نشریه مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی
پیاپی 34 (بهار و تابستان 1403)

Central Asia, despite its proximity to the nomadic world and issues related to the interaction and confrontation between them, In the first Islamic millennium, it was one of the most influential centers in the Islamic world. What is meant by influential is that, in addition to being attractive enough to call Muslim intellectuals and elites, it has also been a pioneer in laying the groundwork for the emergence of indigenous forces. This dynamism is rooted in many factors, including the distinct cultural heritage that this region has been connected to through its geographical location and a network of active roads. Entering the new historical era showed stable developements in communication networks and channels of cultural interactions in this land. Although the scope of these changes was not only regional, but due to the special geography of Central Asia and parallel developments in it, all its fields (including political, economic and cultural subjects) underwent extensive changes.Research question: The coincidence of the above intertwined changes with the transformation of the Silk Road networks has led researchers to a theoretical duality in analyzing the direction of their change; In the sense that majority of them with a decadent view and with the hypothesis of "decline" have raised the issue that the Silk Road has declined in recent centuries due to the strengthening of the coastal system as a powerful competitor and since the material and spiritual development of Central Asia depended on the prosperity of this ancient road, with the decline of this highway, this land (which has no direct connection with the coastal system) is on the verge of widespread decline and backwardness. Despite the popularity of this view, a minority of recent scholars have challenged the theory of the decline of the Silk Road and gone out of their way to deny the decline of the region as a result. The important point in the opinions of both groups of researchers is the acceptance of a causal relationship between the condition of the Silk Road and conditions of the region; That is, assuming the degeneration or continuation of the glory, the status and location of the Silk Road is the cause. The problem of this article is related to this scientific differnce, but due to the belonginig of Central Asia’s to the Islamic world and its dynamic role in this cultural geography, the scope of research has become more limited and examines the relationship between the Silk Road and the cultural situation of the region only from the perspective of the Islamic world. Therefore, the main question is, what effect did the changes of the Silk Road have on the cultural position of Central Asia in the Islamic world? 

Research hypothesis: 

For better understanding of research structure we should pay attention to different layers of the Islamic world. As we know, this cultural geography consists of a central core and peripheral areas and the cultural status of each is different. Another important point is the geographical location of Central Asia as a link between the center of the Muslim world and large parts of the Islamic peripheries. Considering all these issues, our hypothesis is that "With the evolution of the Silk Road, the cultural evolution between Central Asia and the central world of Islam began to decline and this relationship with Islamic peripheries became progressive and with a positive balance".

Since this article is a historical and trend study, the method of historical analysis will be used, but at the same time we will have a glimpse of the theory of social change by Steven Vago to separate the components of changes such as identity, direction, levels, factors and their periods and finally create a better understanding of their overall atmosphere.

With the entry to the modern centuries and the developements of road networks, regional socio-political developements changed the previous trend. With the emergence of a network of powerful land routes on the northern branch of silk road, with the extensive support of the Russians and at the same time Muslims eager to engage with Central Asia (which had been excluded from the southern branch), intra-religious relations with fellow Muslims of the Islamic world entered a new world. This residual Islamic legacy was attractive to Russian Muslims.

The result we obtained was that the development of the Silk Road, along with the extensive social and political changes, caused a decrease in the cultural flow and dynamic relations with the central world of Islam and at the same time, other neighbors of the Central Asian Muslims in the surrounding Islamic world, due to the formation of new communication networks, the interaction with their countrymen has become more intense and has formed a new form of cultural relations with Central Asia. This whole historical process is as follows from the language of Vago's theory: In the new centuries, the former functional identities changed at the regional and extra-regional levels, and with the skill of the Muslim political powers and colonists, led to a change in the direction of the previous cultural flow. Therefore, if we look at the developements from the perspective of the center of the Islamic world, we will follow the hypothesis of cultural decline in the region, but if we look at the world around Islam, we will find efforts that will confirm the hypothesis of those who say about the continuity of cultural glory.

The years 1919 to 1929 in Afghanistan witnessed a clash between deep-rooted traditions and the alluring, yet disturbing forces of modernity. The developments that took place in the West under the name of modernity in different areas of the life left significant consequences on other parts of the world and Afghanistan was also affected by the scope of these waves in different periods. The deep roots of traditions in Afghanistan and the senselessness of new developments have led to the confrontation of modern values ​​with long-standing and deep-rooted traditions in the uneven cultural context of Afghan society. The penetration of modernity into Afghanistan, which took place through political and cultural elites, commercial and cultural exchange with the West, brought complex and numerous consequences. In a country with a rich cultural background and deep-rooted traditions, this confrontation has been accompanied by challenges and contradictions that have manifested in various political, social, economic and cultural fields.The central values ​​of modernity, such as rationality, individualism, secularism are against the traditional values ​​of the Afghan society, traditions based on religion, ethnicity, collectivism and obedience to hierarchical structures. This conflict has led to tensions and resistances against the developments of modernity, especially among the religious and traditional strata of the society.

Research question: 

What are the results of the dialectic of tradition and modernity in Afghanistan's political thought and what currents have emerged around it?Research hypothesis: The introduction and implementation of modern political thought in Afghanistan has not been able to be effectively integrated with existing traditional values and practices. This lack of integration has created a sharp gap between the modernist and traditionalist segments of Afghan society and has prevented the development of a coherent and sustainable political model.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

Qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach are used in this article. The data analysis has been conducted using Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic method.

The period of Amanullah Khan's rule (1929-1919) in Afghanistan witnessed a deep confrontation between tradition and modernity. Amanullah Khan, who was influenced by the modernist ideas of the West, started extensive reforms in various fields. The approval of the constitution, separation of powers, and attention to education, press freedom and women's rights are among the important achievements of this period. Reforms in Afghanistan faced serious challenges due to several factors, including neglect of national and religious values, obvious imitation of Western models, focus on superficial improvements and acceleration in the implementation of changes.Ignoring the deeply rooted national and religious values ​​of the society created a deep gap between the people and the reform programs. Many of the proposed changes were seen as a threat to tradition and angered the masses and conservative factions. Attempting to modernize only with inspiration from western models, without considering the unique cultural and social context of Afghanistan, created a sense of alienation and resistance among the people. This uncritical imitation turned the reforms into external impositions and not internal developments that the people would consider as their own.Focusing too much on the appearances of progress, such as modern infrastructure and Western institutions, was not enough without bringing about deeper changes at the intellectual and cultural level. This superficial approach cannot communicate with people’s real needs and values ​​and involve them meaningfully.The high speed of implementation of reforms, regardless of traditional values ​​and beliefs, aroused the conservative forces. The lack of gradual transition and consensus building led to significant backsliding and social unrest. The lack of constructive and scientific dialogue between modernists and traditionalists fueled the escalation of tensions and conflicts. Finally, this confrontation led to the coup of Habibullah Kalkani and the overthrow of Amanullah Khan. With the closure of the constitutional case, Afghanistan once again fell into the abyss of traditionalism and isolation. This retreat demonstrated the difficulty of reconciling rapid modernization with deeply rooted traditions and left Afghanistan at a crossroads.

The research findings show that there was no effective intellectual debate between traditionalists and intellectuals during this period. The modernists presented their political thoughts without constructive dialogue and debate with traditionalists. The dominant view between these currents was hostile, and as a result, the internal model was not formed and the Afghan society remained in two parts, the traditionalists and the modernist. In Afghanistan, unlike countries in the region such as Iran and Türkiye, constitutionalism and modernism were not in the form of a comprehensive social thought, but rather as a topic of discussion in small intellectual groups that did not go beyond the circle of the court and courtiers and did not penetrate among the elites of the society. The conflict between tradition and modernity played a major role in the failure of modernism in this period. Since the modernists sought to create rapid socio-cultural and political changes and failed to transform the idea of constitutionalism into a social discourse, the deep-rooted traditions of the Afghan society resisted such sudden changes. The lack of deep intellectual debate between the proponents of tradition and modernists of the Hegelian dialectic type and even the dialogue and debate based on the Habermasian dialectic caused the failure of the constitutionalism process in this period. The type of confrontation between tradition and modernity in this era was superficial, hostile and antagonistic and its violent result not only led to the failure of constitutionalism and Amani's reforms, rather it led to the failure of his government and as a result, the case of modernists and constitutionalists was closed in the country for a long time.

