نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 45 (بهار 1403)

The purpose of the present research is to conduct a thematic analysis of the implications of Surah Al-Tawbah concerning political treaties. In this regard, through two methods—theme analysis and topical interpretation—a comprehensive Islamic perspective on treaties has been provided by developing a network of treaty-related themes. By employing these methods, 19 basic themes concerning treaties and warfare, 4 organizing themes, and 2 overarching themes were identified. From this evaluation, the overarching policy of Surah Al-Tawbah regarding treaties was explained in two aspects: general rules and operational and tactical instructions related to treaties. This provided a clear understanding of the essentials of treaties from the Islamic viewpoint. The rules governing treaties and operational instructions mentioned in this Surah are as follows: 1. A treaty, under conditions determined by the authority, is desirable and necessary for strengthening the pillars of the system.2. A governmental body must take responsibility for clarifying relations with entities outside the faith community, monitor these relations, and manage its calculations and planning based on the data from supervisory institutions. 3. None of the provisions of the agreement should impose humiliation or degradation on the faith community or the governing body, nor should they place them in a position of weakness, as Islam’s view of treaties is instrumental, aimed at strengthening the system's foundation. 4. In the event of any violation or betrayal in the treaties, the opposing party should be dealt with firmly, so that they understand the consequences and refrain from making decisions in the future that could harm the political system. 5. During the treaty process, the Islamic government should establish an institution for organizing refugees from the enemies and use their training and education to promote and elevate the word of Tawhid (monotheism). 6. The governing authority and the faith community must monitor all enemy movements in pursuing the treaty's provisions and avoid any naive actions that might harm the system. Instead of naivety, rationality and adherence to the authority's instructions should guide their actions. 7.In the event of the opposing party breaking the covenant, the believers must defend the Islamic system and faith. One should not rely on divine intervention but instead actively participate in this reformative movement to be worthy of divine assistance.

Although global governance models have shown a tendency toward the establishment of democratic governments (even in religious forms), totalitarianism, as a model that caused significant tragedies in Europe during the first half of the twentieth century and continues to persist in some regions of the world, has drawn the attention of researchers from various perspectives. Hannah Arendt is among contemporary political thinkers who has extensively addressed the issue of the continuity of totalitarianism. Arendt examines totalitarianism through indicators such as the atomization of the individual and its relationship with the feeling of individual security. Although Arendt’s main idea is focused on the phenomena of Nazism and Fascism in Europe, her security theory is applicable to all totalitarian regimes. In this regard, the present research seeks to explore the foundations of Hannah Arendt’s thought and her place in 20th-century political philosophy, and to analyze the relationship between totalitarianism, individual atomization, and the feeling of security, using the Persian Gulf countries as a case study. The main research question is: How does totalitarianism and individual atomization, by creating a sense of security in individuals, ensure its own continuity? The nature of the research is applied in its objective, and the method is qualitative based on data analysis processes. The hypothesis tested in response to this question is that, in the totalitarian world, the rootless individual, due to fear, escapism from reality, and estrangement from society, finds a sense of security through imagination and views the totalitarian regime as their refuge. This contributes to the persistence of totalitarianism. This analysis, when applied, sheds light on the reasons for the continued existence of these regimes in the Persian Gulf countries, representing one of the significant findings of this research.

This study aims to answer the question: What impact has teleological thinking had on the political and social actions of neo-Salafi movements? The research method is descriptive-analytical, utilizing discourse analysis techniques. It introduces and examines the new Salafi movements and outlines their political characteristics, critically evaluating the role and influence of teleological thought on the political actions of neo-Salafi movements, specifically ISIS. The fundamental assumption of utopian processes—including communism, fascism, Nazism, and ISIS—is that by changing social rules and regulations, humans will be able to regain their original goodness and purity. However, the most significant criticism of this view is its lack of a realistic perspective on humanity and its neglect of human history, which has always been a mix of good and evil, beauty and ugliness. ISIS emerged at a time when it imposed the bloodiest crimes on those who did not align with its project of an Islamic utopia, becoming immersed in various vices and ultimately fading into history. ISIS overlooked the fact that the utopia they sought on earth is irreconcilable with the realities of human society.

