فصلنامه مطالعات روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 67 (پاییز 1403)

Russia is one of Iran's strategic neighbors in terms of geopolitics. After the start of the war between Russia and Ukraine and the escalation of the conflict between the West and Russia, Putin's ambitious policy had an impact on the relations between Iran and the West. It seems that Russia is trying to get the most benefits by involving Iran in the war with Ukraine. The question of the current research is, what is the role of Russia in the formation of relations between Iran and the West in the political and economic field? In this article, an attempt is made to answer the role of Russian policies in the formation of Iran's relations with the West in Iran's political and economic spheres by using the theory of aggressive realism and the comparative research method. The hypothesis of the research is that in order to confront the West and expand its hegemony, Russia is not very willing to establish a relationship between Iran and the West, and on this basis, it seeks regional hegemony by using any means.

Recent developments in Afghanistan led to the fall of Ghani's government and re-formation of Taliban; It doubled the attention of analysts to the Afghanistan issue. Following the developments aimed at changing the structure in the country and the gradual formation of the emerging political system, the process of transformation of Afghanistan's surrounding environment has intensified and multiple impacts at all levels and domains has created Therefore, the main question is what are the major challenges of Afghanistan and the geopolitical analysis of this country's relations with its neighbors and conflict countries? The hypothesis that can be proposed is that the process of state building in Afghanistan and the re-formation of Taliban with the inefficiency of the legitimacy crisis and the fragility of the government on one hand and the internal capacities of the Taliban on the other hand at the national level, the performance of neighbors such as Pakistan, India and Iran at the regional level and Afghanistan's geopolitical challenges with its neighbors; The change in the strategy of the US and NATO, Russia and China at the international level have played a decisive role in the re-establishment of the Taliban's power in Afghanistan. The findings show that if Afghanistan is still part of the US and NATO geopolitical puzzle, then the Afghanistan region will become the focus of new conflicts in the border region of Central,, South and West Asia and China, which will pose direct threats to Iran and then will create problems for Russia and China afterwards.

The purpose of the current research is to provide a systematic model of the goals of the Hamas movement in "Toofan Al-Aqsa Operation".  The current research is applied in terms of purpose, exploratory in terms of data collection method, and qualitative and quantitative (mixed) in terms of data nature. The method of data collection and analysis was used in the qualitative part, interview type, and theme analysis method was used for analysis, and in the quantitative part, it was a questionnaire and structural equation modeling with the partial least squares (PLS) approach. System input indicators include the escalation of Zionist war crimes and the reaction to the Abraham Agreement; The process indicators of the system include limited tactical action, the vulnerability of the defense positions of the Zionist regime, efforts to de-escalate the tension among the countries of the Islamic world, the internal challenges of the Zionist regime, and finally the output indicators of the system include increasing the deterrence power of Hamas, redesigning the paradigm of resistance, negating any compromise and helplessness. Zionists are in the process of making peace. It seems that the "Toofan Al-Aqsa Operation" is a new chapter in the change of the resistance paradigm, based on which, the discourse of confrontation and the struggles of the Hamas movement has changed from deterrence to offensive.

The theory of human development is one of the new theories of development that has received attention since the 1990s. In this theory, human being enjoying a long, healthy and creative life is the ultimate goal of development, and human development is realized with the effective role of the government. Today, one of the indicators for measuring the level of development of countries is the national and international human development reports. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two major countries in the Persian Gulf region and the Middle East. The purpose of this research is to investigate the situation of two countries in terms of human development index and also why. Therefore, we are trying to compare the status of human development of Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the 2020 report of this organization, Iran scored 783/. ranked 70, and Saudi Arabia with a score of 854/. It has been assigned the 40th rank. According to the ranking of these two countries, the question arises as to what factors have had the greatest impact on the human development of these two countries? Meanwhile, factors of population, national income per capita, health and life expectancy constitute the difference and influencing factors on the human development index of the two countries.