Although deterrence can be traced back to the military literature and the writings of Carl von Clausewitz, deterrence theory neverthelessflourished in the Post-World War II era and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The deterrence strategy is especially important in some regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia, which are among the most intense  conflict zones in the world.Research question: What are the conceptual coordinates of the internationalization of deterrence as a theoretical framework and its application to Iran's deterrence strategy in the peripheral regions?

Research hypothesis:

 In response to the main question of the article, using the case study method, the author proposes the concept of internationalization of deterrence and examines its application first by the great powers of the world and then by Iran in its peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. The internationalization of deterrence means a situation where the deterrent power provides part of its military and security capabilities including weapons, forces, and allies to other actors who intend to raise the level of deterrence, increase its effectiveness and expands its geographical scope, thereby creating fundamental changes in the strategic calculations of a potential aggressor. Internationalization of deterrence using missile power and paramilitary groups has been a part of Iran's military and security strategy in peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 In this research, using Qualitative case study method, the concept of internationalization of deterrence and its application by Iran at the regional and global level has been analyzed. This paper presents the theoretical framework of the internationalization of deterrence. In the framework of this theory, political actors in the field of world politics transfer part of their military and weapons capacity to allied actors with the aim of strengthening deterrence.

Deterrence theory flourished after World War II and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The United States as the first nuclear power, maintained a monopoly on nuclear weapons for four years. During the Cold War, as part of the nuclear sharing policy, the United States deployed tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to counterbalance the conventional superiority of the Warsaw Pact countries. Nuclear sharing was in fact a kind of internationalization of US nuclear deterrence. In addition to nuclear deterrence, world powers internationalized their conventional deterrence at lower levels. The deployment of Jupiter missiles in Turkey, the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba, the deployment of the American and Soviet missiles on European soil, and the AUKUS treaty are among the most important examples of internationalization of conventional deterrence after World War II. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War and the emergence of new threats such as terrorism, cyber attacks and limited wars, caused a change in the deterrence strategy of countries and more attention to improving conventional deterrence.Iran is one of the countries that has changed its conventional deterrence strategy in the last few decades. The 1979 revolution can be considered as the origin of Iran's proxy deterrence because one of its most important goals was the export of its revolutionary thinking for the freedom of the nations of the region. Although this ideal did not change any country in the region, it aligned some groups in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan and etc.  with Iran’s regional doctrine. The 8-year Iran-Iraq war can be considered as the source of Iran's missile deterrence. In the early years after the victory of the revolution, the structure of Iran's military forces was practically in disarray. Saddam Hussein also tried to use this opportunity to achieve his expansionist goals in the oil-rich areas of Iran. During the war, while the Iraqi army had access to many conventional and unconventional weapons from 80 countries, Iran was under arms embargo and in order to receive a limited number of missiles, it had to enter into tough diplomatic and military negotiations with four countries: Syria, Libya, North Korea, and China. After the end of the war, the development of the missile program became a key to Iran's deterrence strategy. Due to arms embargoes and financial problems after the war, Iran first built its pillars of deterrence on the two bases of proxy and missile deterrence, and in the second stage, it internationalized its deterrence in peripheral regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia.

The 1979 revolution and the 8-year war with Iraq prompted Iran to use a different deterrence strategy in its peripheral regions in order to internationalize its deterrence. Financial problems after the 8-year war with Iraq, as well as arms embargos, led Iran to internationalize its deterrence using missile power and allied groups. This policy has changed the strategic calculations of possible aggressive powers and has prevented a new large-scale war against Iran.

The emergence of a new political system in Afghanistan after the attack of September 11, 2001, in the United States made the issue of political empowerment of women in this country to be examined. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors caused Afghan women not to develop relative political empowerment based on democracy from 2001 to 2021. Today, the method of political empowerment of women in different fields, especially in the political field, faces a series of obstacles and challenges. The limitations and challenges in the process of women's political empowerment cause the society to remain without the development and political participation of women. In this regard, it seems that the political society of Afghanistan, as a leading society, is facing the condition of non-compliance of gender in the matter of political empowerment. Women as a large part of the society have experienced detailed participation in political life for more than two decades.In Afghanistan, to adapt to the new conditions and try to solve the crises that have plagued this country in recent decades, women's issues have also been emphasized. The consequences of the events of September 11, 2001, for women were highlighted, as it led to the decline of the misogynistic Taliban regime. The harsh and oppressive policies of the Taliban towards women had created a very unbearable path for women, which resulted in the limitation of women's operations and their confinement within the four walls of the house. Women suffered a lot of hardships during this period and their migration became more intense. After September 11, 2001, and the entry of the new political system in Afghanistan, a relatively open and suitable space was organized for the presence of women in various fields. Laws were enacted to protect women's rights, both in the form of affirmative action. Their measured and impressive presence in several election periods of the country shows this fact. More than the right to vote, women had more visible activities in obtaining representative and managerial seats at the center and local governments in the provinces. Despite all this, social differences and dissociations based on unsavory cultural connections caused the striking presence of women in political power to face many controversies. Women played a symbolic role in the political arena of this country in the last two decades. Addressing the problem and challenges of women's political empowerment in Afghanistan for 20 years is a new subject that has been neglected by researchers. In the last two decades, all discourses and actions to increase the level of political participation of women were generally ceremonial and symbolic and remained so until recent years. In fact, the issue of women is a cultural issue, and its solution, in addition to passing laws and institutionalizing women's affairs in laws, requires cultural measures, planning, institutionalization, and proving the presence of women in the mentality of Afghan society.Ashraf Ghani’s government has taken stronger steps in the field of women's rights and abilities than Hamid Karzai’s government. Laws were passed to eliminate violence and gender prejudice against women, but the obstacles and problems that were created during Karzai's rule in the way of empowering women, unfortunately, the same obstacles appeared in Ashraf Ghani's regime that prevented women from participating in the political, social, cultural and economic fields of the country. Political empowerment of women can be described as a process to increase their capacity in different fields. Unfortunately, during the two decades of Karzai and Ghani's rule, according to official statistics, women were placed in a weaker social and political position and were more marginalized compared to men. Afghan women were in a difficult economic dependency and a bad social situation. In the last two decades, all speeches and actions to increase the level of political participation of women were generally formal and symbolic and it has been the same until recent years. The anti-woman culture in Afghanistan has been able to oppress women and keep them away from all their rights for 20 years. The patriarchal system in Afghanistan with its autocratic culture has prevented women from developing political, social, economic and cultural abilities for years. One of the inhuman and illegal customs in Afghanistan has been the discriminatory treatment of Afghan government officials with political men and active and educated women of this country.

Research question: 

This article seeks to answer the question of what are the factors that make Afghan women unable to develop the desired political empowerment based on democracy from 2001 to 2020?Research hypothesis: The hypotheses of the article refer to mental, cultural, political, economic and social effects based on Saralange women's empowerment theory.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

For this purpose, documentary qualitative method and interviews based on Sara langwe's empowerment theory have been used to obtain data.

The research results show that the mutual influence of political, cultural, economic, social and psychological factors during the last twenty years and during the presidency of Karzai and Ghani, have caused Afghan women not to develop the desired political empowerment based on democracy and from a weak position.

Before Karzai's two terms, women were not given the power to overcome external pressures and prejudices to gain their lost rights and improve their social status. According to Lange, women should know that what exists is not just and fair, but it can be changed, and they can change the situation in their favor. According to Lange, empowerment at this stage means increasing women's awareness of the existing situation, drawing the desired situation and the ways to reach that situation. In this regard, Afghan women have been aware of injustice, gender discrimination, emotional pressures, and economic and social problems in the past twenty years and to some extent, despite the political, psychological, cultural and socio-economic obstacles and challenges, they have been able to overcome the conditions and challenges and change them to their advantage and improve their situation.

