فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 67 (تابستان 1403)

Social justice is a fundamental concept in political philosophy and governance that addresses the fair distribution of resources, rights, and opportunities within a society. This concept has gained increasing importance in the contemporary world and significantly influences social development and policymaking. In this context, two prominent thinkers, Martyr Motahhari and John Rawls, have analyzed and articulated the concept of social justice from different perspectives. This article examines and analyzes governance and the establishment of a global government based on social justice, emphasizing these two intellectuals.

This research employs a descriptive-analytical and comparative approach. The data used in this study were collected through library research and an examination of scientific and philosophical texts. The aim of this research is to investigate and compare the viewpoints of Martyr Motahhari and John Rawls regarding social justice and governance.

Martyr Motahhari, as an Islamic thinker, views justice as an inherent principle rooted in human nature. He believes that justice exists naturally in the world and that its realization requires the integration of human law with divine law. Motahhari emphasizes that justice can only be achieved through adherence to divine and ethical principles in society and must be shaped according to religious teachings and Islamic values. He refers to the existential and creative realities established by the creation system, asserting that justice as a truth in society should aim to meet the basic needs of individuals and alleviate social and economic inequalities.On the other hand, John Rawls, with a liberal approach, considers justice as a civil matter that can be attained through human consensus under fair conditions. Rawls' theory particularly hinges on two foundational principles: first, every individual should have equal rights to fundamental liberties, and second, social and economic inequalities are only permissible if they benefit the least advantaged members of society. Rawls believes that achieving social justice requires individuals to engage in discussions from a position of neutrality and fairness, and laws must be designed to establish justice in society.

Comparative Analysis:

While Martyr Motahhari addresses justice from a theological and ethical perspective, emphasizing its inherent nature, Rawls approaches the concept from a humanistic and rational viewpoint. These two approaches differ not only in their foundations but also in their methodologies. Motahhari refers to Islamic and ethical principles and perceives justice as an existential reality, while Rawls emphasizes social and civil consensus and views justice from a contractual perspective.Both theories strive to create a just government and ensure social justice. However, while Motahhari sees justice as a divine and existential reality that must manifest in societal legal structures, Rawls argues that justice must be established through social and political processes with individuals' consensus under fair conditions.Regarding practical solutions for achieving justice, Motahhari emphasizes legislation based on Islamic and ethical principles, believing that laws must be designed to establish justice in society. In contrast, Rawls stresses the importance of creating social and political institutions as frameworks for achieving justice, asserting that social institutions should be designed to provide freedom and equality for all individuals.

Ultimately, both theories illustrate the significance of justice in governance and policymaking. Martyr Motahhari, from an Islamic perspective and with a focus on the inherent nature of justice, emphasizes the connection between human law and divine principles. Meanwhile, John Rawls, from a liberal standpoint and with an emphasis on human consensus, seeks a pathway to justice through social and political processes. Despite their fundamental differences in foundations and methodologies, these two viewpoints converge on a common point: the necessity for fundamental reforms and the effort to establish just governance, where justice is presented as an indicator of progress and development.

