نشریه تحقیقات تاریخ اجتماعی
سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1402)

The migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus began in 1850/1266 AH, so that every year several thousand people left the country and worked in factories, oil industries, farms and docks in the worst conditions. One of the most important issues that these immigrants faced as soon as they arrived in the Caucasus was the issue of how to live and its conditions. Therefore, the main goal of the current research is to investigate the housing situation of Iranian workers in the Caucasus. The following article, with the approach of history from below and with the inspiration of "Edward Palmer Thompson" (1924-1993 AD), tries to answer the question of what kind of settlements were chosen by Iranian migrant workers in the Caucasus, and this was influenced by What were the components? The results of the studies show that the workers in the Caucasus had three types of housing, i.e. housing at the workplace, rented housing and dormitory buildings. Considering the low wages of Iranian workers (between 12 and 21 rubles per month), most of them did not have the financial ability to live in dormitory buildings. For this reason, some farm and garden workers lived in their workplaces, and some A significant number of workers in the oil industry and factories rented cottages, basements and crypts on the outskirts of the cities and lived in them collectively

During the Qajar period, a particular form of ethnic demographic changes and, accordingly, a certain mode of local governance emerged in Khuzestan, partly due to the arrival of new tribes such as Banu Ka'b. In 1306 A.H., With the order to release shipping in the Karun River, the economy of this region attracted international attention. With Khuzestan's social and economic growth in this period, the population structure underwent drastic changes. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate the consequences of positive economic trends on the ethnic-demographic structure in the Arab society of Khuzestan. Using a statistical approach together with a logical explanative method, this article explores the evolution of the ethnic structure of Khuzestan during the Qajar period. The research findings demonstrate that, during the late Qajar period, the population of most cities in Khuzestan increased; additionally, the ethnic structure of some of the cities in Khuzestan changed due to economic prosperity and immigration.

Throughout history, the city was managed traditionally based on the Iranian experience. However, when the Qajar government came to power, the process of city administration changed based on European approaches. Events such as the return of Iranian graduates from European institutions, the establishment of the Dar al-Funun school, the development of political concepts, and Naser al-Din Shah's trips to the western lands set the stage for the transformation of the city. On the other hand, the constitutional revolution created the ground for the presence and involvement of a part of the people in governance. One of the fields of activism after the revolution was participating in the elections and representing the city. This research was formed following the answers to these questions: What was the participation rate of the people of Tehran in the elections of the municipal association from the beginning of the constitution to the end of the first Pahlavi? What were the obstacles and limitations of citizens' participation in this period? The findings of the research show that only a very small number of Tehran's population of 200,000 to 600,000 participated in the elections between 1907 and 1941. Some documents show 20 to 30 votes in the Tehran Baladiyeh assembly during the Qajar period and 3 thousand votes during the Pahlavi period, which has a huge difference with the city's population. The reasons for low participation are generally related to people's ignorance of new structural changes and legal restrictions. This article aims to criticize the obstacles to collective participation in elections by examining the municipal laws based on the existing censuses, especially the 1932 census.

Feminism is one of the important social movements in the world, which was able to bring about extensive changes in the status of women, but the perception of educated people in different regions of the world about this movement has not been the same. Educated men and women of Iran were also influenced by the intellectual foundations of this movement. The main question is, what was the process of growth and expansion of feminism in Iran from the First World War to the end of the first Pahlavi? And what were the backgrounds of the formation of feminism in Iran and what were the influences of the intellectuals from the feminism movement? The current research aims to explain the feminist requests of women, the supporters, and opponents using the analytical and descriptive method and relying on library sources, journals, and publications. The findings of this study show that feminism formation in Iran were different from the western countries, and women's rights activists in Iran had their own special conditions, which were different from the situation of western women. Therefore, the feminist movement that was formed in Iran was not the same as the western movement. But due to the extensive changes in the status of women after the constitution, a quasi-feminist trend occurred in Iran, which grew after the constitution and the First World War and during the period of Reza Shah and following her trend of modernism, it progressed and continued.

This article tries to explain the function and dysfunctions of eunuchs in the Qajar court. The author has analyzed the current issue based on the theory of functionalism and dysfunctionalism and based on this, the main question of the article is, what are the functions and dysfunctions of the eunuchs in the Qajar court? Based on the theory of functionalism, the article puts forward the hypothesis that the most important function of the eunuchs was to establish order in the harem. Some other functions of the eunuchs include regulating the sexual relations of the Qajar kings and escorting the women of the harem in "Bironi". But in the case of dysfunctions, we are faced with emotional relationships of eunuchs and sometimes marriages and even illicit relationships with other men. The results of this article confirm that until the end of the Nasrid period, eunuchs often played their role well and order was established in the harem. but from the end of the Nasrid era to the end of the Qajar dynasty, due to the malfunctions of the political system and the malfunctions of the eunuchs, there was a disturbance in the establishment of internal order. We are witnessing disobedience by the women of the harem, which was a symptom of a new period in Iran's history, and with the establishment of the new constitutional order, the old internal order was disrupted,.

The Democratic Party of Azerbaijan was formed with the support of the Soviet Union in 1324 and collapsed after a year. One of the prominent consequences of the collapse of this government was the refugees of a large number of Azerbaijanis to the Soviet Union, and the main purpose of this research is to identify the components of Iranian identity among these refugees. This research, which was conducted with the historical research method and using observations, field research and in-depth interviews with the sect's refugee survivors, aims to reveal the actions and performance of the Azerbaijan Democratic sect regarding the anti-Iranian identity among its members. The results of the studies show that after the collapse of the sect government, most of the refugees who fled and became refugees to the Soviet Union due to their support for the sect, shortly after this event, realized the dependence of their leaders and despite the brutal Stalinist policy of the party. The communists of Azerbaijan and sect leaders who silenced the voice of any opposition with false and inhuman accusations and sent them to forced labor camps in Siberia and Central Asia, but most of the refugees, because of their attachment to their Iranian identity, tried hard to preserve and continue it, which today It has also continued after 75 years.