The present study aims to examine the feasibility of establishing an Islamic state based on the theory of restricted guardianship of the jurisprudent (wilayat muqayyada faqih). The research method is descriptive-analytical and seeks to address the question of the legal ruling regarding the establishment of an Islamic state during the occultation of the Infallible Imam, according to the view of restricted guardianship of the jurisprudent. Proponents of this theory hold two distinct perspectives regarding the formation of an Islamic state: one group advocates for the prohibition of establishing an Islamic state. This view is based on principles such as the absence of guardianship, the necessity of confining to the certain (qat‘ī), the requirement for an infallible Islamic ruler, and the lack of valid evidence. However, the principles of absence of guardianship and the necessity of confining to the certain pertain to the claim of guardianship and do not encompass the necessity of government or the principle of guardianship. The requirement of infallibility also pertains to the ideal state of an Islamic government. The lack of knowledge is addressed through the institution of consultation (shura). The lack of valid evidence, which supports this perspective, is also subject to critique since there are numerous valid rational and transmitted arguments in favor of the permissibility of forming a government. The acceptance of a secular government under duress is the ultimate outcome of this view, which itself is a form of Islamic governance. In such a state, religion does not result in the creation of majorities and minorities or first- and second-class citizens. This government, in all aspects of governance, resembles a secular state where Sharia is not the criterion for the validity of policies, laws, or actions. Therefore, the view of impossibility leads to the permissibility of establishment, contrary to the claims of those who argue for impossibility. The second view supports the legal possibility of forming an Islamic state. This perspective is based on the comprehensiveness, eternality, and universality of Islam, the principle of negating domination (nifī al-sabīl), the necessity of implementing religion, and the preservation of the Islamic community's integrity. The outcome of this view is the formation of an active state in domestic, international, cultural, and economic affairs. In the social structure and the relationship between citizens and the government, the concept of religious minority becomes relevant, and religion creates first- and second-class citizens. Legislation and policymaking must align with Sharia, and the primary criterion for the validity of programs and laws is Islamic Sharia, as reflected in Islamic jurisprudence. In a state based on the restricted guardianship of the jurisprudent, the legal framework imposes significant limitations on the government, distinguishing it in effectiveness from a government based on the theory of absolute guardianship of the jurisprudent (wilayat mutlaqah faqih).

Broadly speaking, there are two interpretations of the concept of democracy among theorists: (1) Democracy as a form of government and a method of governance. In this view, democracy is not an end in itself and does not possess inherent value; rather, it is a tool for one of the following purposes "realization or activation of government," "its survival and continuity," "the stability of government and its avoidance of crises," "the effectiveness and efficiency of governance," and "legitimacy (acceptance) and justification of government from an external observer’s perspective." (2) Democracy as a philosophy and basis of governance. In this interpretation, democracy is, in itself, an end or one of the goals of government, possessing intrinsic value and serving as a factor in legitimizing and justifying governance. In this regard, the main question of this study is: What constitutes the ideal state in the theories of religious democracy that adhere to the guardianship of the jurisprudent (wilayat al-faqih)? The research method is descriptive-analytical, demonstrating that the views of Shia scholars concerning the ideal state in the era of occultation, compatible with the theory of religious democracy and guardianship of the jurisprudent, are presented in two main forms: a) The theory that bases the state's religious legitimacy on appointment by God, the Prophet (PBUH), and the Infallible Imams (AS). In this view, the ideal state is one that solely has divine legitimacy, and public acceptance does not play a role in its inherent desirability. b) The theory that bases the state's religious legitimacy on both divine and popular elements. In this view, democracy forms a foundational and value-based dimension of the Islamic state, without which the Islamic nature of the political system remains incomplete, and, in other words, the political system does not become ideal.

The aim of this study is to explore the criterion for the hierarchy of human needs and the Islamic Revolution's response to these needs within the framework of transcendent wisdom (hikmat muta'aliyah), with emphasis on Imam Khomeini's viewpoint. This research is fundamental in nature, with data analysis conducted through qualitative methods. The study is based on the assumption that the framework for identifying and responding to human needs by the Islamic system born from the Islamic Revolution is realized based on transcendent wisdom. The results show that in transcendent wisdom, the different levels and stages of human souls are theorized according to the concept of substantial motion (harakah jawhariyyah) and categorized according to the hierarchy of human needs at the following levels: the animalistic level of humans, the human level, and the transcendent level of humans. The dimensions of human needs in transcendent wisdom encompass three areas: ethical, doctrinal, and jurisprudential, and are classified into material (animal), human, and transcendent levels.

