فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 20 (تابستان 1403)

With their resurgence in Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted the term "Islamic Emirate" instead of "Islamic State." After capturing Kabul, the Taliban formally introduced their interim government and requested the United Nations to recognize their representation. The Taliban regime, which can be described as an "Ethnic-Religious Leviathan," does not adhere to the conventional norms of legitimacy in international law. Instead, it bases its principles on "Hanafi jurisprudence," "Pashtunwali customs," and the "Loya Jirga tradition," none of which align with international standards of legitimacy. These principles, characterized by ethnic nationalism, patriarchy, and the fusion of political and religious despotism, are incompatible with the modern state's elements, such as authority, legitimacy, sovereignty, territory, centralized power, and a constitution.The concept of Leviathan, introduced in Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy, is a significant theory concerning sovereignty and political systems. It is based on a social contract where individuals surrender their decision-making rights to a centralized government. According to Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the balance of power between the state and society is crucial in determining the type of Leviathan. This balance may result in different forms of Leviathan: a despotic Leviathan where the state is strong, and society is weak; an absent Leviathan where both the state and government institutions are weak; a constrained Leviathan where the state and society are balanced and interact; and a paper Leviathan where both the state and society are weak. In each type of Leviathan, norms play a crucial role in shaping government behavior and actions. In comparison to Leviathan, the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate can be seen as a blend of a despotic Leviathan and a paper Leviathan. In this structure, the Taliban government is strong and authoritarian, but its inability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services leads to a weakened society. This situation restricts individual and social freedoms and places society under the heavy control of the government, with no opportunity for effective political participation. Additionally, exploitative economic institutions in this type of government eliminate incentives for progress and innovation, leading to social instability and weakness. Considering these factors, the Taliban Leviathan can be seen as a combination of both despotic and paper Leviathan types. The paper Leviathan lacks the ability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services, rendering both the state and society weak. At the same time, it constantly fears mobilization from society, which could threaten the stability of its control. In this type of Leviathan, freedom is ultimately thwarted.According to Quentin Skinner’s perspective, understanding the Taliban’s ideology and actions requires reconstructing both their practical and ideological contexts, aiming to clarify what the Taliban intends to achieve. A hermeneutic analysis of the Taliban's actions and the political environment in their Islamic Emirate necessitates examining their ideological foundations, customary norms, their political actions, the development or transformation of their ideology, and finally, the relationship between ideology and political action. The ideological crisis in Afghanistan stems from the lack of indigenous forces for national and political independence. As a country with ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity, Afghanistan has long faced identity problems. The state's, system's, and nation’s identity in Afghanistan have always been ambiguous and unstable. This identity crisis has been exacerbated by the dominance of tribal culture, which conflicts with modernity and inter-ethnic culture. In this context, the Taliban, as a group with a specific ideology, has been influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. Talibanism emerged as a reaction to the inefficiency of the Jihadist government and ethnic fragmentation, attempting to strengthen its legitimacy among the Afghan people by ensuring security.The Taliban's political actions are based on Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. After the 2001 US invasion and the subsequent fall of their government, the Taliban resorted to guerrilla warfare. Through reorganization and alliances with groups like al-Qaeda, they managed to regain control over various regions and gradually became a significant political power in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban's political actions have consistently been characterized by totalitarianism and exclusivity, which has deepened ethnic and racial divisions in Afghanistan. In forming their ideology, the Taliban collaborated with fundamentalist and reactionary groups, adopting norms from Hanafi culture as their political ideology. Over time, this ideology has evolved under the influence of global and regional developments, particularly after the deaths of the Taliban’s original leaders and the emergence of new ones. The group has attempted to adapt its ideology to new global and local challenges. Global events like the September 11 attacks and the US wars in Afghanistan also played a role in these ideological shifts.As an Islamic movement, the Taliban has intertwined its ideology with political actions. By adhering to Islamic principles and Sharia law, the group seeks to reshape Afghanistan's social and political structures in line with its ideology. The connection between the Taliban's ideology and political action has enabled them to dominate the Afghan people and implement their policies using ideological power. The Taliban's conservative ideology, emphasizing the enforcement of Islamic limits and a particular interpretation of Sharia, serves as the foundation of their governance and helps them reconstruct Afghanistan's social and political systems according to their ideological vision. This analysis shows that the Taliban has not only used its ideology but also its political and military actions to establish a prominent position in AfghanThe comparison between the Leviathan theory and the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban reveals that each of these concepts possesses unique characteristics in areas such as sovereignty, state formation, and political systems. This analysis not only enhances the understanding of philosophical and political concepts but also sheds light on the challenges and opportunities emerging in different contexts. With the collapse of the Afghan government and the ensuing panic among the people, there are growing concerns that with the rise of the Taliban, Afghanistan might revert to a pre-modern era, where women would be confined to their homes, girls would be denied education, men would be forced to comply with Sharia law, and the Taliban-controlled media would lack freedom. Moreover, the public fears that any Afghan citizen who collaborated with the previous government or the United States might face severe punishment if discovered by the Taliban. In essence, it can be said that the state-building process appears to be moving in reverse, leading to a breakdown of order. However, the Taliban has denied all these claims in conferences, asserting that they have no intention of reinstating previous policies and that their objective is to assist the people and promote the progress and development of Afghanistan. This is a question that cannot be answered definitively at this time; it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the Taliban's Islamic governance in Afghanistan will be. Nevertheless, given the internal and regional circumstances, the future of the Taliban government remains uncertain. Domestically, the issue of governing a fragmented society persists, and the Taliban's Leviathan, in addition to maintaining stability, faces multiple and diverse demands from Afghanistan's youthful and sectarian society. Consequently, the Taliban will inevitably need to adopt a more inclusive approach, which will require developing a coherent theory of governance and appropriate mechanisms. However, it must be acknowledged that the process of forming a strong and stable state is still in its early stages, as the Taliban's Islamic Emirate is highly dependent on developmental assistance and de jure recognition on the global stage to carry out the typical functions of a sustainable government.