National security and related crimes are an important part of the concern of any political system, which has gained new dimensions due to the expansion of cyber space. Security is the bedrock of any society's growth, and people have always used all their material and spiritual tools and resources to achieve it, and with this motive, they have formed a government. The need for security is the most basic human need after physical needs, and it is only by having security that individual and collective growth and advancement can be realized. For this reason, important concepts such as national security, citizens' security, and security in political, social, cultural and economic dimensions, etc., have cast a shadow on the literature of international relations. National security is a multi-dimensional concept, complex and has different elements and signs that every political system from the point of view of ideology, constitution and attitude of political leaders towards the people, the political systems in the world and the international system, has a special perception of it has Several definitions of national security have been presented, most of which classical definitions refer to the absence of war and military threats against a country or the protection of borders from physical threats. This means that national security is achieved when a country can maintain its basic values while avoiding war. But over time and with the change in the ways of realizing security and the expansion and multiplication of threats, new definitions of national security have been presented, which have paid more attention to the civilian aspects and include environmental security, collective security, cyber security, technological security, etc. have presented as new dimensions of national security. This means that if a political system cannot establish cyber security in a good way, it will raise many threats against that country. In this case, defining national security in today's world is a difficult task and requires consideration of time and place and effective tools in providing security on the one hand and ways to provide it in the current situation on the other hand. In any case, every political system to ensure its national security is faced with tools that can be both threatening and considered an opportunity to promote and strengthen national security. One of these important tools is virtual space. A tool that, with the help of the Internet and communication media, has made cyber and virtual security one of the basic concerns of political systems in the contemporary era. This means that an important part of the threats and opportunities related to national security comes out of cyber space. A simple event in a country, which few people knew about before, quickly spreads in different parts of the world and starts a wave of threats against that country. Specifically, this procedure is also applicable to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the ethnic, religious, linguistic and social diversity of the Iranian society, as well as the specific political procedure that governs the society, there are many threats in cyberspace. Therefore, an important part of these threats seek to create a crisis and threaten national security. This means that by highlighting the existing problems and their permanent plan in the virtual space, they double the social costs of a problem. Considering the above, dealing with crimes against national security becomes doubly important. However, according to the current research, dealing with threats to national security does not always require a criminal and judicial mechanism, but there are also social, deterrent and citizen role-playing methods that can be used to reduce crimes against national security. Or prevented them from happening. One of these tools is capacity building of citizenship rights. Also, citizenship rights, as one of the influential components in the society, also affects the process of crimes against national security in cyberspace, which is the focus of the present research. The question is, what capacities do citizens' rights have to deal with crimes against national security in cyberspace? In this article, the descriptive and analytical method is chosen as the research method and the data collection tool is library. Considering these cases and the importance of citizen's rights in dealing with crimes against national security in cyber space, it should be said that the findings of the research have shown that based on the rights of citizens in the constitution and taking into account rights such as freedom, security and the rule of law It is necessary to consider special rights for ethnic and religious groups, to consider legal and legal considerations such as smart filtering to prevent the formation of a second (lawless) government in cyberspace, and also to use the capacity of celebrities to deal with threats and crises. Internal and external. In addition, the results of the research show that based on the use of the capacities of citizens' rights to deal with crimes against national security, we need to consider the three aspects of governance, public and people, and pay attention to the role of specific groups (political and socio-cultural). This means that it is possible to use the capabilities of citizen rights such as security to justify the effective role of the government in smart filtering, dealing with crimes against national security and criminal content as a form of governance. In the next stage, the role of citizens and their participation can be used as a public resource. This means that if cyber citizenship can be considered as an effort for the presence of citizens in a new context, the responsibility of citizens in this field will also undergo changes. Considering the legal participation of citizens in dealing with cyber threats and crimes against national security, "internet patrolling" is necessary to monitor anti-national security activities that even violate principles 24 to 26 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The design of this solution is due to the compatibility of the solution (cyber citizen internet browsing) with the risks that occur in cyber and virtual space. In other words, threats also require countermeasures of their own kind so that, in addition to the participation of citizens, the dangers caused by crimes against national security can be brought to the attention of legal and judicial authorities as soon as possible. But the other side of dealing with crimes against national security from the perspective of citizen rights is to ward off potential threats in areas that need more attention due to social and political consequences, which have turned into concrete dangers today thanks to the expansion of cyber space. Therefore, identifying ethnic groups, making their demands and demands in the virtual space and using media capacities is an important measure to create a kind of national cohesion and deal with threats against national interests and security. It means that by linking national and ethnic identity through granting special rights and respecting ethnic plurality and diversity through the right to use the mother tongue for teaching or having a national media to ward off threats against national security. Another measure is to use the capacity and position of reference groups such as celebrities or other reference groups so that they can connect the general public to support the national identity in critical situations. In this way, it should be said that all three aspects of governance measures, public and considering the role of special groups in dealing with crimes against national security are important and vital from the point of view of citizen's rights.The composition.

Today, the alarming and disorganized state of the environment in the developing country of Iran is the main reason for the growing attention to environmental damage and its components, including water, soil, air, and living organisms. This requires a comprehensive approach to confront these issues and implement regional preventive actions. In recent decades, environmental protection has become one of the pillars of national security for many countries. In this regard, in addition to Article 50 of the Constitution, Clause 1 of the general environmental policies, which was communicated to the heads of the government branches in November 2015 by the Supreme Leader in accordance with Clause 1 of Article 110 of the Constitution, addresses the importance of environmental preservation and the prohibition of harm, recognizing the right to a healthy environment for all people. The significance of this matter becomes apparent when considering that a large number of deaths each year are due to environmental crimes, which far exceed the number of deaths from traditional crimes.Given the importance of environmental protection, and the fact that many of those who commit environmental crimes are legal entities (such as state-owned companies), the issue of criminal responsibility for such entities has long been a contentious topic. Until the 20th century, the notion of holding legal entities criminally liable was met with skepticism. However, by the mid-20th century, with the expansion of legal entities' activities—especially corporations—and the emergence of environmental crimes, organized crimes, and crimes in transportation, some countries were compelled to adapt their criminal policies to regulate these entities.