The formation of modern educational system in Iran brought women to the front of policy making and educational programs for the Pahlavid government. Since the Pahlavid government was supported by the elite and the intellectuals for the modernization of Iran, it considered women as a target of modernization. Therefore, women education became pivotal for the government in its modernization policy. Therefore, the educational approaches for girls, in line with the ideas and purposes of the government were discussed in the schools and a new picture was presented of the ideal woman. The new ideals were based on the discourse of “New Iran”. This discourse meant for women emancipation as a basis of women educational system and was opposed to the traditional role of woman in home and family.In this study, the approaches, designs and the nature of women’s educational materials are discussed through an interpretive – analytical approach by emphasizing an explanation of the modernization of Iran and the explanation of the policies and educational programs for women.

Based on the theoretical logic of subalternstudies, this article has dealt with its internal criticism.Its main question is whether it is possible to trace an elitist strain in it despite the claim of these studies?For this purpose, by using the secondary analysis method and relying on the opinions of three leading figures of this approach, namely RanajitGuha, DipeshChakrabartyand GayatriChakravortySpivak, a formulation of the theoretical claims of subalternstudies has been presented.These studies criticize the elitist historiography for ignoring the role of the subaltern in making history and defines its goal as searching for the role of the subaltern in historical and social developments in order to recognize the subaltern as an independent subject. These studies explore the "positive role" of the subalterns in building their destiny from a compassionate position and try to make visible the politics of the subalterns, which are invisible in elitist historiography.The critique of the present article to the subaltern studies project is that by considering the subaltern as a" clean-handed object" and neglecting the issue of subaltern domination and the fluidity of the subaltern position, it has ignored their "negative role" in the production and reproduction of the relations of domination.The marginalization of the negative role of subalterns in these studies has caused that despite the claim of being anti-elitist, there are elements of elitism in the analysis of domination relations.

Islamic customs. one of the rituals of burying the dead was praying the dead. This prayer was performed by the Caliph, emirs and government officials, religious scholars, judges and relatives of the deceased. Jame or Mosalla of the city, mosques, squares, cemeteries and schools of the city and sometimes government places and plains and deserts were the place of prayer for the dead. The social position of the deceased was effective in determining the imam of the congregation and the place of its establishment. The authors of the article seek to answer these questions by examining local histories and biographical books, and with a descriptive-analytical method 1-What factors were effective and involved in the quality of holding the religious-social ritual of funeral prayer and the place where it was held?2- Who participated in the funeral prayer and with what intentions and motivations?Investigations show that factors such as family ties, social and occupational status, and the extent and manner of the deceased's relationship with the ruling political structure have played a role in the quality of prayer and the choice of the place to perform the funeral prayer. Also, the high occupational and social status of the deceased made the elders of the city and many people participate in the funeral prayer with the intention of appreciating the efforts of the deceased and also bowing to religious rituals.

During the Sasanian period, many cities were built or renovated, and the historians of the first Islamic centuries have listed urban planning as one of the fundamental characteristics of the Sasanian kings. From the beginning of the Sassanid period and with the rise of kings like Ardeshir Babakan and Shapur I, the process of urban development began, and this process can be followed until the end of the Sasanian period and before the political turmoil caused by the murder of Khosrow Parviz. There have been some researches about the Sassanid cities, but mostly from the archaeological and linguistic points of view. Most of these researches have not achieved much success in establishing the relationship between the social issue arising from the objective existence of cities in the history of the Sassanid period on the one hand, and the conceptual world of the Iranian people in the Sassanid period regarding urbanization on the other hand, as a research problem. This research aims to turn the relationship between the social context in the history of the Sasanian period and Iranians' understanding of the city as a distinct settlement into a problem by relying on the method of conceptual history, and show how several layers of meaning at the end of the Sasanian period in this The concept was accumulated.

Social history" is one of the famous branches in historical studies and this article seeks to present a definition of it. The "nature" of social history in historical studies has always been the focus of scholars in the field, while examining this with a conceptual and theoretical approach can provide a basis for an accurate understanding and also a conceptual framework for those who think about it; because the breadth of the field and its lack of definition has always caused misunderstandings. Having said that, the importance of social history demands more attention to such researches. This research seeks the question of “what social history is?”. To answer the question, we will try to present a history of the rise of social history and the afore-mentioned approach in historical studies, so that the concept of this interdisciplinary knowledge becomes more apparent. In this article, after presenting the definitions and a history of social history, the main streams of social history and its disciplines and sub-disciplines that constitute it, together with the constituent elements of social history, as well as the positions of scholars against these elements, have been examined

This research deals with the representation of the role of women in the oil nationalization movement until the August 28 coup in the years 1329 to 1332 and tries to investigate the participation and efforts of women as part of the society during the oil nationalization movement. The main concern of the research is finding an answer to the question, "How did women react to the process of nationalization of oil? “The first hypothesis is that, as some sources have written, women were passive and behind the scenes, and did not take a role in the oil nationalization movement. But the second assumption is the opposite of the first assumption, and that is that women were actively present in this process; But historians and researchers have ignored and marginalized them for various reasons. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical and the researcher proved the role of women in the oil nationalization movement by relying on archival documents. According to the findings of this research, despite Mosaddegh's government's lack of respect for their demand to have the right to vote, women stayed with the government and the parliament and worked side by side with men in school and university, in factories, in offices and on the street in the path of oil nationalization.