In the contemporary era, independent states, whose most obvious feature is Westphalian sovereignty, form the core of the international system. These states are characterized by the principle of non-interference in their internal affairs and a formal equality with other states, regardless of size, power, or wealth. This state concept, which has its roots in the 1648 “Peace of Westphalia” continues to shape international relations by emphasizing the legal and political independence of states. As a result, states continue to see themselves as the main actors in this system, interacting on the basis of mutual recognition and formal equality. However, the realities of the international system, especially in the Post-Cold War era, show that the practical application of sovereignty is often far from this theoretical ideal. Our goal in this article is to critically evaluate the concept of independence as manifested in Moscow's foreign policy toward Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the creation of the CIS was intended to provide a framework for cooperation for the newly independent states while maintaining some degree of connection with Russia. However, the nature of this relationship has raised important questions about the actual extent of sovereignty that these countries enjoy. This study examines how Russia's foreign policy has maintained a delicate balance between its strategic interests and the autonomy of these countries, assessing whether Moscow genuinely respects their independence or seeks to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. A key aspect of this analysis is the historical context that has shaped the relationship between Russia and the CIS countries. The legacy of the Soviet Union, along with Russia's perception of itself as a regional hegemon, continues to influence its approach to these nations. Many of the CIS countries, while formally independent, have inherited deep political, economic, and security ties with Moscow. Over the years, Russia has used these connections to exert influence, raising concerns about whether these countries can fully exercise their sovereignty without interference. This historical background is crucial for understanding the dynamics of modern Russian foreign policy toward the CIS and the enduring tensions surrounding the concept of independence.The consequences of Moscow’s policies for regional stability and international relations are another important area of ​​investigation. Russia’s approach to the CIS has often caused tensions with both the CIS countries and foreign powers, especially the west. By maintaining a sphere of influence, Moscow has contributed to conflicts and frozen disputes in regions like Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova, where aspirations for greater autonomy and closer ties with the West conflict with Russian interests. This study will examine how Russia’s foreign policy affects not only the domestic dynamics of the CIS member states but also broader geopolitical relations, including the role of international organizations such as the European Union and NATO.This research seeks to determine the extent to which Russian foreign policy aligns with or undermines the autonomy of CIS member states. While Moscow often presents itself as respecting the independence of these countries, its actions often suggest otherwise. By critically examining these policies and their effects, the study aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex relationship between Russia and the CIS, providing insights into the broader issue of state sovereignty in a world where power dynamics are increasingly interdependent. This assessment will provide a clearer picture of whether Russia's engagement with the CIS promotes true independence or perpetuates a new form of dependence that challenges the traditional concept of state sovereignty.

Research question: 

How have the phenomena of globalization, the end of the Cold War, and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc affected the key determinants of national independence in international relations in general, and Russia's foreign policy towards the countries that separated from the Soviet Union in particular?Research hypothesis: The Hypothesis of the article is no view or theory that supports the concept of state independence or the theory of independence in the foreign policy of a state. The findings of this research show that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia's perception of the independence of the newly independent states was not fully compatible with the classical and standard concept of sovereignty.

This study is essentially a qualitative one in nature, utilizing an exploratory method. The process of gathering data is based on documents and library resources, including articles, books, research papers, and reports.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia's perception and understanding of the independence of the newly established post-Soviet states diverged from the conventional concept of full sovereignty defined by international norms. Rather than recognizing these states as entirely autonomous entities with complete control over their internal and external affairs, Russia maintained a more nuanced and often limited interpretation of their independence. This view was characterized by an implicit expectation of continued influence on the political, economic, and security decisions of these countries, which reflects a deviation from the classical understanding of sovereignty, which emphasizes non-intervention and the full exercise of state authority. In other words, Russia viewed the independence of these states through a lens that allowed for its continuous regional domination and intervention.

Moscow's interpretation of the independence of these newly established post-Soviet states was significantly restrictive, effectively denying them the full exercise of sovereignty over their political and strategic trajectories. Instead of recognizing their right to make independent decisions, Russia has asked these countries to make a tacit commitment to prioritize and align their interests with Russia in a range of critical areas, including political governance, security policies, and economic development.

Since the Bon conference in 2001, special vision was considered for Afghanistan by its international supporters and domestic partners. This view can be summed up in achieving security and sustainable development in Afghanistan. However, with the passage of two decades, what was imagined in this vision did not come true and the system that was founded in Bon collapsed. Using the concept of the failed state, this research examines the reasons for the collapse of the Islamic republic of Afghanistan in 2021.Research questions: The main research question is: what factors caused the fall of Islamic Republic or Afghanistan?In order to answer the main research question, the sub-questions have been answered. What role the foreigners played in the collapse of Afghan government? What role did the social factors play  in overthrowing the government? What role has the government played in the evolution of the republican system?

Research hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of this research is the bankruptcy of government and factors such as “restricted republic, failure to provide security and management of the country’s economy” have caused the fall of government. Many experts believe that phenomena such as terrorism and drug trafficking have their roots in bankrupt governments.Methodology and theoretical framework: To study of the hypothesis of this research, the method of qualitative analysis of variables has been used and the data was collected through library. The authors of this article have used the theoretical framework of the bankrupt government. The restricted republic was formed by narrowing the circle of participation, destroying the structure and mechanisms of elections and also due to the inefficiency of the institutions of the system which was based on the separation of powers caused the fragility of the government. Wide social, religious, and ethnic divisions have made the system out of integrity and made security dependent on foreign powers. The lack of a proper security doctrine and reliance on the foreigner forces caused the government’s inability to provide security. The inability to meet the country’s economic needs with the convergence of the above two factors and the effect of its increasing fragility disrupted one of the main tasks of the government, which is providing welfare and extensive administrative corruption as well as dependence on foreign aid intensified the inefficiency of the government in providing welfare.

According to the indicators of the theoretical framework of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in the last two decades, it can be considered a clear example of a bankrupt and failed state. People like Koolaee, Samii Esfahani and Akbari, believe that the bankruptcy of the government depends on the destruction of the previous political system. The republic system is not created and example of this issue and of course the fall of political system can be attributed to several decades ago, which has not been repaired yet.This also applies to Afghanistan and the neighboring countries in the north and south have always been influenced by the fragility of the Afghan governments. Among the conducted research, Sadr believes that the concept of Satanic republic in Afghanistan is in consistent with the theoretical framework of this research, one of the factors of the fall of the government in Afghanistan is related to limited participation in the political system. The government’s failure to provide public welfare in fragile states, and from this point of view, the results of this research, which is based on a bankrupt government, is one of the indicators of inefficiency. This is due to widespread corruption, dependence on foreign aids and lack of clear economic plan.Several researches have emphasized the irresponsible withdrawal of the United States and its coalition forces from Afghanistan. Although this factor, the fragility of the government and its collapse has been very effective in Afghanistan, but according to the theoretical framework of the research, the withdrawal of the American forces and its allies is not the main cause of the collapse of the government in Afghanistan. Rather, the problem is that the Afghan government has not had the characteristics of an efficient political system in this decade and foreign aid has not been able to empower it.

The findings of the research show that the government’s inability to provide internal security, maintain territorial integrity and border protection, widespread corruption due to ethnic discrimination, inefficient judicial system, systematic financial corruption, lack of independence in foreign policy can be considered as one of the factors of fragility of states and eventually the fall of the governments. Other factors, such as the widwspread activity of opposition fighters, as well as the irresponsible withdrawal of American and NATO forces should be considered as aggravating factors and catalysts in this matter, not the the main factor. In fact, after the fall of the imperial system in the 50’s, the subsequent political systems in Afghanistan can be called as fragile systems, but the republican system can be analyzed as a fragile system from the point of view that even a series of extensive foreign aid could not stabilize and empower it, so the researchers should focus on the internal factors that are hidden in the social and cultural system of Afghanistan.