The theory of modernization emerged after World War II, shaped by three significant events: the rise of the United States as a global superpower in the 1950s, the expansion of global communism, and the collapse of European empires in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, leading to the creation of numerous new nation-states in the Third World. In this context, American political elites called upon social scientists to study Third World countries to prevent them from falling into the communist bloc by promoting economic development. Thus, the primary concern of modernization scholars was to identify the causes of underdevelopment and the means to overcome it in these countries. Modernization theorists viewed the roots of underdevelopment in undeveloped nations as being embedded in the prevailing cultures and traditions of these societies. They argued that one of the major reasons for underdevelopment was the beliefs, customs, and practices in these communities. The theorists proposed that for these countries to develop, they must abandon their cultural values and adopt Western, particularly American, models. They believed that the only path to development was to set aside traditional values and embrace modern Western principles. Although economic development was considered the driving force behind progress in other areas, modernization theories largely focused on values, beliefs, and emulating the West. Some of these theories also advocated for receiving foreign aid to spur development. Overall, the central focus of this school of thought was on the relationship between undeveloped nations and Western countries, emphasizing distancing from indigenous values and relying on Western knowledge and support. The dominant view was that the only way to achieve development was by following the path of developed nations and leveraging their knowledge and experience. In Afghanistan, the extensive presence of developed nations, particularly the United States, in the early 21st century (2001-2021) provided the necessary conditions for modernization based on these theories. This included unparalleled financial aid, the influx of advisors and specialists, modern technologies, and efforts to promote Western values. However, evidence suggests that these efforts failed to create significant development in Afghanistan and even had negative consequences. The country continues to struggle with widespread poverty, hunger, unemployment, and some of the lowest global development indicators. Therefore, this study examines the role of the United States in the modernization of Afghanistan within the framework of modernization theory. This research is conducted within the framework of the critical paradigm, classified as fundamental in its objectives and documentary in terms of sources. The study adopts an explanatory-analytical approach to address the issue. The target population of this research includes modernization theories, studies related to the presence and support of First World countries in undeveloped nations, and their impact on modernization, as well as documents and studies on the role of the United States in Afghanistan. Sampling was conducted through content analysis, keyword identification, and consultation with experts. Data collection was carried out using note-taking methods, and data analysis involved categorizing key concepts, identifying categories, and ultimately determining the core themes of the study. Despite the extensive presence of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan, the main objectives of ensuring security and combating terrorism were not achieved. The Taliban retained control over vast parts of the country and even exerted influence in government-controlled areas. Consequently, insecurity and rising crime rates in urban areas persisted, and efforts at social reconstruction and modernization failed. Poverty Levels Poverty in Afghanistan increased significantly despite years of U.S. and allied presence. In 2016, more than 54% of the population lived below the poverty line, and by 2020, this number had risen to 90%. U.S. reconstruction efforts did not produce any meaningful improvement in the lives of the Afghan people. Drug Addiction Levels Drug addiction, especially among the youth in Afghanistan, has escalated drastically. Approximately 3.5 million people in the country are addicted to drugs, a situation exacerbated by poverty, unemployment, and unfavorable social conditions. Literacy Rates Despite international aid, Afghanistan still has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. About 80% of women and over 60% of men cannot read or write. This reflects the failure of foreign education programs in Afghanistan. Administrative Corruption Widespread administrative corruption remains one of Afghanistan's most significant challenges. According to annual reports, Afghanistan is consistently ranked among the most corrupt countries globally. Efforts to combat corruption have had no meaningful results (Wardak, 2019). Political Participation Political participation in Afghanistan has declined over time. This drop is linked to the growing corruption within the government and its inability to gain public trust. The gap between the government and the people has widened, posing serious challenges to the realization of democracy. Access to Energy Despite Afghanistan’s favorable conditions for generating electricity through dam construction, little progress was made in energy production after two decades of foreign-backed governance. Only 31% of the population has access to electricity, with 70% of the energy being imported from neighboring countries. The lack of an effective governance structure in the energy sector has restricted access to electricity, hindering both economic and environmental development. Access to Clean Drinking Water Access to clean drinking water remains a major challenge in Afghanistan. In many cities, especially Kabul, there is no organized water supply system, and groundwater is contaminated with feces and chemicals. Reports indicate that around 70% of Kabul’s groundwater is unusable, and 60% of the country’s water is contaminated with feces. Despite international aid, access to clean water has not been realized. Access to Healthcare Services Access to quality healthcare in Afghanistan was limited throughout the U.S. and allied presence. Public hospitals struggled to provide basic services to citizens, with most treatments requiring personal expenditure. Even in major cities, the construction of standard hospitals was limited, and the healthcare insurance system was underdeveloped. Modernization is a key development paradigm with both supporters and critics. While it promises progress for underdeveloped societies, its ability to address the realities and crises of different countries is questioned. In Afghanistan, modernization efforts have revealed that theorists focus too narrowly on cultural factors, overlooking the complex interplay of multiple elements required for development. Critics of modernization theory argue that the imposition of foreign models under the guise of modernization has not only failed to help underdeveloped societies but has also led to new forms of violence and challenges. Although the positive impacts of these models in areas such as technology access and public awareness cannot be overlooked, these benefits seem minor compared to the damages inflicted on societies. In Afghanistan, the introduction of external strategies has similarly resulted in greater challenges. Ultimately, Afghanistan's history of dependence on foreign powers—whether Britain, the Soviet Union, or the U.S.—demonstrates that external interventions and the imposition of modernization models have not brought development but instead fostered corruption, poverty, and numerous other problems. The extensive foreign military presence and massive financial expenditures failed to provide security, basic services, or public welfare for the Afghan people, rendering the modernization paradigm ineffective in this context.

Examining the cognitive systems of politicians and policymakers is one of the most important frameworks for understanding and analyzing the behaviors, actions, and decision-making processes of these individuals. The cognitive systems of individuals encompass their perceptions, worldviews, beliefs, values, and the prevailing discourses surrounding these beliefs, all of which significantly influence these processes. The decision-making patterns regarding Iran's nuclear policy as a central issue of foreign policy in the post-Revolution era have undeniably been shaped by cognitive psychology, personality cults, perceptual structures, and the leadership styles of the ruling politicians in this domain. This study aims to investigate and understand the cognitive system of the Rouhani administration and its impacts on Iran's political approaches and decisions regarding the nuclear dossier and negotiations with the West. Therefore, the main research question is: How has the cognitive perception of the eleventh and twelfth administrations of Iran influenced the political approaches taken in the context of Iran's nuclear negotiations with the West? The authors employ a qualitative methodology with a descriptive and analytical approach. It is noteworthy that the data collection tools include note-taking and reviewing books, articles, and websites. Due to the exploratory nature of this research, hypotheses are deliberately avoided. Ultimately, through the analysis of descriptive data, it can be stated that the cognitive system and the discourses dominant in the beliefs of this administration have played a crucial role in transforming Iran's political approach towards nuclear negotiations with the West, shifting from confrontation to détente. Systematic and personality characteristics of leaders are among the factors that have a deep and undeniable role and influence on political approaches and foreign policy in general in relations between countries. The study and investigation of politics and personality has been one of the most important and oldest subjects of foreign policy analysts' attention, because they have always been interested in understanding these issues, how leaders see the world, what their perception and understanding of issues are. What motivates them and how they make decisions.In fact, what shapes and directs the behavior and decisions of leaders is their mental perception of reality, and any changes in this perception can be the origin and root of changes in the field of foreign policy.In other words, the political system of the countries in any form and in any form, the discourses and elites who take power in the country's political arena, shape their foreign policy according to their mental-psychological constructions and perceptions. And understanding the roots and mental bases of politicians and statesmen is the most important step for foreign policy analysis.The path of diplomacy and nuclear decision-making patterns of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as the biggest foreign policy challenge after the Islamic Revolution, has been undeniably influenced by the psychology of cognition, personality cult, perceptual constructions and leadership style of the ruling politicians in foreign policy. In fact, although several factors have an effect on the type of decision-making, understanding and understanding of a subject by a leader, his perception, beliefs and values ​​play a much more important role in this process.Therefore, the understanding of the decision-making pattern and political approach of the leaders will be incomplete without the systemic recognition and their personality structure in foreign policy.Each dominant discourse puts a new approach and strategy on the agenda, according to the type of perceptual space. In fact, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite having a common semantic system, has different and even conflicting narratives and readings, which can be seen in a macro view in a completely undeniable way, influenced by mental and perceptual constructions, as well as The political orientations of Iran's foreign policy have always been between the perceptual-cognitive space of the conservative wing and the reformist wing, and this has caused Iran's foreign policy to gradually become a confusing combination of ideology and pragmatism.The important issue is that cognitive filters have an undeniable effect in shaping the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, which is a clear example of these effects in accordance with the cognitive and perceptual structures of the ruling leaders in the foreign policy of different discourses. One of the most important challenges of the Islamic Republic was the nuclear conflict, which affected the relations between Iran and the actors of the international system in all dimensions. With the increasing efficiency of the Rouhani government, on the other hand, the foreign policy decision makers, the views and understanding of the politicians and the emergence of new literature in the field changed. The foreign policy all indicated the formation of a new chapter in Iran's foreign policy, the central signifier of this chapter and the new discourse was the concept of moderation.This sign meant creating and establishing a balance between the realism of the logic of the nation-state of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the idealism of the Islamic Revolution in foreign policy.As a result, according to this sign, in foreign policy, in addition to paying attention to the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, domestic and international realities were also considered, so that the ideals did not cause the realities to be overlooked and the realities did not cause the ideals to be neglected.This research is necessary because the position of personality and psychological aspects, as one of the most important factors affecting the decision-making process of leaders, as well as its decisive role in drawing relations and domestic and foreign policy of countries, in explaining activism, especially in politics Iran's foreign policy is increasingly necessary and its importance is that so far no work in this aspect has been able to address the neglected aspects of this field.The findings of the research indicate that in addition to the systemic effects of presidents, variables such as the role of internal factors, international factors, and bureaucratic and structural factors have also had a visible impact on Iran's political approach in the process of nuclear negotiations with the West. Although the severity and impact of these variables cannot be accurately measured, but according to the evidence and findings, after the 11th government took office, the approach and view of Iran's nuclear case also changed, and the principle of negotiation, the approach of diplomacy and constructive interaction was adopted; The way that created the ground for the resolution of the nuclear case through de-escalation, confidence building, away from security, improvement of Iran's image and prestige, active diplomacy and relations with other countries and international organizations.The first step of this can be seen from the transfer of the nuclear file from the Supreme National Security Council to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Rouhani government always defended the multilateralist and internationalist approaches to resolve the nuclear case, and finally this approach led to the resolution of the nuclear case. In this regard, 2015 can be considered a turning point in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the fact that the challenges and controversies of Iran's nuclear case for several years in the international community and international organizations through long-term negotiations, led to a political and international agreement under the title of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the countries known as (15) ) becameRouhani was able to present and introduce his personality to the world, which had a combination of honesty and internationally understandable expression.As a result, under moderation, which has been the central sign in the speech of Hassan Rouhani's government, an attempt was made to establish a kind of balance between realism and idealism, which means less conflict and conflict with the international order and its relative acceptance and the need to interact with it. has been As the leader of moderation discourse, Hassan Rouhani's systematic knowledge provided the conditions and context for his leadership under the concept of transformational leadership. With measures such as changes in power centers, specialization of institutions, change of tactics, de-escalation and change of perception and attitude towards himself and others, Rouhani showed that he is eager to change And the transformation in the foreign policy decision-making process is in the process of nuclear negotiations with the West. In this process, the focus and emphasis of moderation discourse was on solving the nuclear conflict as the most central issue of foreign policy.In fact, Rouhani, influenced by his mental, semantic and perceptual system, which formed his systematic knowledge, as well as by the perception and interpretation of other actors of the international system as actors with a friendly and interactive identity, made the strategy of negotiation and interaction in the nuclear case the basis of his action. in foreign policy. Then, according to his worldview, he made a fundamental turn in the nuclear case, as an issue not at the top of other foreign policy issues, but during them.Therefore, according to Rouhani's first speech and reaction to Trump's withdrawal from the JCPOA, from the perspective of his cognitive system, we can understand the following points:1. His emphasis on the adherence of the Iranian government to its commitments in the JCPOA until the US withdraws from this treaty Emphasizing the non-adherence of the United States to international treaties, including the JCPOA, and the unreliability of the United States3.Emphasizing the fact that the JCPOA is a multilateral international agreement between several countries and it was not only between Iran and the United States that Trump wanted to withdraw from it unilaterally, and this action will definitely have consequences.In the end, in a summary, it can be stated that during the presidency of Mr. Rouhani, in the first order, his systemology and perception, the international system and environmental pressures, including sanctions, structural and bureaucratic factors (government structure, transfer issue) nuclear file from the Supreme National Security Council to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and finally internal factors such as the role of individuals (foreign policy decision-makers such as the Minister of Foreign Affairs), public opinion and influential groups, etc. . . They have been effective

