness enables China to advocate for alternative norms and establish itself as a proponent of national independence in cyberspace governance.