Middle Asia or Central Asia is a vast land with a long history in the heart of the Asian continent. Due to the vast resources available in Central Asia, this region has become a place for global and regional powers to compete. Türkiye is no exception to this rule. This country has made many efforts to expand its presence in the region in the last three decades. In recent years, especially after 2016, this presence was not without a plan and out of excitement, but in a clear frame of mind and with necessary credits, Türkiye has tried to create a stable and effective presence in the region. The presence of regional powers in Central Asia is not limited to Türkiye. Due to many common cultural features with the countries of the region and its special geographical location, Iran has always made a continuous effort to be present in Central Asia. Considering the complex relations and historical rivalry of the two countries, the efforts of each cannot be without influencing the other.

Research question:

 The main question that we intend to answer in this research is what are the consequences of Türkiye’s presence in Central Asia on Iran and what is the mechanism of these consequences?Research hypothesis: Based on this new reading of geopolitics, it is possible to hypothesize that the presence of Türkiye in Central Asia will lead to the removal of Iran from the transit and energy corridors of the region, as well as the threat to the territorial integrity of Iran due to the expansion of Pan-Turkism.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

The analysis of this article is based on the trend impact analysis method. The process is called regular and continuous transformations of data over time. In this method, the process is affected by a sequence of events, and by events we mean significant events that may play an important role in shaping the future. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the three-level reading of the international system along with geopolitical factors. This new reading of geopolitics is taken from the opinion of Mohiuddin Mesbahi in the article "free and restricted: Iran and the international system". Our question can also be put in this new format and reading.

In this research, we have looked for the consequences of Türkiye's presence in Central Asia on Iran. After raising our question, we reviewed previous research to find an answer. Despite addressing the presence of these countries in the region in some articles, no specific research has been done regarding the consequences of Türkiye's presence in Central Asia on Iran. Therefore, we turned to theories to find our answer, and for this purpose. Then we tried to find the answer to our question by using the "trend research" method. For this purpose, we examined Türkiye's presence in the region in the last three decades.Türkiye's emotional presence in the nineties failed and the efforts of Erdogan's government centered on the opinions of Ahmet Davutoglu's were not very successful, but after the 2016 coup and internal and external changes, a new era emerged in the relations between Turkey and the region.  In the following, we examined Iran's presence in the region and finally addressed our main issue, which is the consequences of Türkiye's presence in the region on Iran. Türkiye's presence in Central Asia at all three domestic, regional and international levels has consequences for Iran in the region in cultural, economic and political-military fields. In the economic field, Türkiye will strengthen its infrastructure by joining “the Belt and Road Initiative” and by bypassing Iran, in addition to using the advantages of the right of transit and by attracting Chinese capital, the country will strengthen its infrastructure, and the capital will flow to Turkish projects instead of Iran. In addition, in the geopolitical or political-military field, bypassing Iran in two directions, east-west and north-south, both in the field of transit and in the field of energy, weakens Iran's strategic position and erodes its geopolitics. On the other hand, with the expansion of annexationist and pan-Turkish ideas in the direction of greater convergence with the region, in addition to threatening Iran's territorial integrity with Turkification of the space, it leaves no room for Iran's presence in the region.

Türkiye's presence in Central Asia at domestic, regional and international levels has consequences for Iran in the region in all three cultural, economic and political-military fields. In the economic field, Türkiye will strengthen its infrastructure by joining the Belt and Road Initiative and by bypassing Iran, in addition to using the advantages of the right of transit and by attracting Chinese capital, the country will strengthen its infrastructure, and the capital will flow to Turkish projects instead of Iran. In addition, in the geopolitical or political-military field, bypassing Iran in two directions, east-west and north-south, both in the field of transit and in the field of energy, weakens Iran's strategic position and erodes its geopolitics. On the other hand, with the expansion of annexationist and pan-Turkish ideas in the direction of greater convergence with the region, in addition to threatening Iran's territorial integrity with Turkification of the space, it leaves no room for Iran's presence in the region.

The revolutionary uprisings that have occurred in many geopolitical territories of the Middle East and North Africa since December 2010 have highlighted signs of change in the Middle East security system. The continued presence and influence of the United States in the Middle East and the follow-up of the European Union from American policies, the increase in the role of other trans-regional actors, especially rebuilding the role of Russia and strengthening China's soft balance, the escalation of geopolitical competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and the increase in power and influence of non-state actors have played a central role in changing the balance of regional powers and the emergence of a new regional order. In the meantime, the intensification of manipulation by the United States and the west in the process of Arab Spring developments, along with the appearance of the failure of Moscow’s follow-up policy in the crises of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, convinced the Kremlin officials to adopt a relatively independent and proactive approach to the security order of the Middle East by entering the regional crisis management process.

Research question: 

What are the characteristics of Russia's Middle East policy in the period after the Arab Spring and what consequences does such an approach have for the security order of the region?

Research hypothesis:

The hypothesis of the above-mentioned question is that Russia's approach to the security system of the Middle East after the Arab Spring is based on signs of the simultaneous influence of two security and economic factions that are organized together, the balance of power factor along with the economic interests constitute the motivations for the development of Russia's relations with the Middle East.Methodology and theoretical framework: The method used in this research is the method of Trend analysis and the type of the research is basic. The nature of this paper is also qualitative. The data collection has been library method, using internet resources, articles and documents. Since the security order of the Middle East has always been influenced by the arrangement, competitions and interactions of regional actors and the interventions of extra-regional powers, in this article, an attempt will be made to use the theoretical assumptions of Neo-realism to explain Russia's Middle East policy and its effects on the regional system. The Neo-realism model provides the possibility of examining the components of the country's external environment with more emphasis to explain Russia's security strategy.

The abilities and capabilities of the country's leaders to play a role in a region and the possibility of accepting valid commitments are important determining factors for countries' strategies in regional systems, which in turn affect the type of regional system. The developments and the involvement of a wide range of regional and international actors in the Syrian crisis have convinced the Kremlin officials to use the direct balancing model with the United States. Based on this, Moscow was able to significantly improve its field of activity by using two strategies of soft balancing and direct balancing, while recovering its structural strength in the Middle East order. By strengthening its relations with Iran, Syria, and even Hamas, and being close to the traditional allies of the United States in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Egypt, Russia is trying to balance regional powers with the United States in the Middle East. Overall, Russia’s reemergence has transformed the Middle East security system in terms of structure, norms, agency, and patterns of interaction. Moscow intends to propose a new approach to the United States unilateral approach to the Middle East regional order, in which a diverse range of actors and agendas can be proposed. Adopting a middle position on regional issues and programs and avoiding a holistic approach to Middle East actors is organized and implemented with this central goal in Moscow's strategic doctrine.

The economic factor along with the balance of power is one of the main motivations for the development of Russia's relations with the Middle East. The economic variables influencing Moscow's intervention in the Syrian crisis in the aftermath of the crisis and instability and the transformation of political and military achievements into economic achievements have also been particularly prominent. Russian companies have won many concessions in the field of Syrian oil, gas, electricity and mining infrastructure. Russia's arms trade is also organized through arms deals with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Libya and Syria. The scope of Russia's activity and role in the new regional order of the Middle East includes a wide range of governments and regional actors.

Leftist modernism was experienced during the government of the People's Democratic Party (1978-1992) in Afghanistan. The leftist modernism had special characteristics during the ruling period of the People's Democratic Party.This model of modernism was influenced by Soviet models and relied on authoritarian policies and was violently implemented in Afghanistan. The government of the People's Democratic Party, especially the People's Party government, wanted to implement reforms quickly and not gradually. Another characteristic of left modernism in Afghanistan was its ideological nature. For the People's Democratic Party, especially the People's party government, modernization was not a goal, but a means to dominate and consolidate the party government in economic, social and cultural fields; Land reforms, literacy and women's participation in political and social life were the most important reform programs of the People's Democratic Party government. Meanwhile, land reform can be considered the most important reform program of the leftist government. This type of modernism had some success in modernizing Afghanistan, but it could not achieve its main goals. Various factors have contributed to the failure of leftist modernism. Afghan tradition has been one of the important factors in the failure of leftist modernism.