The objective of this study was to examine the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the evolution of Daryoush Shayegan's understanding of the West. In this context, the concept of tradition and modernity in Shayegan's thought after the Islamic Revolution of Iran was analyzed based on a combination of Carl Gustav Jung's collective psychoanalysis and Martin Heidegger's hermeneutic theory, which served as the foundation for reviving Eastern spirituality against the dominance of modernity over non-European cultures. The most important issue for Shayegan was the confrontation of the Iranian people with the challenge of tradition and modernity. The primary research question is: What effect did the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution have on Shayegan's Western studies? The hypothesis is that although Shayegan at one point advocated a return to tradition and Eastern identity and criticized modern identity and modernity, even being in strong opposition to technology and modernity, after the Islamic Revolution and witnessing its transformations, he adopted a critical approach to modernity and the West. Shayegan after the revolution underwent significant changes compared to Shayegan before the revolution. He, influenced by Heidegger, was a critic of the West, believing that the West had separated from noumenon (existence) and focused on the phenomenon (appearance), which in Shayegan's narrative meant distancing from truth and being limited to the realm of appearances. However, in the 1990s, after distinguishing between religious and political revolutions, Shayegan arrived at the concept of fragmented identity and peaceful coexistence. This does not mean that Shayegan, having moved past the Islamic Revolution, abandoned spirituality. Rather, he believed, as Vattimo argued, that the fall of metaphysics would inevitably lead to the return of spirituality, and that the postmodern world would open up profound concerns for spirituality and the crisis of meaning for humanity.

This study aims to investigate partisanship and spiritual capital in post-revolutionary Iran. Using a descriptive method and qualitative content analysis, the influence of religion as an element of spiritual capital on the performance of political parties and organizations in Iran during the first decade after the revolution, with a focus on three political organizations — the Islamic Republic Party, the Combatant Clergy Association of Tehran, and the Organization of the Islamic Revolution's Mojahedin — has been examined. Despite the fact that the founders of the mentioned parties strongly emphasized and incorporated religion and its teachings into their manifestos and statutes, due to their view of religion as an ideology, this concept did not reflect the expected and necessary influence on their party performance. The divergence in opinions and fragmentation of views, which sometimes led to the dissolution or schism within these parties, confirms the ineffectiveness of religion and its teachings in their performance. However, if religion had been treated as spiritual capital, fostering the development of honest, ethical, and trustworthy individuals would have been prioritized. In such a scenario, religion would not have been merely a tool for gaining power but would have served the moral education of society, providing a foundation for producing and nurturing ethical and incorruptible individuals.

The present study aims to examine the role of political-social groups in realizing the measures for political justice outlined in the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress. In this context, the capacities of influential elements such as political-social groups to ensure political justice, a central concept in the model, have been explored. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings show that the realization of political justice prepares the ground for balance, proportion, and moderation in society, ensuring the rightful fulfillment of citizens' rights. With justice governing the interactions and behaviors of the political system and its agents toward citizens, the groundwork is laid for the implementation of the progress model’s measures on political justice, which are directly or indirectly emphasized in various sections of the model. Implementing these measures without dynamic political-social groups is impossible. These groups, from which the political system’s agents are selected, facilitate the circulation of elites within society and ensure the execution of justice by demanding it through their monitoring efforts. This can be achieved through mechanisms such as enjoining good and forbidding wrong, critical scientific programs, the press, media, virtual spaces, and offering advice and goodwill. Strengthening the culture of free thinking, with respect to ethical norms, for the evaluation and scientific critique of past and current policies and programs, as well as assisting the political system in achieving a just structure through party governance, are among the functions that political parties and groups can perform.

The primary goal of this study was to examine the political barriers that have hindered the efficiency of privatization in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Utilizing the conceptual framework of North, Wallis, and Weingast's theory of social orders, the study demonstrated that privatization, within the context of a limited access order with widespread rent-seeking tendencies and the creation of a rentier form of capitalism, has not led to the promised goals of the neoclassicists (as envisioned by the Washington Consensus). These goals included promoting a productive private sector, increasing efficiency, and improving the financial condition of the government. An analysis of Iran’s privatization process in recent years reveals that the actual outcomes have fallen far short of expectations. The Islamic Republic's reliance on a natural state model, characterized by rent-seeking behaviors, has obstructed the achievement of privatization objectives. The findings indicate that the reduction in government size and the strengthening of private sector participation in economic activities have remained largely rhetorical, as the share of state-owned companies, banks, and profit-seeking institutions dependent on the government in the national budget has continued to increase over the years. Moreover, the Total Factor Productivity (TFP) index has shown no significant improvement as a result of privatization efforts. Regarding the improvement of fiscal health and the resolution of the budget deficit problem through privatization policies, the study also concludes that privatization in Iran has not led to stronger government finances. In fact, during the accelerated implementation of privatization policies under the ninth and tenth administrations, the budget deficit continued to rise consecutively.