According to convergence theory, whose famous theorists are Raymond Aron and John Kenneth Galbraith, Great powers, despite their ideological differences, probably have similar behavior to each other regarding issues related to national security and maintaining interests. So, Iran and Saudi Arabia should be aware that being strong and cooperating is the only option for a bright future for these two countries and consequently the Middle East region. In this context, the author believes that everything that is happening in our region today is a background for the new order. From Brexit, widespread protests in Iran, and the coming to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, and shadow of Saudi Arabia over Yemen, to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Azerbaijan's control over Karabakh, and the control of a significant amount of the Gaza Strip by the Zionist regime. And what is important in the meantime is Iran's appropriate action to stay out of this competition. At the individual level of analysis, both countries have the main decision maker in the form of (leader / king). In terms of the region, it should be stated that these two can have the greatest impact on the security of the region. At the global level, America's focus from the Persian Gulf to the Asia Pacific can provide space for the creation of a bloc led by these two in the region with global influence. Iran and Saudi Arabia must be aware that the new world order is happening and all countries will pursue their interests at this time, and in the meantime, any country that falls into the trap of "internal unrest and foreign war" will be the loser in the future. As a future study if the purpose of the research is to identify and evaluate the causal relationships and influence between factors, the structural method is more suitable, but if the purpose of the research is to produce and evaluate several different scenarios for the future, the extension method is more suitable. In this research, we present a combination of these two. In fact in this research, we identified the main drivers using the MicMac software, then obtained different scenarios using the morphological matrix, and finally we presented our prescriptive analytics and outlined the ways to achieve it. The integrated (interdisciplinary) method tells us that since no single method has been able to be sufficient or complete on its own, it is better to use all possible methods to reach more convincing results and possibly discover the truth. So it can be concluded that the combination of realism and constructivism will have a favorable and balanced result. Whose foundations can be seen in the theory of realist constructivism, this approach can use cause and effect analysis and structural analysis in international relations and thus be an analytical and critical approach. In fact, flexibility can help us a lot, as Samuel Barkin uses this example in his book: In the sociology of science, paradigms are a bit like castles. The scientists are the knights in this metaphor, and the assumptions are the lords that the knights / scientists are sworn to defend. The strength of a paradigm can be measured by the number of scientists willing to defend its ramparts. Scientists tend to stay true to their assumptions, so that model castles successfully defend their inhabitants, until those inhabitants die. In this metaphor, one is more concerned with defending one's (fortress / paradigm) and defeating others than with building a bridge between them. In other words, the paradigms are different from each other and in conflict with each other, and we seek to overcome this issue. What can be obtained from the historical investigation as well as the observation of current issues is that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have been influenced by various factors such as culture, religion, politics, economy and regional interests since ancient times. In general, the following three cases can be considered as the main turning points between the two countries. 1. The series of Arab-Iranian wars in the 7th century AD and the influence of Islam in Iran following the established communications. 2. The establishment of the Safavid government in the 16th century and the declaration of Shiism as the official religion of the country. 3: The impact of pan-Arabism movements and the Iranian revolution in the 20th century. In general, by examining the historical and contemporary relations of the two countries, we reached a set of events, trends, variables and actors. And finally, by examining the impact of these things on each other, we reached the drivers by which we were able to extract scenarios and finally presented our prescribed scenario and the solutions to achieve it. It should be noted that after the mutual influence of 54 components on each other, the overall result was as follows: America is the most prominent actor (influential variable) in this case. The nuclear deal is very important. The role of communication developments can be influential in the future. The role of the Iranian society as a defeated actor is weak in these conflicts. Finally, we present the recommendation of this research in the form of a short story. In 2028, Iran and Saudi Arabia reached an unprecedented level of cooperation and friendship. They solved the old problems and established a bloc like the European Union with a new approach by reducing dependence on oil. America also supported this process and canceled all sanctions in order not to lose its superior position over China. The resistance axis countries also achieved acceptable stability following the de-escalation of tensions, and the neighboring Arab countries improved their relations with Iran, and the Middle East region began its new path. In the best case, the future of the two countries is stable competition and cooperation, and in the worst case, Iran will become weaker and more normal every day under Saudi Arabia, and finally, at the point of desperation, they will lead to a military conflict. In fact, what is considered desirable from the point of view of this prescriptive future research lies behind the issue that Iran and Saudi Arabia achieve convergence with each other, a convergence that both of them are at the peak of power, and finally we get the following results The two strong twin countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia will create peace and sustainable development in the region if they converge. The roots of proxy wars and terrorist acts will dry up. The problem of Palestine and Israel will be solved. It is in the interest of Iran and Saudi Arabia to take full control of the Persian Gulf together so that not only the hands of the western countries are cut short, but also a vacuum is not created. Creating an economic bloc that creates balance and benefit in the relationship between East and West.