Research question:

 How did the Afghan tradition play a role in the failure of leftist modernism?Research hypothesis: The essential contradiction of the indicators of the Afghan tradition with the leftist ideas and modernism caused its failure. Being Islamic, being ethnic, being historical, people's extreme sensitivity towards the private sphere, centrism, anti-government, and xenophobia can be counted among the important indicators of the Afghan tradition. The ideological de-traditionalization of left-wing modernism led to the promotion of tradition and intensified the conflict between tradition and modernity in Afghan society. With the onset of left modernism, the identity of the Afghan tradition was threatened. To defend its identity, tradition had to confront and was able to play different roles in the failure of this model of modernity.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 In this article, the qualitative research method and the required data and information have been collected in documentary and library form.  The theoretical framework of this research is based on some basic modernization assumptions, such as the fact that development is an internal matter as well as a complex, gradual and evolutionary process, at the same time some of the ideas of late modernization including the possibility of interaction between tradition and modernity, the non-integral nature of development, and the necessity of paying attention to tradition in the development process.

The Afghan traditions were able to play complex and multiple roles in the failure of the main programs of left modernism, such as land reforms, fight against illiteracy and women's participation and political and social freedom. In the first step, the Afghan tradition, as a "unified" force, united its guards and followers against leftism and leftist modernism. Despite the differences that existed among the leftist opposition forces, they all agreed that the leftist economic, cultural and social reforms, which had a socialist and secular nature, are against Islamic and traditional values and resistance to them is a religious and patriotic matter. The Afghan tradition was the motive to fight against leftist modernism.Islam, as the main indicator and component of the Afghan tradition, aroused the feelings and motivations of the followers of this tradition, especially the villagers. They joined Islamic political parties (Jihadi Organizations) to fight against the leftist government and its reform programs. "Giving legitimacy" to the opposing forces of leftist modernism was another role of the Afghan tradition. The Sunni guardians were able to easily shape the mentality of the people among the people, especially in the villages, which were the main base of the Sunnah, in such a way that the people consider them to be right and the other party to be false.The Afghan tradition played its role in a complex way in the defeat of the reform programs of the People's Democratic Party government. On the one hand, it gave legitimacy, motivation and unity to the followers and guardians of tradition, but on the other hand, it took away the legitimacy of the Afghan People's Democratic Party. In other words, the function of the Afghani tradition was completely positive for its adherents but completely negative for the executors of leftist modernism. During the implementation of leftist reforms, there were behaviors and actions of the leaders that evoked the Afghan tradition. The agents and implementers of land reforms in the villages did actions that were considered disrespectful to religion by the people. They did not respect local clerics and landowners, while these people had a lot of social influence in the villages, which is the main base and origin of the tradition. In addition, they used leftist literature that was not understandable for the villagers. Bringing women to literacy courses in villages was also in conflict with rural culture.

The findings of this research show that Afghan tradition played a very important role in the failure of leftist modernism. Unity, motivation and legitimization were the three roles played by the Afghan tradition in the fight against leftist reforms. The nature and characteristics of Afghani tradition were in complete contrast with the nature and characteristics of left modernism. For its survival, the Afghan tradition used all its power and strength in the fight against leftism and finally won. The reform experience of the People's Democratic Party can be important for the pro-modernist forces in Afghanistan. The Afghan tradition has always been victorious against different approaches of modernism. Therefore, the revival of tradition will have a negative effect on the process of Afghanistan’s modernization.

Foreign policy is a complex subject in the field of international relations, which is included in the sub-branch of "foreign policy analysis". It is strongly influenced by both domestic and international factors. The decision-making process for foreign policy requires careful consideration of domestic and foreign considerations. Therefore, it is important to use theories and models to analyze and review the foreign policies of countries, considering the internal and external environments. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of new republics created a competitive atmosphere in Central Asia. The Islamic Republic of Iran has been active in the current developments in Central Asia and was one of the first countries to officially recognize the independence of Kyrgyzstan on December 21, 1991. Through bilateral relations and regional cooperation, Iran has tried to strengthen cooperation with Kyrgyzstan in various fields, including politics, economics, culture, science and technology. To achieve this goal, Iran has adopted various foreign policy strategies towards the Kyrgyz Republic. The purpose of this research is to analyze the current foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Kyrgyzstan and to present potential scenarios for Iran’s foreign policy in this country.Research question: The purpose of this research is to answer the following questions: What is Iran's foreign policy strategy in Kyrgyzstan? What are the strengths and weaknesses of these strategies?Research hypothesis: The proposed hypothesis is that Iran's foreign policy strategies towards Kyrgyzstan have not been successful and dynamic due to the country's internal strengths and environmental opportunities.

The current research has been carried out with the aim of analyzing the present and past strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kyrgyzstan by compiling a conceptual model influenced by approaches of foreign policy analysis and its governing principles.  This will be followed by a forward-looking approach to create potential and favorable scenarios for the Islamic Republic of Iran in this country. The research conceptual model will include two strategic management models, namely Swat and Postel, as research techniques. The research approach will be a "futuristic" approach with focusing on scenarios. The main advantage of this conceptual model is its ability to simultaneously consider the micro, macro and moderate levels and at the same time use a prospective approach to analyze the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kyrgyzstan.

Based on the drivers, trends, events and images, the following scenarios can be envisioned for Iran's foreign policy in Kyrgyzstan: the first scenario: the o-surprise scenario: possible revision: One of the most likely scenarios of Iran's foreign policy in Kyrgyzstan is the continuation of current trends without major changes. This scenario is included in the category of "static" scenarios and involves maintaining the current level of bilateral relations.The second scenario can be called "the most likely optimal" or the optimistic scenario: This scenario predicts that with the implementation of a ten-year comprehensive agreement between the two countries and the exploitation of many mines, the country’s  tourism and hydropower  potential will increase, strengthening the  communication corridors, the benefits of the country's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union ( EEU ) in relation to Iran as well as Iran's permanent membership in the Shanghai organization, the political, economic and cultural relations between the two countries will be promoted to the favorable level.The third scenario: "The worst scenario" or pessimistic scenario: Given that currently Iran's relations with all countries of the Central Asian region, including Kyrgyzstan, are not at a favorable level compared to the strengths and the opportunities of the region, the possible unfavorable scenario is the continuation of this process along with the weakening of this relationship due to reasons including the strong presence of China and other competing countries. "Desirable" or "miracle" scenarios: The lifting of sanctions against Iran, the establishment of normal relations with the international community and permanent membership of Iran in the Shanghai Organization will have a significant impact on Iran's global influence as well as the region and the country of Kyrgyzstan. This greatly enhance the overall level of relationship between all parties involved.

The examination of Iran's foreign policy in Kyrgyzstan shows that while political and cultural relations between the two countries have been positive and friendly, the economic relations have been limited and at a low level. Based on the Swot and Pestel model, Iran's political strategy in Kyrgyzstan was offensive, with a defensive economic strategy and a focus on cultural diversity. Various scenarios can be analyzed for the future of relations between the two countries, including optimistic scenarios, but other possible scenarios should also be considered. Finally, the research hypothesis can be confirmed that despite having strengths and opportunities, the two countries still have a long way to achieve an ideal relationship due to weaknesses and environmental challenges.

