مجله دانش سیاسی
سال بیستم شماره 2 (پیاپی 40، پاییز و زمستان 1403)

One of the elements claimed for the strength of a country's political system is the existence of political parties. It is acceptable for parties to act with a secular worldview because there is a kind of political worldview convergence between the party and party activists in these societies, in other words, the basis and thought of the existence of the party and its structures are well designed, which has party behavior at levels. implements culture. Are the epistemic resources of Iranian parties the same as the epistemic resources of modern (western) parties? If they are the same, what is the contribution of each knowledge? The answers to the above questions need to be analyzed at the epistemological level. To analyze the level of knowledge, party documents (selected) and semi-structured interviews with party activists have been used in the form of thematic analysis. Purposive sampling has been done from the parties registered in the Ministry of Interior. The results of the research show similarities in The use of epistemic sources (homologous) in parties and the political space of romanticism has every epistemic reference among the parties and the space of political romanticism. This phenomenon itself is caused by the centrality of intuitive knowledge at the high theoretical level of party formation and political activism. which causes the intensification of the atmosphere of political romanticism in its political and social proposal, which is the opposite of the existence of the fact that the atmosphere of romance is also based on intuitive epistemological references.

The increase of Russia's presence in West Asia in recent years has affected regional and international order and security. The Russia's approach in this region towards other players influenced Russia-Iran interactions and Iran's interests at the regional and global levels. This paper aims to address this question: How Russia's regional policies in West Asia have affected Islamic Republic of Iran's national interests? The paper is based on the theory of balance of power. The paper’s findings show that the most important effects of Russia's soft and hard balancing act on Iran's national interests in the region are: Help countering Takfiri Salafi terrorism, increasing Iran's strategic depth, improving Iran's regional deterrence power, strengthening the Axis of Resistance, reducing the influence of America and the West in the region, and intensifying the strategic interactions of Russia-China and Iran and their confrontation with the liberal world order and unilateralism of America.

The rule of the obligation to maintain the system is one of the rules of jurisprudence that in different periods of Shiite jurisprudence in accordance with social conditions and needs of the time, various interpretations have been made that can be divided into three areas: "preserving the unity of Islam", "maintaining the livelihood of Islamic society" and Categorized "preservation of the social order of Muslims." With the establishment of the Islamic system in Iran, Imam Khomeini extended the scope of this rule to "maintaining the political system and Islamic government", which was considered by some scholars as a heresy in the Shiite jurisprudential tradition. The present study seeks to answer the question based on the evolution of this rule in different periods of Shiite jurisprudence? In response to this question, library studies have been used to collect data and multidimensional hermeneutic method has been used to analyze them. The result of this study shows that the semantic expansion of Shiite jurisprudential rules over time and based on social conditions and needs of each period is unprecedented and the rule of obligation to maintain the system in the conditions that in the early period of Shiite jurisprudence is often in the field of "memorization". The livelihood system of the Islamic society "has been used, has gradually developed semantically and has gained more prominence in the field of" maintaining the social system of Muslims". They have tried to extend this rule to the field of maintaining the political system.

Development programming in Islamic Republic of Iran, like other developing countries, is aiming the growth and progress, especially in the economic dimensions, which requires equipping resources inside and acquiring resources from abroad. Therefore, it is a very important prerequisite that in a logical combined framework is set the development model, and economic strategy and foreign policy proportionately to the model. The optimal and desired combination in the past six programs should be included the extrovert and endogenous development model and the strategy of active economic diplomacy based on international exchanges and developmental foreign policy. Proportionating to this desirability, the main question is about the what position of economic diplomacy in the six development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the in seventh plan. The hypothesis is that the development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the 7th development plan, did not include a pattern proportionating to development and it has led to Refusal to set goals and prioritize of economic diplomacy in the six programs. The purpose of the article is to explain the factors affecting the neglect of economic diplomacy in the development programs of Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article considers the economic prioritization and targeting as a serious necessity within the developmental state theory and on the basis of development planning styles and deals with the requirements and strategic implications, taking into account the possibility and refusal of the economic goals of the 7th Development Plan. The findings of the article is that Islamic Republic of Iran must consider the necessities and requirements of a specific foreign policy so called internationally selected interaction. The research method of the article is descriptive - analytical and based on the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the developmental foreign policy, the place of economic diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran's development programs is explained.