Theoretical Framework: 

Environmental Democracy and Collective Responsibility."Environmental Democracy" refers to theories emphasizing that environmental matters should be considered by all those affected by the outcomes of a decision or environmental policy, not just governments and industry owners. This concept highlights the equal right of individuals—including the general public, group representatives, legal advisors, industry owners, workers, government representatives, academics, and health experts—to participate in discussions, oversee the proper enforcement of laws, question authorities, and file lawsuits. The recognition of the need for environmental democracy implies that people have the right to intervene in matters of public interest, just like the right to education, healthcare, housing, and other fundamental human rights.Interest in linking democracy with environmental issues has grown since the 1970s, coinciding with the rise of modern environmental movements. In the late 1980s and 1990s, as political environmental theory matured into a research field, numerous innovative theoretical works emerged to bolster the credibility of environmental democracy. These included research on ecological rationality, green/environmental politics, and deliberative democracy. In the 1990s, several key publications on the relationship between democracy and the environment were released, and during this period, Morrison's (1995) book was the first to explicitly introduce the concept of "Environmental Democracy." This was followed by Mason's (1999) pioneering monograph on the subject. Judicial Policy on Civil Responsibility for Environmental Crimes by State-Owned Companies in IranUnder Iranian law, civil liability for legal entities (such as state-owned companies) is based on fault. Additionally, a distinction is made between governmental and non-governmental actions. Legal entities are only liable for non-governmental actions if the damage results from a defect in the administration's equipment. Regarding environmental damages, it can be said that harmful acts such as environmental destruction or pollution can be caused by either individuals or legal entities (such as companies, factories, workshops, municipalities, etc.). Article "Th" of the Clean Air Act identifies anyone who operates pollution-generating sources, whether for themselves or on behalf of a legal entity, as an "air polluter." Similarly, under Article "Th" of the Executive Bylaw of the Clean Air Act, ratified in 2018 by the Council of Ministers, any natural or legal person operating noise pollution sources is considered responsible for environmental noise pollution.According to Article 19 of the Waste Management Law, ratified in 2004, if the affected party is an individual or legal entity, the judiciary may sentence offenders to pay fines to the state fund and compensate for damages to individuals or government agencies. The term "offenders" in this article applies to both individuals and legal entities. Additionally, Article 13 of the Law on Marine and Border River Protection from Oil Pollution (ratified in 1975) states that any violation resulting in damage to ports, seas, cargo, or other coastal facilities in Iran or to aquatic life and natural resources will lead to a judicial ruling for compensation.Judicial Policy on Administrative Enforcement for Environmental Crimes by State-Owned CompaniesRegarding administrative enforcement against state-owned companies causing environmental harm, it should be noted that traces of such enforcementcan be found in environmental laws. These administrative measures can be applied to pollutingentities. For instance, Article 11, Clause 3, of the Clean Air Act (ratified in 2017) requires large and medium-sized projects subject to environmental evaluations to install and operate online monitoring systems and send updated information to the Environmental Monitoring Center. The issuance and renewal of their operating licenses depend on compliance with this clause.Environmental Policy and Proposed Recommendations in Iran.Overall, Iran's environmental policies after the Islamic Revolution have been influenced by various internal and external factors, including economic, political, social, and demographic issues. These factors have affected the goals and programs of the Department of Environment and other organizations involved with environmental issues during different periods of the post-revolution era. It is challenging to confidently claim that Iran has had a unified and consistent environmental policy over the years. Instead, Iran's environmental policy has fluctuated in response to the country’s evolving economic, political, and demographic conditions.

This study explores policy and judicial approaches to environmental crimes in post-revolution Iran. Governments are both contributors to environmental pollution and, by their governing responsibilities, protectors of the environment. The study asserts that Iran is no exception in this regard. The Iranian legislator, considering Article 50 of the Constitution, has attempted to draft and pass specific laws and regulations to ensure environmental protection and sustainable development while preventing environmental degradation. This article highlights those environmental issues in Iran are cross-sectional, meaning all individuals and legal entities are required to address environmental concerns within their capacity. Since criminal legislation rests in the hands of the government, if environmental damages are not criminalized, the path to committing these crimes becomes easier.

The concept of "resistance" has been one of the main concepts of the foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic in the era after the victory of the Islamic Revolution; This concept refers to the negation of any order based on the dominance of Western and Eastern powers and the rejection of regional and international arrangements affected by the dominance system on the one hand and the attempt to redefine the regional and international status of nations and societies that are Dominion has been oppressed. For this reason, the axis of resistance, which is derived from Iran's military-security, diplomatic and cultural efforts in the countries of Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, has been one of the most important indicators of the country's foreign policy discourse in the last few years, especially in the fight against ISIS. Martyr Qassem Soleimani's managerial and security role as the most important commander of the resistance field made his position prominent in this discourse, and with his testimony, Iran's hostile approach towards the commanders and perpetrators of this terror was intensified. For this purpose, this article seeks to find the answer to this question, considering the position of Martyr Soleimani in the discourse of the axis of resistance, on what basis is his criminal pursuit in the international law system based? In response to this question, as a hypothesis, it should be said that the criminal prosecution of the perpetrators and commanders of Qassem Soleimani's martyrdom is based on the discourse of resistance and based on the approach of negating domination and weakening it in order to promote the discursive position of resistance. From this point of view, it should be said that the approach of this article was legal; Also, this article has been collected by descriptive and analytical method and its data is documented.