At least in the last three decades, the concept of identity and its consequences on the behavior of governments at the regional and international levels have been the focus of attention for researchers and more broadly, critics of traditional theories of international relations. In other words, it is argued that, unlike traditionalists who focus on certain principles in the behavior of actors, to explain the actions of states, one must take seriously the power, preferences, interests and normative structures, that are inextricably linked to the identity of the actors. For example, post-Structuralists argue that the identity of the state is achieved through the inscription of boundaries that mark the 'inside' from the 'outside', the 'self' from the 'other', and “domestic” from “foreign”. Against this background, this research tries to evaluate the process of othering by actors in international arena and answer the basic questions of what othering is. What role does othering play in the identity of actors? In addition to answering the above questions, this study also attempts to evaluate othering in the eastern policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation.

research question: 

How do the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation try to distinguish themselves from others with the "looking to the east" strategy and what is the common point or intersection of their strategies?Research hypothesis: The research has arguments, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation are trying to distinguish themselves from others (the West) by emphasizing elements such as geography, culture, civilization, ideology, etc. The common point of this distinction is the rejection of the West (especially the United States). Similarities in the Eastern strategy of the two countries, such as the geographical overlap, the emphasis on traditionalism and traditional values (anti-modern) and anti-hegemonic multipolar order also strengthens this common position.

This research is qualitative, and the author has tried to test the research hypothesis using a descriptive-analytical approach. The data needed to explain the problem is also collected through library studies (authorized articles, books and internet sources). Since the purpose of the research paper is to provide evidence of othering in the search strategy of Iran and Russia, the conceptual framework of othering was used to test the hypothesis

The results of this research show that countries define their identity in the regional and international arena and differentiate themselves from others through the process of othering. This distinction is based on the specific characteristics of each country, which can be cultural, historical, geographical, etc. This othering is an inevitable part of identification. The results of this research also show that identification and foreign determination can be seen largely in the looking east strategy of the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Iran and Russia are trying to distinguish themselves from others (especially the West) by referring to their unique geographical, cultural and civilizational features in the form of a look-to-the-east strategy and at the same time they try to attract others (especially Eastern countries) to their side. In the meantime, there are some commonalities between the Russian Federation's and the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of looking East, which increase the areas of convergence towards identification and cooperation with each other. The first of these similarities is the geographical overlap. In this context, both countries emphasize regions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus as a region of the East. Regardless of the physical geographical dimension, both countries consider regions such as Latin America in their geopolitical imagination as part of the Looking to the East strategy. The most important point in this context is the non-contradiction of the geographical borders of these two countries.The second similarity between the eastern strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation is that both countries emphasize traditional values. Values such as justice, equality, freedom and similar values that are usually in conflict with modern values (especially the interpretation represented by the United States and European countries in the form of liberalism). Finally, the third feature of the Eastern strategy of these two countries is their emphasis on the anti-hegemonic multipolar order. Based on the interpretation of these countries, there are different countries and civilizations in the international system, each of which has its own characteristics and coordinates, so we cannot have one.

After September 11, 2001 and the establishment of the republican system in Afghanistan, one of the most obvious features of the state’s foreign policy was its security aspect. Therefore, Afghanistan signed long-term strategic cooperation documents with US, India and about twenty western countries. The creation of the Supreme Peace Council, the establishment of the Kabul Process, the agreement with the establishment of the political office of the Taliban in Doha, the release of five thousand Taliban prisoners, the visit of Afghan heads of government to regional powers and their participation in regional organizations to create regional consensus are all signs of securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy. This situation has sometimes led to securitization, sometimes to non-securitization and sometimes cross processes of securitization and de-securitization.Considering that the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy has led to significant material and diplomatic benefits to Kabul during the period under review, the factors of this matter deserve more attention. It seems that one of the things that played a role in this field was the failure of the Afghan government during 2001-2021. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between the failure of the Afghan government and the securitization of its foreign policy.

Research question:

 The main question in this article is what role did the failure of the government in the years 2001 to 2021 play in the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy? The importance of this issue is because, on the one hand, it helps to understand one of the factors of the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan and on the other hand, it depicts the prospects of the current conditions of this country. Research hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that insecurity, political instability and economic inefficiency have caused securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy during 2001 to 2021. In this way, the Afghan government appeared as a failed state due to its lack of efficiency and legitimacy and this contributed to the securitization of its foreign policy.Methodology and theoretical framework: In this article, a qualitative method is applied and an attempt is made to discover the causal relationship between independent (state failure) and dependent (foreign policy securitization) variables. Also, to confirm the above hypothesis, Robert Jackson's "quasi-state" concept and the theory of securitization in the Copenhagen School are combined and presented as a theoretical framework. According to Jackson, a quasi-state is a state that is unable to establish security, enforce human rights and create social privileges and economic comfort. Therefore, these states are subject to internal instability and legitimacy crisis. Although quasi-states have the same external rights and responsibilities like other independent states, they are far from a sovereign state due to the lack of institutional features of a state. According to Jackson, quasi-states are a type of minimal agency that cannot provide basic needs such as law, order, security, and welfare, and mainly become a source of wealth and power for a small group of elites. Therefore, indicators such as the lack of control over the territory, the lack of monopoly in the use of legitimate force, the lack of authority to make collective decisions, the inability to provide public services and the inability to fulfill international obligations can be considered for failed states. Since quasi-states lack “empirical sovereignty” and do not have much power to implement their responsibilities, in their framework, the national, international and humanitarian responsibilities of the government are changed or not realized. Therefore, the foreign policy maker in such states is forced to attract international aid to ward off threats and implement international obligations. In other words, the only way to attract international aid is to highlight threats and securitize foreign policy. Securitization is one of the turning points of the Copenhagen School. In the securitization process, the issue is introduced as an existential threat and is pursued beyond official laws. Therefore, any threat that falls within the scope of security issues affects the domestic and foreign policy of a country. In general, the failure of the state, which internally causes the lack of order and rule of law, economic inefficiency and the crisis of political legitimacy weakens the government’s ability to make foreign commitments. In such a situation, where the internal environment is quite favorable for the growth of terrorism and other irresponsible armed groups and interventions by foreign actors and the failed state is unable to deal with it, foreign policy-makers try to adopt strategies such as the securitization of foreign policy to attract international aid, eliminate threats and ensure the survival of the system.

According to the theoretical model presented above, it is possible to look for the signs of the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy at three national, regional and international levels and explain how this process is happened. Although at the first glance, it seemed that the chaotic conditions of Afghanistan along with the nature of the international community’s fight against terrorism caused this situation, but by focusing on the foreign policy of Afghanistan in the period under review, it is clear that apart from the reasons mentioned, other factors also played a role in the securitization of this country's foreign policy; the factors that were highlighted by Afghan and foreign factors so that Afghanistan remains at the center of attention of international community and attract the necessary financial and political support. In the meantime, especially the failure of the state in Afghanistan facilitated the process of securitizing of the country’s foreign policy.

Conclution:

 The final consequence of the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy in the period under review was the fall of the government and in fact, the collapse of the republican system on August 15, 2021, A consequence that was raised as the main threat in Afghanistan’s foreign policy and many efforts were made to prevent it, and as a result, a lot of security-military, political and economic support was provided by the international community.

Gopolitics, like any other science, has general rules and specific patterns and this issue has provided the feasibility of the school of geopolitics in the field of global thought. In Russian scientific circles, due to the country's role in the balance of international power in the last three centuries, thinking about Russian geopolitics has become a vital necessitybut the important issue in this field has been the dispersion of opinions and the instability of propositions over time and finding a common point of view for the formulation of the special Russian school in this field.

Research questions: 

The main question raised in this research is how to talk about the Russian geopolitical school and understand its central concepts?Research hypothesis: The author's hypothesis is that despite the dispersion of ideas, their common link and point of commonality can be expressed in the concepts such as maritime inaccessibility, territorial vulnerabilities, the problem of strategic depth, the buffer zone and expansionism as the Russian geopolitical school. Among these, two categories of geographical vulnerability and territorial expansion of the central sign are taken into consideration.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

To examine the hypothesis of the article, I have used the method of qualitative and thematic content analysis of texts related to Russian geopolitical thought. In this regard, various texts have been written in the last three centuries. Although more distant texts are difficult to access, many new texts refer to the main themes of those writings. To review these texts, the author tried to select the most important ones and then by reviewing them, select the most important thinkers in the field of Russian geopolitical studies. The main basis for selecting indicators such as the age of scientist, the importance of thought, thematic coherence and the reputation of the school of thought was created. In the meantime, of course, some approaches such as Eurasian, Atlantic and Eastern approaches have been less difficultbut this issue regarding other approaches has not been an easy task due to existing differences of opinion.