Environmental crises and problems have posed unprecedented primary and secondary threats to humanity, putting environmental concerns and saving the biosphere at the center of world politics. Climate change and its consequences such as floods and droughts that threaten the survival of millions of people, animals and plants, problems with air pollution and the resulting increase in mortality rates, the increasing pollution of the seas and oceans and the alteration of marine ecosystems through the dumping of pollutants, sewage and fuel spills; the overuse of fossil fuels and the emission of greenhouse gases, soil erosion and ecosystem degradation, deforestation and desertification, biodiversity loss, destruction of natural habitats, illegal hunting and its consequences such as the spread of pandemic diseases common to humans and animals - this is just a small part of the environmental crises facing people in the 21st century. The growing trend of environmental threats and their destructive and devastating effects on health, the economy, security and global geopolitics, the worsening of unemployment and the increase in economic inequalities and the resulting challenges in the domestic politics of countries, such as the rise of populism, the rise of right-wing and authoritarian governments, the undermining of free trade, the increase in regional conflicts over water and energy resources, the increase in forced migration, the emergence of a migrant and refugee crisis and the risk of them becoming scapegoats, the increase in violence, organized crime and the threat of terrorism and fundamentalism, which are both a consequence of environmental crises and a cause of many of these crises, have changed the traditional understanding of the concepts of peace and security, which were very military, deterrent, limited and associated with a zero-sum game. It has created a new and comprehensive concept of security that encompasses not only all military and political components, but also economic, social and environmental ones. This comprehensive and broad concept of security has shifted the responsibility for ensuring security to a vast network of transnational, multilateral and multi-level global governance, given the inability of nation states to counter new threats and ensure the security of their citizens.This article defines the meaning and concept of environmental security and examines the implications of this new concept for global politics and international relations, as well as its potential for regional cooperation in the Persian Gulf. The main question of this research is: How has the rise and expansion of transnational environmental threats affected regional cooperation in the Persian Gulf? The hypothesis tested to answer this question is that the increase and expansion of non-traditional and borderless threats will inevitably drive the Persian Gulf littoral states to cooperate.In terms of analyzing regional cooperation among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in the field of environmental protection, this article argues that these policies and cooperative efforts are consistent with at least two main assumptions of multilevel governance theory. The study of GCC countries' cooperation under this theory has provided data that has informed theoretical studies in this area and supported the assumptions of multilevel governance theory. The first assumption concerns the changing role of states. In the face of widespread primary and secondary environmental threats on a global scale, nation states are no longer able to ensure the security of their citizens. This has driven them towards transnational and subnational cooperation in combating environmental threats. Second, because environmental issues are the domain of low politics, member states are more willing to give up their national sovereignty in favor of transnational action in this area than in other areas. This has led to the formation of a complex network of actors, instruments and policy-making centers in the environmental field.In general, the concept of the environment - whether in its positive aspect, i.e. the provision of strategic natural resources, or in its negative aspect, i.e. the imposition of geopolitical constraints on countries — has always been part of the security structure of international relations. In international relations theories, however, it has always been considered an abstract issue within the state-centered concept of security. Traditional international relations theories have often overlooked the issue of environmental insecurity as part of the international relations discourse when developing the state-centered concept of security. In recent years, environmental issues have taken a prominent place on the international policy agenda due to their impact on security and economic areas of greatest concern to states. The proliferation of concepts such as water wars, drug wars, diamond wars, oil wars, climate change, deforestation or pollution in international relations and their connection to national security have made environmental security one of the most controversial concepts in the discourse of international relations. This broad understanding of security as opposed to the narrow and traditional understanding, the emergence of the concept of environmental security, the development of shared environmental values in the context of globalization and the rise of green theories in international relations have increasingly challenged the traditional theories of international relations and established the environment as a subfield of theoretical studies in international relations. The result of this environmental awareness has been the conceptualization of global governance both as a tool and framework for understanding emerging environmental issues and as a comprehensive mechanism for cooperation between nation states to address these widespread threats.Global governance, through the coordination of different actors and the establishment of rules, policies, regulations, standards and procedures, has been instrumental in placing environmental issues on the global agenda and expanding environmental cooperation at global, regional and local levels. Given the importance of the Persian Gulf region to global environmental governance, both in terms of energy security and fossil fuel production as a major contributor to climate change, as well as the region's fragility, vulnerability and high sensitivity to the environmental impacts of global climate change, and the inability of national governments in the Gulf region to address widespread environmental threats, global governance has created a mechanism and extensive interactive network for decision-making and addressing many global issues and problems. By promoting transnational identity, detaching politics from national contexts, creating a functional rather than a territorial political space, strengthening interdependence in decision-making at different levels, and developing global paradigms such as sustainable development or common but differentiated responsibilities, global governance has played a crucial role in rescuing the Gulf region from the spiral of widespread environmental problems and threats. There are different levels of multilateral cooperation to address the multilateral security challenges currently facing the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. At the regional level, the evolving security challenges may push local actors towards the idea of a long-term, indigenous and endogenous security system. In addition, closer economic, social and environmental cooperation can mitigate the perceived challenges to political and military security. In this context, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) leaders have often cited European peace building as a model with important lessons for regional cooperation in the Gulf. These lessons can be categorized into three areas: Identity building and branding based on Islamic values to deconstruct and undermine nationalism and national and ethnic identities, environmental security based on human security at the regional level, and transnational cooperation within the framework of global environmental conventions.

The dramatic growth and sudden rise of China's economy on the one hand has increased its national power and on the other hand has strengthened "China-phobia" and presented a threatening image of it by the world powers. On the other hand, in order to counter this threatening image and neutralize the wave of "Sinophobia", the Chinese tried to present a peaceful and cooperative image of their country to the world by using the power strategy. . By relying on the capabilities and capacities of their country in various fields, the Chinese have given their power a "Chinese character" and tried to rebuild their image inside China and in international circles by applying power strategies. The main question of the article is what is the position of West Asia in China's power strategy and what resources does it use to achieve its goals in this region? In response to the main question, the paper's hypothesis is that power in its Chinese version had significant differences from Joseph Nye's original idea. In fact, the Chinese have imported the American version of power and adjusted, strengthened and, in other words, internalized it with their abilities, capacities and political philosophy.The current research, by adopting the descriptive-analytical method and relying on library data, to understand and explain China's presence in West Asia, traces China's efforts in three areas: 1) In the cultural area: through the examination of strategies such as "use of educational tools and methods", "media methods" and "tourism industry"; 2) In the political field: through the examination of the policy of "balance of influence" and the policy of "mediation" and relying on the "ideological foundations of Confucianism" and 3) In the economic field: through the examination of the three tools of "energy exchanges", " Foreign Investments" and "Belt-Road Initiative".The region of West Asia, which has long been a platform for competition between great powers, has been heavily focused on by Chinese policymakers in the last two decades. China has a special view on this region for various reasons, such as ensuring its energy security in order to maintain sustainable economic growth, and the special position of the West Asian region in the "Belt-Road" initiative. Therefore, China is seriously seeking to expand diplomatic relations with the countries of the region, and one of the most important tools for facilitating these relations is the use of power strategy and its tools in this region.In West Asia, China's cultural power strategy is realized in three ways: 1) the use of educational tools and methods, 2) media methods and 3) the tourism industry. In line with the application of educational diplomacy, since the beginning of 2004, the Chinese government has made extensive investments in the creation of cultural and linguistic centers known as Confucian institutions in the world. These institutes, which operate in major universities around the world, are managed by Hanban (Office of the International Chinese Language Council, a branch of the Chinese Ministry of Education). Today, China has 17 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classes in West Asia. In line with media diplomacy, since China's goal is to gain fame and popularity and portray the world through power and confront the Western portrayal of this country, it has also internationalized its media. In 2009, China's state television started broadcasting news in Arabic with the launch of the International Arabic Channel (CCTV), which is now called CGTN. In addition, China Today publishes its Arabic edition in West Asia, which informs its readers about world affairs, news related to China, and China's organized activities in the region.During the last few decades, America has been the most important foreign interventionist power in West Asia. Therefore, reducing American influence in the West Asian region is a priority for China. The intensification of the competition between China and America at the global level also makes this goal more prominent in China's foreign policy. But China's approach to achieve this goal is different from the approach of America and other great powers in the West Asian region; Instead of using military power and trying to expand the military base or deploying its troops in the region, China prefers diplomatic and economic means. In other words, China is trying to balance the influence of other powers in the region without a direct and extensive military presence and define its role in West Asia by using diplomatic and economic tools. Examining China's approach to the Syrian war, Libyan war and nuclear negotiations with Iran confirms this issue. To put it more clearly, China has replaced the balance of influence using economic and diplomatic tools with the "balance of power" using military tools. The most important advantage of this approach for China is to avoid direct conflict with America and its exorbitant costs, while advancing its goals in the region. China tries to indirectly reduce American influence in the region and adjust the balance of power in the region to the detriment of the United States without military conflict in two ways: First, by supporting those regional actors. that their political system has an anti-western nature and secondly, by using existing regional and global institutional arrangements.China's average economic growth of 10% and, as a result, the use of economic diplomacy, led to the expansion of this country's economic presence in the world. Based on the geo-economic strategy, the main duty of the government was to develop economic links with other governments. In West Asia, the relationship between economic development and the application of soft power strategies for the Chinese has been two-way. This means, on the one hand, the Chinese used soft power tools to facilitate the establishment of economic ties with the countries of the region, and on the other hand, high economic exchanges and exchanges have become the basis for the soft influence of China in the culture and politics of the countries of the region. is Therefore, the Chinese have turned their economic diplomacy into sources of soft power and increasing their regional influence in West Asia in three ways, which are: "energy exchanges", "foreign investments" and the project "Belt-Road Initiative".The investigations of this research showed that China's software presence in West Asia can be traced in three areas. The first source of China's soft power in this region of West Asia is cultural in nature and is achieved through strategies such as "use of educational tools and methods", "media methods" and "tourism industry". The second source is related to the political soft power, which is applied through the policy of "balance of influence" and the policy of "mediation" and relying on the "ideological foundations of Confucianism". The third source also refers to China's economic soft power and is achieved through three tools: "energy exchanges", "foreign investments" and "Belt-Road initiative".