According to the definition provided by most theorists in the fields of sociology and political science, "a party is a political group whose goal is to achieve and gain power peacefully." The formation of political parties and movements in Iran has its roots in the Constitutional Revolution and has typically emerged within the frameworks of liberal, leftist, and religious movements. However, when examining the process of the formation and development of parties in Iran, it becomes evident that political parties have always had a specific definition and, consequently, their own frameworks and limitations based on the type of constitution of the country. This issue has led to a divergence between the understanding of political parties and the definition agreed upon by theorists, making it difficult to establish a theoretical relationship with that definition. In this context, the increasing influence of party personalities in Iran, particularly the personality-centric approach of an individual within a party, has complicated the functions of these parties and raised questions about the extent to which they can impact and be influenced. Thus, the research initially poses the central question: To what extent has the personality-centric party thinking among elite members influenced the effectiveness of parties, specifically the National Trust Party, from 2005 to 2013?

Theoretical Framework:

The role of elites in political and party arenas is typically divided into two broad categories. In the first category, elites are considered the primary or perhaps the sole factor in party decision-making processes. In the second category, the political and party elites' roles are seen as minimal, being influenced by environmental factors and conditions. However, alongside these two theories, a third perspective emerges, viewing political and party elites not as possessing exclusive roles with absolute agency in decision-making nor as being entirely subject to environmental conditions. Instead, this perspective introduces them as factors alongside other influential elements in decision-making, policy-making, and governance processes.

Given the focus of this study on "the role of personality-centric party thinking among elite party members on the effectiveness of the National Trust Party from 2005 to 2013," a foundational conceptualization theory has been applied. It is important to clarify that foundational conceptualization is inductively discovered through the precise collection and analysis of qualitative practical data. Therefore, since this form and framework of research does not begin with a theory, the first phase commences with the research background, allowing the collection of data to stabilize related theories. This section outlines the methods of conducting interviews and the process of analyzing the information through open, axial, and selective coding stages, accompanied by coding tables. Furthermore, the process of theorizing (foundational conceptualization) using the codes and the research narrative is explained, culminating in the presentation of the desired research model. Consequently, data collection methods were conducted through two approaches: first, documentary-archival and library methods; and second, field-based interviews with elite party members and political specialists in government administration and academia in the fields of sociology and political science. The research subject is observable due to its ongoing nature, and valuable works related to the research topic have been utilized. In other words, this research is a combination of qualitative methods and content analysis.

The findings were analyzed in two dimensions: structural organization and individual functioning of a party based on the data collected, leading to the extraction of categories and coding of data. Overall, the research concluded that Iranian parties, including the National Trust Party, often suffer from a common operational issue: the lack of attention to structural dynamics toward positive centrism to mitigate the minimal effects of environmental, individual, systemic, psychological, and operational factors. In other words, despite the elite's effective verbal analysis in the discourse, they fail to consider any of the aforementioned aspects in practical and operational domains. In fact, the action model of the elites is more often based on traditional, emotional, and spontaneous (network-oriented) frameworks than being rational and based on acquired data necessary for building structures and identifying elites to strengthen the cadres for consolidation and continuity. Thus, Iranian parties, particularly the National Trust Party, face fundamental challenges regarding party phenomena and active elite actors. Therefore, it can be said that the rational action model, due to various social and political factors, has not been able to overcome the party environment and elite members. The traditional actions of party activists manifest in familialism, grandiosity, kin-centeredness, and emotional actions in specific ideological interpretations of religion or social doctrines. This self-centeredness hinders the consolidation and effective functioning of parties and other elites within the party. The reasons behind the failure to overcome structuralism, mechanisms for identifying elites, realism, strategic approaches, party mechanisms, programmatic commitments, and committed interpretations of religion and social doctrines—as indicators of the rational action model (requirements for party activity and consolidation)—stem from a departure from creating structural actions and mechanisms for identifying elites. This results in environmental, systemic, psychological, and operational factors having the most significant influence on the party and party elites, thereby destabilizing the party's consolidation. In the case of the National Trust Party, when Mehdi Karroubi lost the election and proceeded to establish the National Trust Party, becoming its secretary-general, he himself became a symbol of grandiosity and self-centeredness. However, Karroubi's post-election stance after the 2009 presidential elections and his support for the oppressed forces by the ruling system reflects a rational action model focused on his values and, naturally, the values of the active members of the National Trust Party. It can be inferred that the action model of the active members of the National Trust Party experiences confusion between tradition, emotion, and to some extent, rationality aimed at values. This confusion does not align well with the necessities for party activity and consolidation that demand a rational action model. Perhaps, if the party members' activities in recent years had not faced extensive limitations, a continuous action process among the activists of this party could have emerged, resulting in a better-formed rational action model among its members.