The development and expansion of new Internet-based technologies as the main infrastructure for the growth of cyber space in recent years has been the source of major changes in the personal and social life of humans and like an ecological evolution, many traditional concepts and patterns of known political action such as social movements have undergone fundamental and essential transformations.Based on this, Manuel Castells, by inductively examining the process of Islamic awakening in Arab countries and some other countries, expresses indicators for new social movements. Therefore, the main problem of this research, which has been done by its researchers, is to analyze the nature of the 2022 unrest in Iran by using Castells' theory about new social movements. Thus, the main question of the researchers of this article is whether the unrest in Iran in 2022 is considered a "new social movement" based on Castells' theory? The method of analysis used in the current research was " Grounded Theory" (Network Community Theory). By studying various works published by Castells and more closely examining the book "Networks of Outrage and Hope", the researchers categorized the set of 10 indicators that Castells mentions for modern social movements in three aspects: nature, internal mechanisms and consequences, and based on this new model, they analyzed the developments of 2022 in Iran. The findings of this research show that the unrest of 2022 in Iran, although it has some characteristics of a modern social movement, such as being networked, local-globalized, the virality of the dissemination model, the lack of a specific program, the change of society's values, and the lack of a single leadership, but still it does not have some other key characteristics of the new social movements considered by Castells, such as non-violence, self-reflection, spontaneity and occupation of the urban space due to the deviation arising from the extensive involvement of external factors and for these reasons, the series of changes that occurred as a result of the unrest in Iran in 2022, along with the series of social platforms created during the past years, can be considered as a "social movement in transition".

Today, with changing in the priorities of the diplomatic system of countries, strengthening the economic growth indicators has a higher priority than other goals. In many theories and definitions of globalization, the economic element of this process is emphasized and numerous theorists consider the dominant aspect of globalization to be economic. In general, in the era of globalization, economic diplomacy means the intersection of diplomacy and economic interests in line with national interests. Its successful application in the network of complex mutual relations will guarantee the provision of national interests only by presenting successful diplomacy. The purpose of this article is to investigate the dimensions and components of economic diplomacy of the Qatar government. The main question of this research is what is the economic diplomacy of the Qatari government and what dimensions and components does it have? In this research, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy as one of the special tasks of the government in the age of globalization, the specific experience of Qatar in this field is investigated and analyzed. The findings of the research show that the developmental government of Qatar, with a detailed understanding of global developments centered on the economy and by using its ability in the field of economic diplomacy, especially in the field of energy and based on a state-oriented economy, with an emphasis on economic diversification in the international arena in order to secure national interests, it has been very active and has taken effective and useful steps through investment in various fields and in different regions of the world and also in the field of attracting foreign investment and has shown a very successful model of himself in the field of economic diplomacy.

Jihad is one of the main social rules of Islam, which is included in many verses of the Holy Quran. Jihad has two types: defensive and primary. In this article, we are going to examine the question, "How can the logic of the primary jihad be explained from the perspective of Islamic realism?" And we enter the research with this hypothesis that according to Allameh Tabatabai's credit theory, the credit of "headship" and "recruitment" are two titles of rational credits. One of the essentials of these two is that every authority negates matters that conflict with its existential identity within its circle of power. Based on this, Islamic authority, within its sphere of power, rejects the survival of things that conflict with its monotheistic identity, that is, polytheism and disbelief.For this purpose, we introduce the two credits of "headship" and "recruitment" and show that by examining the stages of birth, consolidation and development of a new political power, the logic of defensive and primary jihad can be explained. In addition, we provide evidence from the Holy Qur'an and history that shows that the primary jihad on the part of Muslims is not a new and devotional phenomenon and is historically based on the ancient roots of the Vala system. The method of this research is proof-deductive. The type of basic research is case study and static analysis.

Entering the fifth decade since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the examination of its various dimensions is still thought-provoking and surprising from different aspects. So that according to the pseudo-modernism actions of the second Pahlavi regime,  in what can be referred to as the problem of path dependence, contexts for dissatisfaction and change were provided in the conflict between the government and society.Thus, the present article tries to answer the main question that how the governance quality of the Pahlavi regime has provided the dissatisfaction of different sections of the people in the integration of the innovation of the ideology of Imam Khomeini and the occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution? The present research, based on the theory of the fourth generation revolution of the Goldstone , has concluded that the innovations emanating from the religious culture of Imam Khomeini's Shia in the form of a deep ideology increased the set of existing alternatives through the Velayat Faqih, and the goals and strategies of different type of the people had been led  in the sequence of events at serious and critical moments towards the change of the political system depending on the path.Iran's Islamic Revolution shows the logic of path-dependent reactive sequence reasoning. As far as possible in this path, three main sequences can be identified, which are: modernization, environmental and cultural. The modernization sequence is considered a primary sequence and contains events that directly harmed the interests, values ​​and culture of the society.The environmental sequence has been set up by the inherent characteristics of the Iranian people, such as independence, people's participation in elections, and freedom. These conditions were necessary for the strong reliance of different strata of people on an ideological innovation invented by Imam Khomeini.The cultural sequence has been determined by strengthening the propositions of the invented ideology, such as the priority of the people over the government, Islamic freedom, the necessity of religion's involvement in politics, emphasis on ijtihad according to the requirements of time and place, and finally the Islamic state.