The East turning policy of the Zionist regime, first proposed by Netanyahu as "Pivoting to Asia", refers to the increasing relations of this regime with Asian countries; a policy apparently modeled on Barack Obama’s “Pivot to Asia”. During his visit to Singapore in 2017, Benjamin Netanyahu, then prime minister of the Zionist regime officially announced the policy of turning to Asia and said that Israel is clearly pivoting towards it. Various factors can be pointed out as to why the relations between Israel and Asian countries have improved. Many believe that the economic rise of the Asia-Pacific region and the accentuating role of the countries of this region in acting in the international arena has caused Israel to turn to Asian countries. However, it seems that this pivot must have other reasons as well. The present article, using the descriptive-analytical method and library sources, seeks to determine the reasons leading to Israel’s pivot to Asia. Despite the fact that Israel is geographically located in Asia and a large part of its population consists of Jews with Asian roots; a look at the history of this regime's relations with Asian countries reveals that in the first decades after the formation of Israel, Tel Aviv was not very interested in communicating with Asian countries; a condition probably originating from the fact that most Asian countries were colonies or did not have much weight in the field of international politics in that time. However, the end of cold war turned the tide and because of the fact that Israel was seen a gate through which Asian countries could put themselves in the bosom of the winner of the cold war, that is the US, the relations between Tel Aviv and Asian countries grew further. But as it was said, it was not until 2017 that Netanyahu accounted Israel’s pivot to Asia. Generally speaking, this pivot can be attributed to four factors: A) Collapse of the Bipolar System after the End of the Cold War: During the Cold War, the relationship with Israel was considered a taboo for many countries that were defined in the Eastern Bloc, as well as members countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, because Israel was defined as the aggressor in the conflict with the Palestinians, as well as a member of the Western bloc. In addition, the world's dependence on the oil of Arab countries and the embargo of Israel's business partners by these countries was the reason for the refusal of further relations. However, after the end of the Cold War, a change in practice was seen. Israel was a close ally of the United States which was considered the winner of the Cold War, and many countries that were previously in other blocs looked to Israel as a vehicle for getting closer to Washington. B): Increasing Role of Asia-Pacific in Global Relations: The second reason that has been put forward for Israel’s pivot to Asia is the increasing weight of the Asia-Pacific in the global economic and security; a fact crystalized by examples such as the unprecedented speed and volume of China's economic growth, the surprising movement of the “4 Asian Tigers”, turning of Asia into the largest consumer and production market in the world and the high volume of foreign exchange reserves of Asian countries. C) Decline of Europe's Position in Israel's Relational Structure: For many years, Europe was considered Israel's main economic and security partner. However, the study of Israel's trade with the European Union shows a downward trend; in 2013, the European Union, the United States of America, and Asia accounted for 32, 28, and 21 percent of Israel's exports, respectively, but in 2015, Asia surpassed the United States with 25 percent and stood next to Europe with 28 percent. D) Growing Rift between Obama and Netanyahu: Another factor that caused the Netanyahu government to think of finding new partners other than its traditional partners was the intensification of the rifts and feuds between Netanyahu and Obama; leading to cooling of relations between these two which have always had “special relationship: with each other. This condition caused Netanyahu’s administration to think of ways to circumvent this isolation. Israel adopted several strategies such as: A) Strengthening Relations with Eastern European Countries: For years, Israel's foreign policy was focused on Western Europe; which can be considered a legacy of the Cold War or a reflection of the weaker economy of the East Europe countries. But the conditions described earlier made Israel pay more attention to these countries. The main communication between the Zionist regime and the governments of Eastern Europe has been conducted through the Visegrad Group. In February 2019, Israel announced that it would host the first-ever Visegrad meeting outside of Europe. The said meeting was canceled due to the dispute between Poland and Israel, but Netanyahu hosted the leaders of Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia at his residence. B) Re-establishing ‘Periphery Doctrine”: David Ben-Gurion, the first prime minister of Israel, suggested that in order to escape from the isolation imposed by the Arab countries, it is necessary to strengthen relations with the neighbors of these countries, such as Iran and Turkey; a strategy called the ““Periphery Doctrine”” Regardless of the various analyzes that exist about the success or failure of this strategy, after the end of the Cold War and the increase of diplomatic relations between Israel and many countries of the world and even a number of governments that previously had a history of war with this regime, the peripheral doctrine lost its importance in Israel's foreign policy and was gradually forgotten. But after the 90s and especially the beginning of Netanyahu's first term as prime minister in 1996, we saw the revival of this strategy. This time, the Zionist regime began to strengthen its relations with the countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia, as well as Greece and Cyprus, in order to contain its new rivals or enemies, such as Turkey and Iran. The process became more intense in the years after the start of Netanyahu's second term in 2009, and was called by some as "Periphery Doctrine 2" and especially C) Pivot to Asia: The official adoption of the "Pivot to Asia" policy dates back to Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Singapore on February 20, 2017. During this trip, Netanyahu stated in a press conference that: "We are clearly and purposefully pivoting towards Asia". As it was said before, the adoption of this strategy has various reasons, such as the increase in the economic power of Asian countries, Israel’s technological and economic power, Europeans criticism of the Zionist regime and disagreements between Obama and Netanyahu. It is worth mention that another factor that has increased Israel's relations with Asian countries is the use of Asian workers in Israel; about half of Israel's construction workers are currently nationals of Asian countries such as the Philippines, Thailand, Nepal and China. For example, China and the Zionist regime signed an agreement in 2020, according to which 20,000 Chinese workers were employed in the Israeli construction sector.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and shaping 15 independent republics had some consequences. First, the role and influence of Moscow in the former superpower was reduced, and on the other hand, the ground was provided for the presence and influence of the West in the areas that were considered part of the Soviet Union in the past, especially the Caucasus. The influence of the West in military, political and cultural dimensions was manifested by facts such as the expansion of NATO to the East and color revolutions in some independent republics of the Soviet Union. After disintegration of the Soviet Union, although Russia was the main inheritor of the Soviet military equipment and power, it did not gain anything from the culture and ideology of the Soviet era, and this was right at the time when the issue of soft power was emphasized at the global level. Since the late 1990s and especially after Putin came to power, the issue of using soft power in Russia's foreign policy became more important. Due to the importance of the South Caucasus republics in Russia's foreign policy, this region became one of the target points for the use of soft power. This region has important to the Russian authorities and there are significant connections between the Russian society and the societies of these countries. Also, existence of cultural and human commonalities between Russia and these countries makes it more susceptible to use soft power.Research Question: what is the status of soft power in Russia's foreign policy towards the South Caucasus republics?Research Hypothesis: Due to the penetration of Russian soft power resources such as language, extensive labor market, cultural commonalities and extensive energy resources, the importance of soft power in Russia's foreign policy towards the South Caucasus republics has increased, although Russia It faces challenges in using soft power.Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. Power in international relations has traditionally been defined and assessed in easily quantifiable ‘hard’ terms, often understood in the context of military and economic might. Hard power is deployed in the form of coercion: using force, the threat of force, economic sanctions, or inducements of payment. In contrast to the coercive nature of hard power, soft power describes the use of positive attraction and persuasion to achieve foreign policy objectives. In the early 1990s, the concept of soft power was first used by Joseph Nye. According to Nye, soft power is the ability to influence the behavior of others to achieve their goals by creating attractiveness and non-coercive means. Soft power is the capacity to influence other nations through the use of persuasion and attraction rather than coercion or force. Soft power is the product and outcome of positive portrayal, presenting a self-righteous image, gaining credibility from internal and global public opinion, and the power of indirectly influencing others with satisfaction and attraction. Today, this view to power versus hard power, military power and weapons is used in a way that is combined with coercion and physical violence.Nye identifies soft power as an important part of national power resources and emphasizes the necessity of using it in US foreign policy