New approaches indicate that the role of political and party elites is crucial for separating public affairs from past methods and traditions, emphasizing the need for continuous review and analysis according to changing temporal and environmental conditions. This ensures that the groundwork for decision-making based on appropriate and timely thoughts is established. Therefore, the role of party elites in modern society combines new norms, methods, goals, and attention to temporal and spatial conditions, transcending the traditional top-down communication patterns. In other words, the hierarchical roles of the past no longer meet contemporary decision-making needs, and the interaction and roles of party elites—especially their influence—have undergone transformation and change. Consequently, the intellectual and professional roles of political elites cannot be defined merely in relation to a top-down structure; they depend on linear definitions and connections with other entities. As a result, the activities of political and party elites are positioned within a broader and more complex framework, where the legitimacy of these elites arises from processes informed by the study of political science.

Good governance is a new discourse that is defined by components such as legality, participation, accountability, accountability, effectiveness and efficiency. Among the components of good governance, transparency is considered one of the most important elements to achieve good governance. Because society has this possibility. to decide on the situation in a transparent and noble atmosphere. Also, in this space, why and how the decisions are made are shown. The current research seeks to answer the question that the realization of transparency in the government penal organization is based on what mechanisms and what challenges are raised in this regard? The results of the research in this regard show that the mechanisms of the penal organization in line with transparency include the free circulation of information, accountability and the use of electronic government tools. Also, the lack of a special procedure for proceedings in the Penalty Organization, the overlapping of jurisdictions between the Governmental Penalty Organization and other judicial authorities, and legal ambiguities and loopholes are among the most important challenges in this field.

Political awareness is a skill that can be learned and developed, and it is not separate from the subject (human social life), the goal (knowledge and ability to decide collective affairs) and the goal (finding or building ways for human happiness in society) of political knowledge.. The present article is also compiled with the aim of identifying the methods and limitations of the influence of political science on political awareness in Iran. These methods are explained in the four axes of "student education", "research and dissemination of science and knowledge", "education outside the group" and "social and political activism" and the limiting components are also under the four variables of "government ", "Society", "Science" and "Political Sciences" are explained. The current research is of a descriptive-analytical type and in order to discover these methods and their limitations, abductive reasoning and individual inference powers have been used.

Local councils are among the oldest institutions in local governance worldwide. As the world accelerates toward becoming more systematized, the existence of such institutions is essential for the progress and development of societies. Therefore, the presence of such bodies in the legal system of any country can be seen as a mechanism for establishing and enhancing democracy worldwide. According to the law on councils, no authority has been granted to this urban parliament, except for managing the municipality, which is limited to minimal urban domains. Moreover, although the election of councils is foreseen by law, it contains fundamental flaws. In each term, councils across the country have faced dissolution due to widespread violations. This issue raises concerns regarding the supervision of councils and warrants further investigation and critique. In this regard, the main issues surrounding councils that fall within the scope of this paper are: (A) legal solutions, (B) council performance, and (C) urban law. Conducting this research may help avoid trial and error in addressing these issues.

The research methodology of this study is descriptive-analytical. This research is typically conducted in a library-based and theoretical format, with information gathered through tools such as note-taking, tables, etc. It is also classified as qualitative research. In this type of research, documents, records, writings, and works serve as data sources, and through their collection, classification, evaluation, comparison, and analysis, the researcher can uncover unknown aspects and evaluate the proposed hypothesis. The information collection method, given the nature of the research, is library-based. Therefore, the required data for the research will be collected by referring to library sources, including books, scientific-research articles, available journals, documents, and publications.

Strategies for Preventing Corruption in Councils and Municipalities

Reforming the Municipal Structure:

According to the strategic document on combating corruption in municipalities, outdated laws, a defective organizational culture, and the organizational structure are among the most critical bottlenecks for corruption in municipalities. Reforming the municipal structure is one of the ways to fight corruption. Strengthening the position of the city council and restructuring the governance model as one of the anti-corruption strategies can be considered for improving the structure of municipalities. Streamlining the municipality, reforming processes, improving methods, and systematizing them, establishing uniform procedures, and implementing unified urban management can be regarded as crucial components of the overarching administrative and managerial structural reforms.

Cultural Strategies:

Cultural strategies are another way to reduce corruption in municipalities. Training personnel and managers is among the most critical activities in this area. Although Tehran Municipality has made efforts in this regard, organizing several anti-corruption training courses for its employees, more can be done. Familiarizing citizens with their rights, understanding corruption and its manifestations, and learning about reporting methods can lead to cultural shifts that reduce corruption and promote health in municipal affairs.One of the globally tested and effective strategies is e-government. Naturally, the more we move towards electronicizing transactions and financial matters, and replacing face-to-face interactions between municipal employees and clients or contractors with electronic systems, the more corruption will be reduced. Some experts also believe that the laws governing municipalities facilitate corruption. Therefore, a thorough review of municipal laws is required to identify which sections of the law are problematic. Since the inception of the "baladieh" system, municipalities have had numerous regulations across various domains, all of which need to be scrutinized.