The rivalry between the United States and China in the Taiwan Strait has become an important concern for regional stability and international relations. Understanding the contextual factors and dynamics that drive this competition is critical for policymakers and researchers alike. The main question that guides this research is how these factors affect the response of the United States in protecting its interests in the region and China's assertive stance towards Taiwan. Based on neoclassical realism, it is hypothesized that domestic factors, such as leaders' perceptions, domestic institutions, and societal preferences, play an important role in shaping the behavior of the United States and China in the Taiwan Strait. Furthermore, systemic factors, including alliance networks and aspirations for regional hegemony, interact with domestic factors to influence their actions. The aim of this research is to provide an insight into the motivations and actions of both countries in this strategic field by examining the mutual influence of internal factors and systemic dynamics. This research will use a qualitative approach using a comprehensive literature review and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The findings of this research provide a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics that have fueled the US-China rivalry in the Taiwan Strait. This study sheds light on motivations, actions, and potential implications for regional stability.

Nowadays, the Indo-Pacific region has become one of the most important strategic centers in the world due to its role and importance in international developments and its change into a new field for the global power competition between the US and China. In the meantime, Australia, as a middle power and also because of its special position in the region, has had its own effects on the security structure of the region and has sought to maintain its bilateral relations with regional countries and great international powers, especially the United States. This is while, with the increase in political influence, the promotion of China's military-economic position in the international arena, and the security concern regarding Beijing's long-term objectives, the issue of policymaking towards the Indo-Pacific region, as well as how to control relations with China, has become one of the most noteworthy challenges for Australian leaders. Therefore, the question of the current research is, how is Australia's security strategy in the Indo-Pacific region in the period of 2020_ 2023 affected by China's containment variable? The findings of the research show that Australia's security strategy in the Indo-Pacific region from 2020 to 2023 adheres to the continuation of the orientation of containing China, but simultaneously, the aforementioned orientation has faced a kind of security-economic conflict from 2020 in line with the evolution of the regional considerations of the United States. The method of the research design is descriptive and analytical, and the research data has been analyzed using a qualitative method.

Military/civilian relations have always been the focus of political science studies, and, military intervention in crisis caused by natural disasters has been considered as a different field from conventional but undesirable interventions in civilian affairs. Although the corona pandemic crisis has been different from other conventional natural disasters but affects the normal process of life beyond normal capacities of administrations then can be categorized as natural disasters and in practice military forces in most countries have participated in the management of this global crisis along with the political organization. NATO also played an important role in the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. How NATO intervenes in the Corona crisis is a central question that will be answered in this text. The results of this research show that NATO, not as a main actor, but in the form of a facilitator, has tried to prevent the Covid-19 pandemic from entering the stage of a contagious disease into a security crisis. This issue has been the red line of NATO in the issues that happened in the member countries, which has overshadowed the performance of the military forces and the Ministry of Defense of the mentioned countries. Obviously, during the period of spring 2020 to spring 2022, this military security organization will focus its efforts on disease control and the efficient implementation of the quarantine and social distancing policy through the use of executive operations, setting up camps and using logistics, distributing equipment and organizing forces to establish a state of martial law

Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have always been rivals in the Persian Gulf region, and more importantly, the developments in Bahrain are considered a common area of ​​influence for both countries. This article aims to answer the main question by using descriptive, analytical and library sources, what are the effects of Saudi influence in Bahrain on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that Saudi Arabia's actions in the Persian Gulf region, especially in Bahrain, include threats such as disrupting regional deterrence and the balance of power, intensifying militaristic policies, economic hegemony, and propaganda and political threats in order to induce Iran's obstruction in the realization The peace of the Middle East knows, and at the same time, it will lead to opportunities such as the expansion of Iran's soft and networked power and the failure of American and Saudi strategies in the region.

Artificial intelligence is one of the technologies that has the ability to influence the political and military aspects of the national security of governments. According to a practical definition, artificial intelligence is the science of making machines that do things that would require intelligence if done by humans. This research, in the form of descriptive-analytical method and security levels, seeks to answer the question, what threats and opportunities does artificial intelligence have in the military and political aspects of Iran's national security? the results show that artificial intelligence has brought political and military threats and opportunities to Iran's national security. The most important military threats include increasing cyber attacks on nuclear facilities, cyber attacks on domestic institutions, espionage and assassination of people with self-propelled weapons. AI opportunities in the military include equipping missile and drone weapons, acquiring robotic weapons, and cyber deterrence. The most important threats of artificial intelligence in the political field include cyber attacks on radio and television and designing fake news to deceive public opinion. The most important opportunities to use artificial intelligence in this field include trying to influence elections and strategic confrontations in foreign policy.