The main factor that has caused the Russian school of geopolitics to remain limited is that geopolitical ideas in this country, unlike other great powers, are very diverse and controversial and this makes it very difficult to understand. The causes of this diversity can be found in important cases such as territorial expansion and the complexity of factors affecting geopolitics, the diversity and expansion of threats and their types, the issue of empire and the crisis of national identity, the instability of borders and the constant intellectual and identity conflict against the West. From the point of view of Russian geopolitical thinkers, this country is very vast and has many neighbors and has a common land border with fourteen countries and faces various threats in the western, southern and eastern directions. Russia has a territorial connection with the two continents of Europe and Asia and has a close maritime neighborhood with the American continent. Russia has a serious relationship with three global geostrategic regions including Euro-Atlantic, Middle East and East Asia, and therefore, from their point of view, this issue is considered very vital. From the point of view of many thinkers of Russian geopolitical knowledge, to overcome the problems and threats caused by the lack of maritime access and defense vulnerability, this country should put strategies such as strategic depth, buffer zone and territorial expansion on the agenda and this is a fact that has shaped its practical policy in post-Mongol Russia from the 15th century to the present day. The collection of these geopolitical propositions in recent centuries have led to two basic issues in Russia: on the one hand, the need for a powerful government and on the other hand, the creation of an imperial state. However, as a result of the powerful and autocratic government, it has faced the development crisisand the inevitable state of the empire, it has also suffered an identity crisis and both have caused instability in the directions of domestic and foreign policy.

Based on the findings of this article and despite some conflicts, we can talk about the Russian geopolitical school whose main concepts and components are common among different thinkers in this country from the 18th century to the present day. It seems that the reason for the lack of recognition is a kind of denial, neglect, cultural and ideological denial of Russia in the past two centuries by Western academic circles and the lack of translation of Russian texts in Iran, except for some articles on Eurasian approach. Therefore, despite the dispersion of views in the field of Russian geographical studies, concepts such as maritime inaccessibility, territorial inaccessibility, defense vulnerability, lack of strategic depth, the necessity of a buffer zone, and expansionist politics are the common variables of these views and geographical vulnerability, especially in the western regions, and territorial expansion in the surrounding environment are the focal points of this geopolitical school.The findings of the article showed that the realities of Russian geography and the concerns of the thinkers of geographical studies have provided important possibilities for the presentation of the Russian geopolitical school along with its other western counterparts and without it, a deep understanding of the country's foreign policy becomes difficult. With its help, important progress can be made for the countries around Russia and especially Iran, which has been one of its victims in a wide area from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean.

Smuggling of goods and currency is one of the problems that has its roots abroad. The consequences of trafficking go beyond mere economic loss. Trafficking can destabilize communities and contribute to wider regional tensions. A large part of these problems is related to communication between countries, so the purpose of this research is to examine the problems and provide solutions for changing Iran’s policy and convergence with the Central Asia and Caucasus region in the face of this event. The main question of this article is how to change the approach to combating the smuggling of goods and currency between Iran and the region of Central Asia and the Caucasus? The major challenge we face in dealing with the problems of trafficking is the difficulty in conceptualizing the complex issues of collective action, which, with the involvement of many local actors and social networks, takes on another challenge. Public administrators around the world operate very differently in political and socio-economic contexts. As a result, the resources and capacities of public administrators in these areas vary greatly, as globalization has intensified in recent decades, national and regional boundaries, economic, social, political and ideological issues have increasingly been transcended. In fact, many of these issues are beyond the norm. Traditional patterns that emphasize the role of formal organizations are insufficient to address many problems, including trafficking. As a result, concepts such as multi-level governance are increasingly studied. To address complex social, political and economic issues it is necessary to use multi-level policies and multi-level personalities to create solutions to deal with smuggling of goods.Research question: Each of the problems that occur in countries has an external nature and effect. In other words, internal crises have regional and international roots and with the continuation of the crisis, these consequences will spread and with its continuation, all its effects and consequences can be recognized. Meanwhile, the manner and type of governance within countries has a significant effect on creating and solving problems. In the meantime, there are multi-level governance that can strengthen and improve the fight against trafficking. The main question of this article is how can we change the approach of combating smuggling of goods and currency by considering multi-level governance in regional policy making?

Research hypothesis:

 In response to the main question, the hypothesis is raised that multi-level governance strengthens and improves regional policy in the field of combating goods and currency smuggling.

In this research, the method of text and content analysis of the type of "content network" introduced by atride - stepperling will be used. This method tries to access the text from main themes, organizing themes and inclusive themes; therefore, first, the text analysis of all interviews and the extraction of basic themes, in other words, the delivery of the text, will be carried out. Then, the method of abstracting and extracting the themes of the organizer and finally discovering and explaining the network of themes of governance factors related to the fight against smuggling of goods and currency will be done. Therefore, qualitative and visual analysis methods based on data and content analysis have been used in this research. In fact, by viewing the relevant documents and receiving the primary data, documents, recordings and results of the interviews are accurately and regularly evaluated and analyzed, and objectives and questions are explained with a qualitative method.  The data collection method is interview, and the data analysis method is thematic analysis. The sampling method was targeted and snowball, and smuggling experts were contacted to collect data. The data and findings of the research include the opinions of interviewees about the proposed strategies for policymaking in the fight in different dimensions, which were analyzed and presented in the form of comprehensive themes. According to the findings of the research, the re-design of the police to fight the smuggling of goods and currency has been investigated at the transnational level and in operational and executive dimensions. To determine the validity of the research, the research tool was approved by several elites in the field of security and law enforcement concepts, and to check the reliability of qualitative research, there are several strategies that are used here to verify the reliability of data by the experts. Therefore, after extracting concepts and themes and drawing a network of themes between them, they were asked to confirm the researcher's understanding of the data by sending the results to several elites. The aim of this task is to ensure that the researcher has correctly analyzed and classified the data correctly.

The data and findings of the research include the opinions of the interviewees about the proposed strategies for policy making in the struggle in different dimensions, which were analyzed and presented in the form of 7 overarching themes and 23 strategies. According to the interviews conducted in the field of operations and implementation of the fight against smuggling of goods and currency, there was a lot of emphasis on the need to change the structure of the relations between countries in dealing with smuggling. These changes are expressed in dimensions such as decision-making and operations, budget, participation of foreign parties.

According to the interviews conducted in operational and executive fields in the fight against smuggling of goods and currency, the need to change the structure of relations between countries in combating smuggling was emphasized. These changes are expressed in dimensions such as decision-making and operations, budget, participation of foreign parties. In an operational and transnational framework, the most important solutions provided by the interviewees are the creation of security agreements and information sharing between different countries.

The European Union's (EU) imposition of sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors following the 2022 Ukraine invasion represents a significant geopolitical and economic event. These sanctions are designed to limit Russia's ability to finance its military actions through energy exports, while simultaneously attempting to safeguard Europe's energy security. Given the pivotal role of energy in both economic stability and geopolitical strategy, the impact of these sanctions warrants a comprehensive analysis. This paper seeks to explore the strategic commercial implications of these sanctions on the global energy market, particularly focusing on Russia and the EU. The central issue addressed in this research is how the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have strategically impacted the commercial dynamics between the two parties, with a particular emphasis on Russia. The sanctions aim to curtail Russia's revenue from these critical energy exports, which are crucial for its economy. However, these sanctions also have the potential to disrupt the global energy market, influencing prices, supply routes, and geopolitical alliances.