Clarifying Laws:

Some experts argue that municipal laws and regulations are often ambiguous. These ambiguities must be resolved. Another issue is the complexity of the laws, with numerous abrogated and conflicting provisions. There is an overwhelming number of laws, and anyone can exploit these laws to solve problems at their discretion. In short, the municipality suffers from a multiplicity of laws and regulations, which requires serious and thorough expert analysis.

Urban management, particularly at the local level, embodied in councils and municipalities, which are the first link in the chain of urban management and interact directly with citizens, is inherently entangled with the issue of rent-seeking. This can be observed in various dimensions, and its outcomes predominantly have adverse effects on the city, urban space, and urban life. With the passing of the municipal self-sufficiency law, without considering alternative sources of government aid, this public institution faced two options for compensating its costs: imposing taxes and fees or granting rent-seeking permits for land and urban activities. To promote transparency in council laws, expand the responsibilities of councils to include executive and managerial roles, enhance the tradition of democracy and participatory engagement within society, provide legal and regulatory frameworks to encourage public participation, shift the government and state organizations' roles from ruling to facilitating and supervising in the process of urban planning and management, implement integrated urban management, and establish councils as independent bodies, the following are essential recommendations.

In the event of economic sanctions imposed on a country's banking system, often driven by political reasons, such sanctions can act as a shock, causing volatile and destabilizing effects on the financial and banking systems. This disruption can lead to the disturbance of economic income and expenditure structures. Therefore, ensuring the resilience and endurance of banks can enhance their capacity to withstand the negative effects and consequences of these shocks. This article, utilizing a descriptive-analytical method and based on available data (documents, books, articles, previous research, information, and internet sources) through the method of note-taking and library research, seeks to take a step forward by addressing the issue of civil liability of banks in letters of credit. The innovation of this article lies in its focus on the civil liability of Iranian banks in letters of credit and their confrontation with sanctions. In other words, the study aims to critically assess the resilience and strength of the banking system by emphasizing internal capacities and capabilities of Iranian banks, where civil liability in letters of credit is among the significant aspects.

Conceptual Framework:

In discussing the conceptual framework, the first step is to define sanctions and classify different types of sanctions, particularly economic sanctions. Then, the nature and function of banking sanctions, which form a significant part of economic sanctions, will be examined.3.1. Definition of Sanctions and Typology of Economic Sanctions Sanctions are considered a non-military tool for compelling targeted governments to comply with the actions desired by the sanctioning state or states. In other words, sanctions have two main objectives 1) to punish (for not adhering to the policies, strategies, or interests of the sanctioning state or states); 2) to force the sanctioned state to comply with their demands. Among the various types of sanctions, economic sanctions are often regarded as the most important because they target the material lifelines of a country and affect other social, political, and cultural levels. Economic sanctions aim to reduce, halt, or threaten the stoppage of normal and natural economic, financial, and commercial relations with the target state by the sanctioning state or states. Hence, economic sanctions can be likened to a weapon in a non-military battlefield that moves diplomacy from the negotiation stage to practical implementation.Economic and Banking Sanctions Against Iran and Anti-Sanction StrategiesIn discussing the nature of the economic sanctions imposed on Iran, it is crucial to note that until 2016, the main sectors of Iran's economy were the primary targets of sanctions.However, after this period, due to increased sensitivity around Iran's nuclear program, the weakening of the country’s financial sector through banking sanctions became a priority. Following new sanctions against the Central Bank and the disconnection of SWIFT services, Iran’s international banking operations faced extensive disruptions. Consequently, the banking system resorted to older methods like informal remittance systems to mitigate the negative impacts of financial sanctions, but many letters of credit in Iranian banks were blocked due to increased restrictions in correspondent banking relations and payment channels, as well as the erosion of trust from foreign sellers.The Civil Liability of Banks in Letters of Credit in the Context of SanctionsSince the topic of this research focuses on sanctions, it is essential to examine the exempting causes of contractual liability within this framework. In Iranian law, factors that can mitigate or exempt contractual liability include force majeure, the fault of the injured party, liability due to the actions of a third party, and acts of legal authority, which are not the focus of this article. On the contrary, one might ask: Can sanctions be considered a cause for exemption from liability, or should they be classified under force majeure? There is a significant distinction in the components of force majeure between common law systems and civil law systems. In civil law, unpredictability is a key element of force majeure, whereas in common law, unpredictability is not a requirement, and when a commitment is made, the obligor is expected to anticipate any scenario. Sanctions can also be viewed as a cause of exemption from liability. Sanctions involve the elements of uncontrollability and inevitability, but the contentious issue is their unpredictability, which is not universally agreed upon in both common law and civil law systems. According to common law, every obligor must foresee all possible outcomes, including sanctions, especially in a country like Iran where sanctions have been repeatedly applied. Based on this reasoning, the scope of force majeure should not be expanded. From another perspective, according to Iranian domestic law, which follows civil law traditions, force majeure is often illustrated as an example. Sanctions, being unpredictable and unavoidable, can therefore be classified as force majeure and serve as grounds for exemption from civil liability. If this view is accepted, it raises concerns, such as the possibility that parties could easily evade their obligations in various ways.