after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia inherited the vast military power of the Soviet Union, but it did not inherit any of the communist culture and ideology from the Soviet Union, and this was just at a time when cultural power seemed to be more important than Cold war time. The negative feeling towards the communist ideology in many countries of the world in the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union made it difficult for the Russian authorities to use soft power to rebuild the image of Russia. Russia has sources of soft power such as a vast labor market, cultural commonality, linguistic affinity and rich energy resources to influence the South Caucasus republics. Although it seems that although the Russian authorities have realized the importance of soft power, in many situations and cases they present a wrong interpretation of this concept. Some domestic or foreign policies that are implemented without regard to the wishes of others are an important challenge for the use of soft power. According to Nye, the use of force outside of the accepted international norms and not observing the rules of democracy will seriously damage the effectiveness of soft power. Therefore, the previous and current unresolved disputes with Russia and some of its neighbors have had important negative effects on the soft power of Russia in the South Caucasus and especially in Georgia. The widespread use of military power, especially in Georgia, has affected Russia's credibility in the former Soviet republics and has led some of these countries' leaders to worry about relations with Russia. With these military interventions by Moscow, some politicians in the South Caucasus republics are worried that their susceptibility to Russia's soft power will provide the conditions for Russia's military intervention in their countries, so they resist the manifestations of Russia's soft power. Russia's socio-economic model has also created limitations for the use of Russian soft power in the post-Soviet era. Although Russia has the highest per capita income among the Commonwealth of Independent States, it is facing problems that it cannot solve easily. Among these problems, the high level of corruption is significant. According to the report of Transparency International, the level of corruption in Russia is higher than in many countries of  Commonwealth of Independent States.

The concept of soft power has a strong normative content, which is mainly based on the domestic political and social standards of the country, and if these standards are used at a high level, we can hope for their effectiveness outside the borders. It is not possible to present an attractive and positive image of a country without paying attention to solving internal problems. It seems that in order to make the use of soft power more effective, the Russians should present a more attractive and justified face to the world, especially to the people of the South Caucasus republics, by raising the level of standards such as fighting more corruption and increasing the level of economic well-being.It seems that due to the dominance of the balancers in the last decade and the prospect of holding power for the next decade, the position of soft power in Russia's foreign policy will be strengthened and a more positive face of this country will be presented to the world. Efforts to host cultural, artistic and sports events and to win the hosting of important events such as the World Cup in 2018, the successful holding of the 2013 Student Sports Olympics in Kazan and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi can be evaluated in this regard. Of course, due to the need for a relatively long time for the effects of the use of soft power to appear, one should wait for a longer period of time for the effects of the use of the type of power to appear.

Since 2002, with the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Türkiye's foreign policy framework has been transformed by a new discourse centered on the multidimensional doctrine of "strategic depth" in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Türkiye's foreign policy, especially after the socio-political developments known as the "Arab Spring," provided Türkiye with the opportunity to use Davutoglu's idea of relying on "historical depth, geographical location, and the rich and great legacy left by the Ottoman Empire" to consolidate soft power and play an active role in resolving regional and trans-regional conflicts. But the Muslim Brotherhood's settlement in Egypt left Türkiye alone in the region. Syria became a major problem, leaving it alone in the region and its allies, not paying attention to its national security interests in the field of foreign policy. The rise of ISIS further exacerbated Türkiye's problems in the region.  The unrest in Syria, the escalation of the Kurdish issue in northern Syria, and the future of Syria have put Türkiye in a difficult situation. The withdrawal of Syrian army forces from northern Syria in July 2012 and the Syrian Kurds' takeover of the area caused concern in Türkiye. Türkiye strongly supported the Syrian opposition, with the analysis that the regime of Bashar al-Assad will fall in the short term. Domestic developments in Türkiye's, such as the Gezi Park protests, the end of the project of national unity and brotherhood with the Kurds after the attack of Ceylan Pinar in the continuation of the resumption of Türkiye's internal crisis with the PKK, the disputes over the "presidency" system in Türkiye between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the People's Democratic Party (HDP), the PKK's new hope for the creation of a state in northern Syria, the attacks of ISIS, and international pressures paved the way for the revival of Türkiye's defense policy anf dealt a blow to Türkiye's soft power strategy. The failed coup attempt of July 15, 2016 by the Gulenists accelerated this turnaround. Due to the increasing risks facing its national-security interests in the region, Türkiye gradually increased its hard power approach and replaced it with soft power to some extent.The period of strategic cooperation and soft power in Turkish-Syrian relations generally took place in a tense atmosphere. Since 1998, when the PKK demanded the withdrawal of the PKK from Syria, bilateral relations between Türkiye and Syria began, and after the AKP came to power, it reached the highest level of cooperation with the signing of the military cooperation agreement in 2002. The arrest and extradition of PKK terrorists by Syria to Türkiye and the attacks carried out in the form of joint operations were welcomed by Türkiye, and as a result, the two countries became closer to each other. Due to the importance given to the expansion of economic relations in Türkiye's foreign policy, Syria was one of the countries that had the most extensive relations with Türkiye in the region. In 2009, Türkiye and Syria experienced their closest historical period. But the popular uprising of the Arab Spring in 2011 in Syria led to a civil war in the country and strained relations between the two countries. And it changed Türkiye's approach to Syria from soft power to hard power. As a result, the AKP government, with its foreign policy strategy centered on soft power, intended to be a "model country" and a leader for the people and countries of the Middle East region. Türkiye pursued a policy of soft power in order to implement it through its developed relations with Syria. In this context, relations with Syria have improved rapidly since 2002 within the framework of a zero-problem policy with neighbors, and even in 2009 it became a strategic partnership between the two countries. Despite the zero-problem policy with neighbors, between 2002 and 2011, relations between Türkiye and Syria, which had improved too quickly without resolving the problems, quickly deteriorated after 2011. It is understandable that given Turkey's failure to persuade Bashar al-Assad to reform, the development of relations with Syria was superficial and the use of soft power against the Syrian government was not beneficial. On the other hand, the inability of the AKP's foreign policy decision-makers to predict the Arab Spring also contributed to the strained relations between Türkiye and Syria because the unpredictability of a phenomenon such as the Arab Spring, which affected the entire Middle East policy, prevented maneuvering in Türkiye's foreign policy. Consequently, the Arab Spring process not only reversed Turkish-Syrian relations but also caused a major problem for a foreign policy based on soft power. The policy that was based on the overthrow of Assad led to the stagnation of Turkey's foreign policy in Syria and the Middle East. Türkiye's multidimensional foreign policy, which ran from Latin America to Europe-Balkans and from Africa to the Middle East, was grounded by international systemic threats in Syria. After the Syrian civil war turned into a proxy war between global and regional powers, Türkiye's faced a crisis of national security and survival and thus more than the loss of its achievements in the region. Aspiring to be the center country and leader of soft power in the Middle East, Türkiye became a hard-to-survive power-front country. Although in 2016 the entry and exit of Syrian and Turkish nationals was visa-free, Turkey built a wall on the Syrian border, which ended the policy of opening the doors of the Middle East through Syria in this process. Initially, the AKP leaders thought that it was possible to lead the Arab Spring process and even saw it as an opportunity to become a model country. According to this view, Türkiye's policy in Syria until 2015 was based on managing the change and transformation of the government, but neither Türkiye's soft power nor hard power was sufficient and effective to control the post-Arab Spring process and fill the power vacuum, even for Syria. The tense ups and downs in the Middle East were the end of the passionate Turkish-American cooperation that had strengthened Türkiye's foreign policy in the region between 2002 and 2011, but since 2013, the United States of America has left Türkiye alone in the Syrian civil war and began to cooperate with the PYD instead of Türkiye. This brought Türkiye's foreign policy in Syria to a standstill. The growing influence of the PYD and the terrorist group ISIS, which also had the ability to carry out operations on Turkish soil, turned Syria into one of the most serious centers of security crises in the world and greatly worried Türkiye. In addition to failing to achieve its ideals, Türkiye was forced to fight the terrorist groups of ISIS in 2014 and then in 2016 to confront the PYD. The infiltration of the coup plotters into the Turkish state system was the point of internal failure of the country and caused a change in Türkiye's political approach. As a result, both Türkiye's soft power could not control the developments in Syria and fundamental changes in Türkiye's domestic policy, both of which forced Türkiye to adopt a hard power policy, and Türkiye's regional activity after 2016 was accompanied by aggressive measures to address security concerns. In Operation Euphrates Shield in 2016, Operation Olive Branch in 2018, Operation Peace Spring in 2019, and Operation Spring Shield in 2020, the areas of Jarablus and al-Bab, Afrin, east of the Euphrates, plus 30 kilometers southbound between Tall Abyad and Ras Al-ayn, were taken from ISIS, and especially from the PKK/YPG. It was cleaned up. Therefore, Türkiye's new security doctrine has been considered since 2016, and in the cross-border issue, it has followed the strategy of eliminating threats from the source.