Research question: 

How have the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors strategically impacted the commercial System between the two parties, particularly for Russia?Research hypothesis: The EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have fundamentally transformed the global supply chain patterns for both parties, resulting in the emergence of a new commercial system.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 This research adopts a qualitative approach to evaluate the impact of the sanctions. The method of research employed include Porter's Five Factors Analysis.  This model provides a comprehensive tool to analyze the competitive dynamics within the energy market, focusing on the bargaining power of suppliers and buyers, the threat of new entrants and substitutes, and the intensity of competitive rivalry. Theoretical frameworks employed include Porter's Five Forces and Systems Theory to analyze the competitive and systemic changes in the energy market. This theory views the energy market as a complex system composed of interconnected and interdependent components, including producers, consumers, and regulatory bodies. The imposition of sanctions is seen as a systemic shock that reverberates through the entire market, affecting various elements in multifaceted ways.

The EU's sanctions have significantly curtailed Russian energy exports to Europe, forcing Russia to seek alternative markets, particularly in Asia. This shift has not fully compensated for the loss of the European market, leading to a substantial decrease in Russia's energy revenues. The EU has accelerated efforts to diversify its energy sources, reducing dependence on Russian oil, gas, and coal. This includes increased imports from the United States, the Middle East, and Africa, as well as a push towards renewable energy sources and liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure. The sanctions have contributed to increased volatility in global energy markets, with fluctuations in oil, gas, and coal prices driven by uncertainties in supply and demand. The reconfiguration of supply chains has also introduced logistical challenges and higher transportation costs. Countries like the United States, Qatar, and Norway have seen an increase in their bargaining power as Europe seeks alternative suppliers. These countries have leveraged the situation to negotiate more favorable terms and expand their market presence in Europe. The EU has intensified its investment in renewable energy technologies, viewing the sanctions as an impetus to accelerate the transition to a more sustainable energy system. This includes funding for wind, solar, and hydrogen projects, as well as research into energy storage solutions. The sanctions have induced systemic changes, prompting a reevaluation of energy security and supply chain resilience. The EU's strategic shift towards renewable energy and diversification of suppliers reflects a broader trend towards reducing dependency on single sources and enhancing long-term stability. The sanctions, while strategically significant, have proven inefficient in the short and medium term, as evidenced by ongoing disruptions and market adjustments. The immediate impacts have included supply chain reconfigurations and price volatility, without achieving a complete severance of energy ties or financial incapacitation of Russia. In the long term, however, the sanctions are expected to cause substantial harm to Russia's energy industry. This damage will manifest both vertically (through reduced production capabilities and loss of technological advancements) and horizontally (through diminished market share and geopolitical influence).

The EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have had profound strategic commercial implications for the global energy market. These sanctions have not only diminished Russia's role as a dominant energy supplier to Europe but have also triggered significant shifts in energy sourcing, market dynamics, and strategic investments. The findings underscore the importance of viewing the energy market as a complex system, where changes in one component can lead to widespread ripple effects. This research contributes to the understanding of the commercial impacts of geopolitical actions on the global energy market. It highlights the need for comprehensive strategies to manage energy security and market stability in the face of such disruptions. The study also underscores the potential for accelerated innovation and investment in renewable energy as a strategic response to geopolitical challenges. The implications of this research are far-reaching, suggesting that policymakers and industry leaders must consider both the immediate and long-term effects of sanctions and other geopolitical actions. By adopting a systems perspective and employing frameworks like Porter's Five Forces, stakeholders can better navigate the complexities of the global energy market and develop more resilient and sustainable energy strategies. In summary, the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have catalyzed significant changes in the global energy landscape, presenting both challenges and opportunities. The ongoing evolution of this situation will likely continue to shape the commercial dynamics of the energy market for years to come.

The South Caucasus has always been the focus of regional and extra-regional powers and has been involved in competitions to influence and dominate the region. Russia has always paid special attention to the Caucasus. Russia's desire to influence and dominate the region is rooted in its multifaceted interests in South Caucasus. The Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis is one of the oldest conflicts in the South Caucasus region, which threatens the security of the region and despite the extensive efforts of regional and international actors, it has not been fully resolved. The current research aims to investigate the factors and causes that prompted Russia to change its approaches and policies towards the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh Wars.

Research question: 

The question of this research is what causes and factors made the change in Russia's approach to the first and second Karabakh war?Research hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research is that the political changes in Armenia in 2018 and the adoption of western policies by the Pashinyan government played a major role in changing Russia's approach to the second Karabakh war.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

The study was conducted using a monograph. One of the important concepts in the field of international relations is the concept of great power. The concept of "Great Power" is still widely used to analyze the behavior and foreign policy of certain countries and has not lost its relevance. "Great Power" is an identity that, for historical reasons, cannot be easily erased from the minds of the political elites of some states, even in spite of the severe loss of material resources of power. Most of the great powers of the contemporary world have not been able to achieve the position of global hegemon. But most of them claim special rights, privileges and responsibilities in certain geographical areas. The great powers reserve the right to decide on matters affecting international peace and security. A regional power is a country that has the necessary credibility and authority to influence a region. In addition to the regional position on the world scale, a regional power can also be known as a great power.

After 1988, Russia tried to manage the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, it seemed that the country could not achieve its goals and this caused dissatisfaction in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Russia's support to Armenia played a key role in the Armenia's success in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. The war ended with the mediation of Russia and a ceasefire was established between the two countries. Several years later, in April 2016, a conflict broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Although this did not last long, it took a significant toll. The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War started on September 27th, 2020, and continued for 44 days. The second war somehow changed the region and, despite the first war, it was characterized by the presence of more players. Azerbaijan won the second Nagorno-Karabakh war and finally the war ended with a ceasefire brokered by Russia.Relationships between Azerbaijan and Russia are complex and multifaceted. During the presidency of Vladimir Putin and Ilham Aliyev, Russia and the Republic of Azerbaijan have experienced a pragmatic and profitable relations and have interacted with each other in various fields. Russia is one of the main trading partners of Azerbaijan and in 2020, it took the first and third place in the import and export of Azerbaijan, respectively. Russia's foreign direct investment in Azerbaijan increased from 2016 to 2020. Moreover, although Azerbaijan's foreign direct investment in Russia declined between 2016 and 2018, it increased 2019. On the other hand, Russian-Armenian military-technical cooperation between 1991 and 2021 was complex and extensive, developing simultaneously in several key areas. Russia's foreign direct investment decreased significantly in 2018 following the political developments in Armenia. Nevertheless, Russia significantly increased its foreign direct investment in Armenia in 2020.In 2018, the election of a new government in Armenia revived efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The relations between Armenia-Russia became dark after the election of Pashinyan. From the time of its revolution until the 2020 war, the Armenian government sought to attract investment from the West. It should be considered that Russia was unhappy with the 2018 Armenian revolution as it believed the West was supporting regime change through street protests and organizing such events in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It can be concluded that the above developments prompted Russia to adopt pessimistic view of Armenia.

Russia considers itself as a regional power and opposes the presence and influence of other powers, especially Western powers and the United States in this region. The results of the present study showed that Russia reacts to any issue that threatens its influence in the South Caucasus region. The importance of this issue for Russia was so great that the country's relations with Armenia underwent changes after the election of Pashinyan and the adoption of Pro-Western policies by his government. Therefore, Russia significantly reduced its foreign direct investment in Armenia in 2018. Russia’s different approaches to the First and Second Nagorno-Karabakh Wars were mostly influenced by the Armenian Velvet Revolution of 2018 and the pro-western policies of Pashinyan’s goverment. In other words, it can be said that the policy adopted by Russia towards the Second Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 was a reaction to Pashinyan’s pro-western policies in Armenia. Therefore, the main reason for the change of Russia's approach in the Second Karabakh war is that Armenia did not follow the framework of the laws intended by Russia and Russia changed its approach to punish this country in this war.