In Islamic Doctrines, human power has been extremely important in order to advance the actions and goals of the Islamic government and its organizations, such as the Imamate, and as the basic capital for the realization of the divine missions of these organizations, it has always depended on the efficiency of its forces. The individual qualification of the selected forces is the introduction of their social influence as the management arms of the leaders of the society. Relying on the descriptive and analytical method from the point of view of the statements and orders of the Infallible Imams (AS) and the comparative study of the ideas and methods of Ayatollah Shahid Beheshti with those statements, as one of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution, this article deals with the issue of indicators that human collections with Paying attention to these criteria, they can choose efficient human capital for their system. The main question of the article is as follows: What are the similarities and differences between the indicators of efficient manpower in the idea and method of Ayatollah Martyr Beheshti compared to the words and sayings of the infallible imams (AS)? In response to this question and as a hypothesis, it should be said that both Imam Masoom and Martyr Beheshti firmly believed in the use of efficient human resources and tried to ensure that such resources have efficiency indicators and religious indicators at the same time. However, the approach of Martyr Beheshti, in contrast to the life of the Infallible Imams (PBUH), has focused more on the context of revolution developments, international experience, and organizational and organizational work, and the approach of the Infallible Imams is a general and universal approach. The data of the article has been collected in a documentary way.

Numerous studies have been conducted on movements and socio-political unrest, examining them from multiple perspectives. In Iran, many studies have focused on social transformations, often identifying identity as one of the causes of such changes. The central question of this article is the relationship between identity pluralism and political and social tensions in Iran, with a focus on the period after the reform era. The hypothesis suggests that identity in Iran today is not monolithic, given that it has manifested at subnational, national, and transnational levels, and that identity has become fragmented, globalized, and virtualized. As a result, during social tensions, each dimension of identity can align with or be influenced by competing ideologies or discourses. The findings of this study reveal that in various instances of social unrest, one or more aspects of existing identities become activated, playing a pivotal role in driving tensions. The study adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data collection conducted through library research.

this paper aims to investigate the media policies governing national media in Iran following the revolution. As national media is a multifaceted and extensive organization covering various domains, this research focuses on the policies applied to the news anchoring sector. News anchoring is crucial in media due to its continuous and direct connection with the audience, making it highly influential in attracting and impacting viewers. However, the anchoring model is primarily shaped by the overarching policies of national media rather than individual characteristics. The central question of the article is: What effects do the prevailing policies of Iranian national media, including television, have on persuasive news anchoring? The findings indicate that moving away from traditional anchoring, redefining the mission of news anchors as creative message deliverers, identifying target audiences and competitors in terms of influence, and recognizing their needs and expectations necessitate changes in media policy and oversight. This study employs a qualitative methodology using questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The statistical population includes Tehran residents who are audiences of national media, as well as experts and scholars in the field of news anchoring.

The globalization of communication technologies simultaneously offers multifaceted opportunities for human societies while posing significant threats to political powers. The undeniable revolution brought about by virtual social networks in the realm of communications is both an asset and a challenge. However, the boundless expansion, easy accessibility, and overall globalization of these networks in recent years have brought consequences that have posed unprecedented challenges to governments on an international level. On one hand, virtual social networks have provided the highest levels of communication between individuals by creating a platform for the free exchange of ideas and opinions, positioning themselves as tools in the service of democracy. On the other hand, by removing the monopoly on news and information control from governments, enabling rapid and instant dissemination, and emphasizing the protection of individual privacy, these networks have significantly limited governments’ authority to intervene and control them.In other words, governments are unable to fully dominate all aspects of communication technologies, which are inherently transnational. Even if such power existed, they would face critical questions about individual privacy, freedom of speech, and the expression of opinions. As a result, virtual communication spaces have shattered traditional frameworks of state control, monitoring, and restriction. The Iranian government is no exception to this phenomenon. Communication technologies have entered the lives of Iranians alongside other parts of the world, and every day, the number of Iranian users continues to grow.

