فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 68 (پاییز 1403)

The conflict and incompatibility between ethnic and national identity is one of the issues faced by any political system, including societies with a diversity of identities, such as the existence of multiple groups within their territory. Accordingly, this research, considering the diverse and multi-ethnic society of Iran, aims to address some problems in the field of ethnicities, specifically pointing to the conflict between ethnic and national identities. The main question of the research is: what practical solutions can be offered to achieve peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran and to connect national and ethnic identities? The hypothesis is that negating the minority perception of ethnic groups, maintaining impartial governance in the administration of the country, relying on shared historical norms and history, and economic development of regions benefiting the less privileged classes are among the solutions for achieving peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups in Iranian society. Based on the review of this research, it should be said that remaining in the theoretical and idealistic realm and relying on common political and historical aspects is not enough. In practice, these aspects must be such that they create the least inequality for the greatest number of people. In other words, justice-based mechanisms must support the weakest strata. Additionally, peaceful coexistence mechanisms should be expanded in the economic, social, and cultural domains, and the principles of the Constitution, such as education in the mother tongue, the development of media in the mother tongue for ethnic groups, and attention to the historical role of ethnic groups in preserving national identity, must be realized. In this article, descriptive and analytical methods and library tools have been used.

The concept of class as an economic notion took shape in sociology and was accepted in this context. For many sociologists, the issue of the formation and transformation of social classes is of significant importance. In this regard, the main question of this research is what relationship exists between the non-productive sectors of the economy and class transformation. The case study chosen is the emergence and rise of the nouveau riche and The Leisure Class in post-revolutionary Iran. The hypothesis of the research was that sectors of the Iranian economy, which are largely rooted in a non-productive political economy formed decades before the revolution, create a set of relations for wealth production that can lead to the formation of new classes in different periods. These non-productive economic relations produce specific social movements that quickly elevate individuals in social deciles and lead to class transformation. The research findings have shown that some economic policies are fundamentally prone to rent creation and have facilitated processes of non-productive wealth production, which have had very extensive social consequences to the extent that they have led to the formation and stabilization of a new class in Iran. The research approach was sociological, and the data collection method was documentary and library-based.

Humans, being civil by nature, have been looking for a way to organize social life since the beginning of their civilization, and therefore, have pursued state-building. But as much as the state can provide public good, it can also have some disadvantages and disadvantages, and for this purpose, tools must be provided to monitor and control it. In this regard, the main question of this article is what is the role of the Administrative Court of Justice in monitoring power in the Islamic government and how can this monitoring lead to ensuring administrative justice and controlling power? The research hypothesis is that the Administrative Court of Justice, based on principles 170 and 173 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and on the basis of monitoring the decisions and actions of government institutions, is an effective tool for ensuring administrative justice and preventing the concentration and abuse of power in the Islamic government. The research findings have shown that since the principle in the Islamic government is justice and the rights of citizens, therefore, the tools for establishing justice are also embedded in the legal structure of the constitution, including the Administrative Court of Justice, so that citizens can exercise their rights in the administrative affairs of the country through it. The public law research approach and data collection method have been library and documentary.

Beliefs and convictions, as the central and pivotal point of religiosity in Islam, are not limited to the individual and acts of worship. Rather, jurisprudential principles and rules, as the organizers of political and social life of citizens in an Islamic society, are tasked with offering solutions to foster a connection between the people and the rulers, including in the domain of political trust. Based on this, the present study examines the role of religious beliefs in achieving political trust from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The key question is: What is the role and impact of religious beliefs in realizing political trust from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results show that beliefs such as acceptance and adherence to the sovereignty of Sharia, allegiance to and acceptance of guardianship (Wilayat), political piety, adopting a spiritually-oriented policy, and rejecting the separation of religion from politics play a significant role in achieving political trust in the Islamic society. These beliefs are crucial in the selection and determination of rulers in the Islamic society and are always considered a standard for the general public. In this approach, rulers must promote piety and religiosity as internal tools for self-monitoring. In Article 4 of the Constitution, the alignment of all laws in the country with Islamic principles is considered and is also applicable to rulers. The present article employs a descriptive-analytical method with library research tools. The theoretical framework of the article follows an approach centered on the Islamic and faithful ruler.