After 2003, Iraq was weakened by a series of conflicts and crises. In fact, this project was an aggressive foreign (exogenous) state-building project that led to internal violent conflicts caused by social, ethnic, political and ideological factors and widespread instability and insecurity in Iraq. One of the indicators of nation-state building is the progress of democracy and democratic institutions. Civil society is the institutions, social populations of citizens and elites and activists of the public space of the society who are active in most of the non-governmental organizations and institutions in the political-economic, cultural and social fields. On the other hand, nation-state building is a process that gains meaning through the accumulation of power based on territorial saturation, political and economic stability, and social solidarity. Based on this, it is important to get familiar with the institutions of civil society in Iraq and to examine the influence of non-governmental organizations and international NGOs in Iraq after the conflict, and therefore civil society has been researched in the framework of the nation-state theory, in addition to the fact that civil society guarantees freedom. It focuses on empowering individuals and groups to freely express their identity within the framework of the law, and is considered a critical area of ​​human rights both at the national and global levels, the field of struggle and liberation. In fact, the government Nation-building is a process that gains meaning through the accumulation of power based on territorial saturation, political, economic stability and social solidarity, and nation-building is considered a broad convergence between the state and the modern nation. But state building is a process in which military, judicial, executive and legislative institutions are formed, therefore, the state and the nation are two distinct structures, but they move forward in a mutual relationship. In Iraq, the existence of a young population interested in such voluntary activities and the value of positive citizenship to compensate for the weak governance of the political structure by the people has greatly increased the public desire for them. - Nation building in Iraq. Charities and non-governmental organizations are two types of popular social organizations. NGOs have a more meaningful activity than charities and they are more in search of a solution to meet the needs of the deprived with basic empowerment measures and by using people's aid and financial resources to create infrastructure, to skill training, create employment, create culture, develop individual and social identity and so on. .. they pay Also, economic and social entrepreneurship and the creation of added value is one of the most important solutions for the sustainability of non-governmental organizations and the independence of society, which is the goal of such organizations, and by providing facilities and resources in various fields, they help the inherent reliance of vulnerable groups in society.In addition, non-governmental organizations in the social, health and human rights fields with specific social goals in an effort to reform and revise ineffective laws and regulations and provide plans and proposals to support the affected and vulnerable groups, especially patients, women and children, in legal authorities and They are the public space of society's politics. In addition, the non-governmental organizations in the field of cultural, religious, artistic and sports of the youth have been active in the field of informing and increasing the level of awareness and education of the general society, institutions and related social organizations and in an effort to reduce and prevent social harm and the occurrence of crime in the society from among the goals of such organizations. It is difficult to separate culture from politics and other areas. In most Islamic countries, culture and civilization are mixed with religion and politics. Finally, non-governmental political organizations that are not directly considered part of the government structure, but play a very important role as mediators between the individual and the ruling powers. However, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is the foremost organization that supports all civil society institutions in Iraq, and the agency's quarterly report on its effectiveness inside Iraq shows that it spends three billion dollars annually. provides support to civil society organizations and the benefits of its programs reach about 1,600,000 people and spends 880 million dollars in different sectors. In the early years after the collapse of the Baath regime, the Iraqi people were affected by aggressive and foreign democratization programs as mentioned, and organizational cases such as these several examples of international NGOs are active throughout Iraq according to Hippler's definition and are among the international organizations that People's involvement in their establishment is less, but they operate with high organizational power and more effectiveness. Organizations with regular administrative structures and organizations with statutes, programs, and visions with legal personality registration and active at all local and international levels, whose approach has gradually changed from mere support to empowering target groups. In fact, comparative studies in crisis areas have shown that people do not live in a political and administrative vacuum after the collapse of government structures. Instead, communities turn to other mechanisms to solve common issues, or traditional methods are revived, or other institutions such as local groups and non-governmental organizations such as NGOs assume political and administrative responsibilities. The United Nations as well as governmental and regional institutions in creating rapid and flexible infrastructure for reconstruction, establishing schools and educational centers and influencing political order by addressing war, legal, and political crimes and helping marginalized groups, and creating structures A transparent and democratic government has an active role. The process of nation-building through these organizations relies on the fact that non-governmental organizations consider nation-building and thus the creation of civil society as an alternative to defective government structures. The important characteristics of civil society organizations can be enumerated as follows: 1. The spontaneous participation of people, which distinguishes it from other social activities, 2. The organizational and regular form of its institutions that people can join at will, 3. The independence of these institutions from the government. 4. The value foundations of these institutions, which are intertwined with peace, freedom, equality and high moral concepts. After 2003, after the collapse of the political system, the Iraqi political parties won the political field inside Iraq, but they could not represent all the strata of the Iraqi society, and a significant population objected to the political coalitions and, of course, under the influence of international incentives, slowly attracted the means of power control, namely the associations. People's organizations were modernized in the democratic structure. Also, the expansion of the process of globalization and the reduction of the power of governments in dealing with global issues has provided the ground for the presence and strengthening of the role of these institutions. The hypothesis proposed in the main answer of this research is that it seems that non-governmental organizations and people's organizations are expanding in Iraq and play a role in nation-state-building after the conflict. The findings of the research, which were collected by a descriptive-analytical method with a combination of library and field sources, indicate that the Iraqi society has suffered from the effects of the civil war and human rights violations, sectarian and political tensions, and social crises by taking advantage of political freedom and the possibilities of social networks and The appropriate platform for strengthening the civil society by relying on the law on the formation of semans along with parties and other elements of the civil and traditional society has been effective in nation building after the conflict. The civic role and social responsibility of individuals and their contribution to the realization of stability and development is a variable matter, and this research tries to examine this concept in the Iraqi society and predict its effectiveness in the future.