The condition of man and his utopia in schools of thought have been accompanied by various descriptions and then different prescriptions. It can be said that "Hayat-e-tayebeh" is the most important imaginary inspired by the Holy Qur'an about happiness and good situation  .The preliminary review of the research background shows the use of different narrative and rational approaches in these studies. For a deep analysis of Hayat-e-tayebeh, it is necessary to study this diverse range. This article, with the aim of  Qualitative meta-analysis of political researches related to Hayat-e-tayebeh from 2011 to 2021, investigates and explains the strengths and weaknesses of these studies. These researches are examined at three theoretical, methodological and consequential levels based on the meta-analysis method. The main goal of this research is the diagnostic study of the state of scientific production of these articles and the summation and synthesis of these researches with a political approach to achieve a relatively more comprehensive picture. Predominance of narrative (historical) method, generalization, abstractness and lack of diversity in the research method have been the main shortcomings of political studies of this concept. Also, most of the articles were related to the question of what is Hayat-e-tayebeh, and the question of how it is, was less raised; Therefore, these researches are mostly at the level of theory testing and do not enter into theorizing. Based on the findings, it is possible to present a semantic structure based on three pillars of individual, social and political of Hayat-e-tayebeh.  This semantic structure is a simplified plan that defines the basic lines of an abstract set and the relationships between them; This plan goes beyond the level of thought and abstraction and to some extent enters the field of principles and practical values.

Using dollar as a tool to impose unilateral and international sanctions by the United States of America has caused some countries to adopt a de-dollarization policy in order to reduce their vulnerability. The present research has two goals: to investigate the existing trends of de-dollarization as an economic diplomacy in different parts of the world, and to assess the feasibility of the given above conditions for Iran's economic diplomacy in order to reduce the effect of sanctions. Therefore, article’s question is what the process of de-dollarization in international trade is. Moreover, with the beginning of the process of de-dollarization in the world politics, what possibility has it provided for Iran's economic diplomacy? This research has used the theoretical approach of nested regionalism and the techniques of trend and time series analysis as a research method in the three organizations of Shanghai, BRICS and ASEAN as a case study that applied de-dollarization as a tool of their economic diplomacy. The findings of the research indicate that simultaneously with the implementation of the de-dollarization policy by the above three organizations, the level of exchanges between the member countries of these organizations with Iran has stagnated since 2018 due to the unilateral sanctions of the United States of America and lack of attention to the use of this new policy. Therefore, using the de-dollarization policy as a tool in Iran's economic diplomacy will be able to disrupt the goals of sanctions while boosting Iran's international trade.

Considering the tremendous and accelerated changes in the field of communication technologies and the consequent change in the methods, tools and methods of communication between people on the one hand, as well as the continuous onslaught of the western media stream and their ceaseless efforts to create a distorted image of the nature and also The goals of the internal and external policy of the Islamic system, this research seeks to provide a way of thinking through which the possibility of reorganizing the official media of the Islamic Republic - with the aim of improving the level of the effectiveness of its media and propaganda action - will be provided. For this purpose, the researcher tries to answer the question of how to overcome the challenges facing the media action of the official media of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using the method of thematic analysis and its application to expert interviews. Naturally, providing an answer to this question requires knowing the weak points, drawing the situation of an ideal media action and providing operational solutions for this purpose. The elite community consists of 8 professors in the field of communication, who were selected with the logic of theoretical saturation. The upcoming research includes 20 themes in the dimension of recognizing the problematic aspect of the challenge in official media action, 79 themes in the formation of the challenge situation, 14 themes in the drawing of the ideal situation and 47 operational solutions to improve the quality level of official media action in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The culture of political participation is the cornerstone of having a dynamic and politically stable society. In societies with an acceptable political participation culture, decision-making will lead to the growth of the society. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the political culture of participation of natives and non-natives of Khuzestan province and the factors affecting it in the first half of 1402. The data collection method was done by survey method to investigate the political participatory culture, through standard questionnaires. In this method, the information and opinions of the citizens of Khuzestan province were collected randomly and through standard questions and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research showed that being native or not has no effect on people's political participation, which itself shows the effect of other variables such as; Political culture has cultural and especially economic factors on people's political participation. In this regard, the variable effect of people's political attitude on the economic variable was significantly prominent. The results of the study showed that there is no significant difference between natives and non-natives living in Khuzestan province in terms of the culture of political participation as a dependent variable. Also, ethnicity and nativeness in Khuzestan province do not have an obvious effect on the culture of political participation and other variables such as; The variable of intention and political attitude affects the culture of political participation.