Parties are poweroriented politicalorganizations that, under guidance of their leaders, act with the intention of gaining, maintaining-and increasing power. Paying attention to different generations of parties in European andAmerican countries shows the upwardtrend of these organizations' use of politicaldoctrines to meet publicdemands. Although in recent years, with the expansion of socialnetworks andthe proliferation of education and trainingresources, the position of politicalparties in the intellectual and emotionalleadership of publicopinion has declined, but weare still witnessing therole of these social and political intermediary institutions in politicalcampaigns, especially electioncampaigns.
In contemporaryIran, as one of the politicalunits established in the internationalsystem and based on the democraticsystem, the role and position of parties in the electionprocess - although with differences compared to the westerncountries - is more or less defined in the samedirection. Therefore, the recognition of these politicalorganizations as the most important politicaldrivers in the country is of serious importance and is undeniable for the reform and improvement of the electionsystem in the IslamicRepublicof Iran. The main question of the article is whats the role and function of politicalparties and organizations in theWest andIran from thepoint of view parliamentary electioncampaigns? In response to this hypothesis, it canbe proposed that therole and function of parties in theWest seems more desirable, while Iranianparties are able to perform their specialtasks, including mediating between the society and the politicalsystem, aggregating and transferring the demands of the society to the politicalsystem, and justifying the society. They aren't for the implementation of systempolicies, politicalsocialization, voter mobilization, training of leaders and politicalcadres.

The concept of justice has long held a special place in human thought and has always been a subject of discussion and examination among philosophers,theologians,and intellectuals.Given that one of the analytical shortcomings of critical theoretical approaches is the influence of assumptions and viewpointsofreligious leaders,the present research endeavors to examine this issue from such a perspective.Undoubtedly, Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Sadr are among the prominent thinkers ofthe present centuryin the fieldof the philosophy of justice,who have played a significant role in explaining and interpreting justice and its analytical indicators.Therefore,the examination of the philosophical ideas of these two thinkersin studying the subject of justice in comparison with Western intellectuals has been highlighted. Hence, the main question ofthis article is what are the differences and similaritiesin the concept of justice between the perspectives of Western thinkers and the Islamic thoughts of Martyr Motahhari andMartyr Sadr?The research findings indicate their commonalities inthe divine nature of the basis of justice, criticism of models such as communism and liberalism,the necessity of justice forthe happiness of humanity and society,and the government's duty to establish justice.However,the criticism leveled against them isthat they have only addressed one dimensionof the multidimensional truth and have not paid attention to other aspects and elements,while Islam has addressedthis issue comprehensively anddiscussed justice from various angles sothatno one's right is violated in Islamic society.This article, using a descriptive-analytical and comparative method and benefiting from library resources,first examines the evolution of justice in the West and Islam and then logically compares them.

The relations between Syria and Iran have been a stable feature in the political landscape of the Middle East for more than 34 years. The Iran-Syria alliance is one of the components that shape the regional order in the Middle East. The political alliance between Syria and Iran has been maintained through a shared understanding of the threat, a convergence of interests in Lebanon and Iraq, and a shared vision of Palestine, Israel, and the United States. This strategic partnership has been guided through mutual economic, diplomatic and political assistance in meeting each other's strategic needs. The purpose of the current research is to investigate the relationship between identity and material interests in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Syria in the period (2015-2020). In this research, the complex relationship between identity and material interests, which are mutually consistent, is examined in order to understand the multifaceted factors that shape the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Syria. While the regional identity of Iran is examined in the framework of Shia-Islamic ideology, the material interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the regional level are usually ignored. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question, what effect did the identity and interests have on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Syria? This article will examine the economic drivers of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy towards Syria through a critical structuralist approach.