Conceptual Framework:

In today’s world, the growth of new technologies and their accessibility in the realm of communications has led to a profound impact on the global village. The massive volume and high speed of information transfer have redefined the boundaries of exchange, not only between governments but also among individuals across the globe. This has led to the rapid spread of news related to internal crises, transnational tensions, terrorist attacks, political demands, and human rights violations on a global scale, generating spontaneous reactions both individually and collectively. Political decision-makers and actors are thus compelled to respond swiftly.While the diverse applications of information technology in social, economic, and professional life are undeniable, the challenge for governments lies in this new technological-political environment, where "democratized" security means that governments lose their exclusive control over information. In this sense, governments, which have traditionally acted autonomously within their national borders, now face intervention from global public opinion, whether from other governments, political actors, or individual citizens. This loss of control over the proliferation of information leaves states vulnerable. As a result, "the threat to the sovereignty of states posed by the information technology phenomenon in the 21st century appears even more serious than that posed by colonialism in the past."Human Rights Implications of Communication Technology Globalization for IranLike other societies, the increasing number of users and the multifaceted expansion of activities—including professional, economic, and political—pose new challenges for the Iranian government in terms of monitoring, controlling, and regulating these technologies. In recent years, the political and security challenges presented by these technologies have at times been very serious, as communication technologies have played a significant role in public mobilization and shaping public opinion.Decline in Political Participation: Some theorists argue that with increasing social interactions and the rise in political awareness, the likelihood of political participation also increases. However, Amir Siyahpoosh, in a study on social capital in Iran, has demonstrated that in Iran, higher levels of education and social welfare lead to a decrease in trust and political participation.The Role of Virtual Communication in Soft War during Social Movements: Like other societies, Iran has experienced unrest, protests, and movements involving groups that are in conflict with the government over ideological differences. These movements, while recognized as legitimate under the constitution and requiring permission from the Ministry of Interior, inherently reflect the citizens' right to freedom of speech. However, since the events following the 2009 elections, these movements are often analyzed through the lens of soft war, where media and communication networks serve as the primary tools.Erosion of National and Religious Identity: National identity is often threatened by the globalization of values, cultures, and lifestyles. Globalization, driven by virtual networks, promotes transnational and subnational identities, potentially weakening local cultures and values. This phenomenon explains why national identities adapt to other, more globally promoted identities.The issue of human rights in Iran, regardless of its nature, has become highly politicized. Today, virtual social networks serve as key tools for opposition groups, individuals, media, and foreign governments to advocate against Iran’s government. These actors use political events, economic problems, and peaceful protests to frame Iran’s human rights issues for global public opinion. Consequently, human rights have become a political weapon used to scrutinize Iran's actions, especially when it enacts restrictive measures on communication technologies, which are viewed as human rights violations.

Governments worldwide are facing serious challenges in the era of communication technology globalization, with their absolute power becoming increasingly fragile. The Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception. In Iran, human rights implications are particularly pronounced. On one hand, the Iranian political and judicial system does not permit the absolute freedom of speech and opinion within these virtual networks, especially when national security is threatened. On the other hand, the restrictive and censorial actions taken by the government are seen as human rights violations. The political status of Iran in the international arena, coupled with its human rights record, has transformed communication networks into a propaganda tool against the state. This dual situation results from both the restrictive policies implemented by the government and the biased utilization of human rights discourse to advance political agendas through communication technology.

considering the significant effects of the Taliban's return to power on Iran, it is crucial to analyze this event from various perspectives. Therefore, the central question of this paper focuses on the examination of the Taliban’s discourse within the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and its ideological repercussions for governance in Iran. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the Taliban's rule over Afghanistan is underpinned by discursive foundations and has multiple political and social implications, which are both shaped by this discourse and directly impact Iran. Research findings indicate that the Taliban’s discourse is not theological but rather reflects a form of Salafi fundamentalism that is incompatible with Afghanistan's sociocultural fabric, exacerbating internal tensions and leading to social instability. This instability poses negative consequences for governance in Iran, ranging from conflicts between Shia and Sunni discourses to issues such as an increase in the number of migrants. The research adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data gathered through library research.

the relationship between citizens and the state has long been a concern for thinkers in the fields of public law and political philosophy. These thinkers have sought mechanisms to regulate the relationship between society and government in a way that preserves citizens' rights while ensuring that the government can effectively manage society. In this context, Islamic thinkers in the modern era have always contemplated how to leverage Islamic intellectual and civilizational capacities to address the challenges of the modern world. This article focuses on the effects of the principle of presumption of innocence on the codification of citizens' rights in Iranian law. The main hypothesis is that the principle of presumption of innocence, as a foundational principle in Shia jurisprudence, possesses significant potential for application in public law and for regulating the relationship between citizens and the state, beyond its role in private law. Research findings indicate that citizens' relations and the rights stemming from them, which are among the main political issues in the modern era, can be regulated through legislative mechanisms, utilizing the principle of presumption of innocence and its legal implications. The research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data collected through library research.