The aim of this study is to examine the government's support for victimized and delinquent children in Islamic jurisprudence and Iranian law. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and it was shown that victimized children, due to their unique psychological and physical characteristics and their developmental stages, require significant support from the Islamic state, as addressed in Islamic political jurisprudence under topics such as guardianship over minors (wilāyah al-ṣighār) and the duties of the ḥisbah institution. In addition to the explicit Islamic sources mentioned in jurisprudence, the Islamic state, as long as it does not contradict the Sharia (or in other words, has the endorsement of the Sharia), can also support victimized and delinquent children in accordance with international laws and Iran’s legal framework. This support, determined by the state—one of the enforcers designated by the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran—is carried out through executive institutions like the State Welfare Organization of the Islamic Republic and another prominent body known as the police, which accompany and support children from the onset of victimization and delinquency to help improve the empowerment process of children as effectively as possible. The Welfare Organization, an executive and well-recognized institution under the supervision of the government, operates within the framework of national laws to support victimized and delinquent children. The views of professors, criminologists, the Constitution, the legal act establishing the Welfare Organization, and the law concerning the support of orphans have all played significant roles in shaping policies focused on preventing and reducing delinquency and victimization. The police, another executive body, plays a substantial role in establishing national security. The police, through their interaction with victimized children and society, support them in numerous ways. They do not limit their assistance to initial investigations or the judicial process but continue to support children even after the verdict, such as by informing victims of their rights for compensation, providing protection against threats, referring victims to counseling specialists, and offering comprehensive support to victims.

The purpose of this study is to examine the requirements for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in achieving sustainable development, from the perspective of the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Khamenei). The research method is descriptive-analytical, and six main criteria for effective foreign policy, extracted from the speeches of the Supreme Leader, are as follows: "the ability to convincingly explain the rationale behind the country’s approaches on various issues," "effective and guiding presence in global political-economic events and phenomena," "mitigation and reduction of policies and decisions that pose a threat to the Islamic Republic of Iran," "weakening of threat-creating centers," "strengthening governments and entities allied with the Islamic Republic of Iran and expanding the country's strategic depth," and "the ability to discern hidden layers in regional and global decisions and actions." These foreign policy requirements will be realized through the employment of high-quality, faithful, and deeply committed human resources who believe in the ideological and political foundations of the Revolution and the Islamic Republic. If competent and reliable individuals are present in the foreign policy apparatus, who have the capability to counter foreign intellectual and propaganda deviations, and possess sufficient motivation and strong resolve to accurately identify and resist enemy movements without being misled, the national interests of Iran will undoubtedly be safeguarded at both the regional and international levels. Recruiting young and specialized forces for foreign policy and diplomacy, alongside maintaining the motivation, faith, and resolve of personnel, is one of the important responsibilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The conduct of Iran’s diplomats and ambassadors abroad, as representatives of the people, reflects the identity and essence of the Iranian nation. Therefore, the Iranian diplomat must embody faith, love for dear Iran, zeal, determination, and diligence. It is in this way that the national interests of Iran will be secured globally. Thus, the foreign policy requirements for sustainable development, along with the presence of efficient, innovative, dynamic, faithful, and trustworthy individuals, will be fulfilled.

This study seeks to address the question: What are the characteristics of regional crises in Southwest Asia, and how can the foundations for regional security and stability be established? The research method is content analysis, utilizing Stephen Walt’s theory of the balance of threat and multilateral cooperation, which is based on collective defense mechanisms to strengthen deterrence against crisis-causing actors. Strategic policy-making in the age of regional crises and a turbulent environment requires an understanding of the ontological and epistemological factors of crisis, conflict, and confrontation. In the post-Cold War years, signs of security challenges in various geographical domains have emerged, leaving their mark in the form of crises, conflicts, security tensions, and terrorism. Any strategic policy-making to confront such threats can be based on tactical multilateralism. The main reason for employing such measures lies in the constant chaos and instability in the global system. In such a situation, structural changes in the international system and the regional environment are considered the main factors for the expansion of crises. In the current context, where signs of global disorder have appeared, decentralized actors are perceived as the primary source of organized and escalating conflicts across various geographical regions, especially from Southwest Asia to the Eastern Mediterranean. In this conflict-ridden environment, the lack of structural action by states has created a breeding ground for the emergence of threats and decentralized actors. The rise of proxy actors, strategic and geopolitical identity, along with signs of unending disorder in international politics, has led to escalating crises and security conflicts for regional states and major powers. These signs prevent the realization of stability, balance, organized action, and predictability among nations and emerging political forces. Multilateralism becomes essential in situations where signs of a "volatile balance" have emerged, resulting in the instability of regional actors.