At the beginning of the 21st century, the new orientation of the great powers and their greater attention to economic interests in the world's strategic regions has caused them to compete with each other. The Persian Gulf is one of the regions that, from the point of view of geoeconomic theories, is the most international region in the world, which provides consumer markets and huge economic investments, vast resources and a suitable environment for playing the role of regional and transregional actors in the form of conflict, cooperation and competition. Among regional and transregional actors in West Asia, the People's Republic of China has an increasing need for oil, capital and the Persian Gulf consumer market to continue its economic growth. In this regard, in the last century, China has sought to expand its presence in the Persian Gulf region and has gradually increased its political presence and activities, and has sought to ensure the security of energy imports from the Persian Gulf to compete with the great powers in the region; As a result, it can be said that the examination of the nature of the interests of the People's Republic of China in the Persian Gulf region indicates three major areas in which the interests of the Persian Gulf countries and China are linked to each other, and the process of economic diplomacy of this country with the heartland of the Persian Gulf has been added day by day. These three areas are the discussion of political-military links and the priority of energy and finally commercial and economic interests. Since China, as an emerging power and with a strategic attitude, in recent years has shown its desire to play a different role than in the past, this article tries to make an accurate assessment of the interests of the Persian Gulf countries with China in the future of the new order. This article seeks to answer the question, what factors have effectively determined China's economic diplomacy in the Persian Gulf subsystem in the 21st century? This article believes that the regional competition in the Persian Gulf subsystem in two parts, the intra-regional competition between the countries of the region and the competition between the great powers in this region, has provided the necessary conditions to facilitate China's economic diplomacy in this region.

This article has collected data using library and internet method to evaluate its claim. In terms of data analysis, relying on the descriptive-explanatory method, it has first described the trends of increasing China's interactions in the Persian Gulf subsystem in different subject areas, and then to understand and explain this improvement of relations by using the regional balancing approach, the platforms It has examined the existing competition in the region at two levels, the competition of regional powers and the competition of extra-regional powers in the Persian Gulf subsystem.

China, as a trans-regional power, has tried not to interfere in the security order of the region and to introduce itself as an economic player in the region. It has managed to gain the trust of the Persian Gulf countries and become the most important trading partner of the Arab countries and Iran in the region; By applying the policy of regional balancing between the existing powers in the Persian Gulf subsystem, China has been able to recognize the dualities in the region and design a special strategy to interact with each of these conflicting poles, while maintaining a balance in the interaction with each of the existing powers. China is trying to increase its power softly and by expanding its economic power all over the world in the long run, it will push America aside and become a dominant hegemon. In this regard, with its dominance and influence in the Persian Gulf, it has implemented successful economic diplomacy in this region, and the evidence indicates that Beijing has been able to surpass its most important regional competitor, the United States of America, in economic indicators, and has attracted the attention of other powers as well. Therefore, Beijing feels threatened by any of the other trans-regional powers that have an effective presence in the Persian Gulf and is forced to use the advantage of its presence in the Persian Gulf over the presence of other powers, including India, by updating comprehensive strategic plans and cooperation with the major countries of the region.

China advances its relations with the kingdoms of the Persian Gulf by relying on cooperative diplomacy instead of resorting to the policy of alliance because China does not seek to upset the balance of the region and intensify the existing bipolarity in the region and benefits from the existing regional competition between the Persian Gulf countries because he knows that she has neither the will nor the capacity to play the role of the United States in the region; Therefore, by using the strategic opportunity to create regional balance and by carrying out projects such as the belt and road and securing its energy portfolio from the region, it seeks to strengthen Beijing's position. What is important is the future of the interactions of the countries of the Persian Gulf region, which mainly, along with the strategic partnership with the United States, have also put establishment of relations with other powers in order to protect themselves against threats and rapidly change the balance of power. This policy aims to use China as an additional source to gain political, economic and even military support, as well as exploit relations with Beijing to pressure Washington to adjust its policies. In line with its interests, the region also affects the totalitarianism of the United States in this subsystem, and by using soft power tools, it directs the balancing of power in the region in the direction of its goals; Therefore, it seems that the regional competitions in the Persian Gulf subsystem in two parts, intra-regional competitions between the countries of the region and the competition between the great powers in this region have provided the necessary conditions to facilitate China's economic diplomacy in this region.

The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the most important developments of the new century, which has faced different reactions of international actors. In fact, The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the historical milestones in the transition period of international relations, which can cause many changes in the international arena due to the presence of many actors involved in it. This war, which is referred as the beginning of the new order or the end of the transition period, although it took place in Europe, it has involved many regions and actors. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, as one of the strategic players in the Middle East, has pursued a conservative approach despite its strategic partnership with the United States. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards the Ukraine war and how and by the influence of which variables have it formed?

The research methodology employed is qualitative. By using the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of neoclassical realism, the data collected from internet and library sources have been analyzed.

One of the geo-strategic and geo-economic regions that directly and indirectly entered this crisis is the Persian Gulf region. The states of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to their position and importance, especially in the field of energy, indirectly see themselves in the war campaign in Ukraine. Among these states, Saudi Arabia by considering of its place and role in the international system has acted and reacted more than other states of this council towards this crisis. This issue is mostly affected by the position of Saudi Arabia as one of the largest oil exporting states and its strategic partnership with the United States, which has also developed relations with Russia in recent years.The available evidence shows that Saudi Arabia has displayed a balanced policy regarding the Ukraine war with regard to its internal and external variables. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, influenced by its strategic culture, is solely formulated and implemented by the authoritarian rules. Therefore, Saudi leaders' perception of their position and regional and international developments play a very important role in the country's foreign policy. The Ukraine war, from the point of view of the Saudi leaders, is affected by the expansion of NATO to the east, and practically the meeting point of the West and the East. Therefore, from the point of view of Saudi Arabia, which has always had a threatening perception of the expansion of Iran's influence in the region, especially after the Arab Spring and especially in Yemen since 2015, Russia's reaction in the form of an invasion of Ukraine to counter the expansion of NATO is completely understandable. Nevertheless, the importance of maintaining the special and strategic relations between Saudi Arabia and the West has caused this country to take a stand against Russia in its declaration policies and foreign policy positions. Another important point that should not be neglected is that the leaders of Saudi Arabia are dissatisfied with the policies of the United States in recent years, especially towards Iran and the pivote to Asia policy and decentralization from the Middle East, as well as realizing the declining position of the United States in the international system and the need to rebuild its foreign relations in the new world order.

The Ukraine war in 2022 is considered one of the most important proxy wars between West and Russia after the Cold War. The importance of this issue has caused different states to adopt different policies towards it according to their political, security and economic relations with each of the two sides of the conflict. In the meantime, although many states, including Arab governments, have criticized Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but despite their political-security orientation towards the West, most of them, especially Saudi Arabia, have adopted a balanced foreign policy in this war between Russia and the West.In sum, The findings of this research show that a set of variables such as the perception of the  Saudi Arabia's elites about the nature of the Ukraine war along with the performance of the United States in recent years in response to the developments of the West Asian region, especially towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and the pursuit of the buck passing strategy and reduction of its obligations in this region, the requirements of Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision and structural changes in the international system caused saudi to adopt a "balance" (not "neutral") policy toward Ukraine war in order to maintain relations with both sides of the conflict.