This study aims to answer the question of which regional factors have influenced the deterioration of relations between Iran and Egypt from 1979 to 2021. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that the spiritual and political influence of regional actors, along with the fear of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s growing regional and international power, by countries such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the UAE, Israel, the Arab League, and the Gulf Cooperation Council, are the key factors behind the strained relations between Iran and Egypt during this period. The theoretical framework of this research is based on constructivism, which has normative and value-based foundations. In general, the reasons behind the actions of regional actors, including influential countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, or regional Arab-Islamic organizations like the Gulf Cooperation Council, in exacerbating the tension between Iran and Egypt since the Islamic Revolution include the following: fear of promoting and propagating the teachings of the Islamic Revolution, fear of the spiritual influence and Shiite ideas among the people and elites, fear of Iran's increasing regional and international power and the disruption of the balance of power in favor of the Islamic Republic of Iran, preventing the unity and solidarity of the Islamic world's public opinion against policies of appeasement and leniency towards the Zionist regime as the common enemy of the Islamic Ummah, fear of changing the regional geopolitics with the formation of a "Shia Crescent," and the emergence of a new regional bloc centered around the axis of resistance (resistance groups) and led by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, given the aforementioned reasons, regional actors have feared Iran's spiritual, value-based, and political influence among the region’s nations and have sought to prevent an alliance between Iran and Egypt by fueling Iranophobia and Shiaphobia, aiming to block the formation of a new regional bloc led by Iran and Egypt, and to maintain their preferred regional balance.

The purpose of this study is to examine the application of arbitration in resolving international commercial disputes involving Iran and other countries or foreign companies. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings reveal that speed, expertise, and cost-effectiveness are among the advantages of arbitration over litigation in resolving disputes. Moreover, the inclusion of an arbitration clause in international commercial contracts between the Islamic Republic of Iran and other countries has political implications, such as increasing investment and encouraging international investors to invest in Iran. Additionally, it will enhance Iran's credibility among countries in the international system and foster greater trust in the country. Ultimately, the inclusion of an arbitration clause in Iran's international commercial contracts will help reduce tensions and disputes between Iran and other countries.

The aim of this research is to examine the views of Iranian thinkers regarding the political status of women, with an emphasis on the discourses of Mirzā-ye Nāʾīnī and Shahīd Beheshtī. Within a descriptive-analytical framework and using the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Mouffe, this study seeks to answer the question: What are the foundations of the political status of women in the discourses of these two thinkers? The results indicate that Mirzā-ye Nāʾīnī sought to present his discourse in accordance with new relations, principles, and regulations, while considering the foundations of Islam and the public welfare of the people. His discourse, which stood in opposition to the traditional pre-constitutional approach and the instrumental view of women in modern thought, stabilized its foundations by adopting modernist ideas rooted in law, human equality, and the active role of both men and women in shaping their political and social destiny. During the Islamic Revolution, Shahīd Beheshtī, who rejected traditional prejudices, Pahlavi modernism, and disregard for religious identity as "the other," believed in the natural rights of all humans. Based on religious principles and considering contemporary exigencies, he positioned women as equals to men, not as inferior. In fact, Iran's encounter with the discourse of modernism led thinkers like Nāʾīnī during the Constitutional period and Beheshtī during the Revolution to, through tools such as ijtihād (independent reasoning), internalize many of the signifiers of modern discourse—such as gender equality and women's social participation in various political and social activities—and reframe them within an Islamic identity. Despite the similarities in their views on women, particularly regarding concepts like freedom within the framework of Sharīʿa, ḥijāb, and other matters, a clear distinction can be observed. Nāʾīnī, considering the political and social conditions of the time, where democratic demands were at the forefront for constitutionalists, treated the issue of women as a secondary concern, alongside other topics, and did not focus on it independently. However, in Beheshtī's discourse, which was specifically shaped by the revolutionary conditions and the emergence of a fiqhi Islamic framework after the revolution, a new perspective emerged from within the traditional discourse. This perspective, while recognizing and emphasizing various dimensions of women's activism, analyzed the issue in practical terms. In contrast, Nāʾīnī's discourse, due to the continuation of traditional structures in post-constitutional Iran and the lack of fundamental reforms regarding women, remained dominated by pre-constitutional traditional discourse.