Human development, as a multidimensional concept, is one of the key foundations of a country's development and can be instrumental in achieving the country's economic, social, and cultural objectives. The present research, using a descriptive-analytical method and a deductive approach based on the theoretical framework of good governance, seeks to answer the main and subsidiary questions: What impact has transparency had on human development indicators in Iran during the period from 2013 to 2021? And what is the relationship and correlation between transparency and human development indicators? The existence of high and low levels of transparency in Iran during this period has had a significant impact on human development indicators in society, and these effects have changed over time. There is generally a direct and positive correlation between transparency and human development indicators. This research aims to explore the relationship between human development indicators and transparency in society and provide an empirical analysis of the impact and relationship between these indicators and transparency. The findings of the study suggest that by enhancing transparency in the country's economic spheres through the expansion of modern information and communication technologies, along with the development of e-government and increasing public participation, and digitizing public services, transparency in society can be increased, thereby accelerating and facilitating the improvement of human development indicators.

The issue of political participation is one of the determining factors in political development and, consequently, the economic and social development of societies. The more tangible and concrete the influence of citizens on the legislative and executive processes of a country is, based on their satisfaction, the higher their political participation will be. This article addresses the issue of political participation of citizens in Ahvaz during the eleventh term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections from this perspective. The main question of this study is: What are the causes and factors influencing the decline in political participation of citizens in Ahvaz during the eleventh term elections? The failure to meet people's expectations in legislative, economic, and livelihood areas, as well as the inefficiency and disillusionment with the performance of representatives, are identified as the most significant factors contributing to the decline in political participation in this city. The target population of this research includes experts, specialists, political activists, and citizens of Ahvaz. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative methods, with a questionnaire as the research tool. The qualitative section is based on the theory of political satisfaction, and the quantitative part is random. A total of 386 citizens of Ahvaz were selected using Cochran's formula, and the data were analyzed using SPSS software.

Social relations are often complex, tense, and conflictual, which is why in most societies, law is established as the final arbiter of disputes, providing a standard for behavior and resolving conflicts when they arise. Although it is universally accepted that the law should be applied consistently and without exception, there are instances where exceptions apply. Force majeure in private law and the state of exception in public law are examples where the rule of law is suspended. In this context, the main question of this article addresses the necessity and state of exception in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The hypothesis of the article is that Iran's current Constitution, as a modern legal structure, possesses significant governing capacities, one of which is the application of necessity and the establishment of a state of exception. The research findings suggest that public law in Iran can benefit from three categories of necessity: legislative, executive, and specific, which provide significant governmental tools. The approach of the article is analytical-descriptive, and the data collection method is library-based and document-based.

The aim of this study is to propose a managerial competency model for cultural managers in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research is conducted using a mixed-method approach (quantitative-qualitative) with fieldwork methods, semi-structured interviews, coding, questionnaires, and document analysis. The qualitative sample consists of 13 experts selected through snowball sampling, while the quantitative sample includes 120 participants selected through random sampling. The main research question is: What are the indicators of competent cultural managers for cultural development in the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering the statements and views of the leader of the revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei? After data collection, the data were analyzed using content analysis, the Delphi method (via expert consultation), confirmatory factor analysis, reliability analysis using Cronbach's alpha, composite reliability, convergent and discriminant validity, and structural equation modeling. The results of qualitative analysis showed that future studies in this area require attention to 8 main categories and 72 subcategories. In selective coding, the paradigmatic dimensions of coding included six categories: causal conditions, obstacles, intervening conditions, background conditions, strategies, and consequences. Additionally, the results of confirmatory factor analysis for all research variables were affirmed. Cronbach’s alpha and composite reliability results for all components of future studies were higher than 0.7, indicating satisfactory reliability of the components. Moreover, the convergent and discriminant validity of the components of the educational management future studies model exceeded 0.5, demonstrating the favorable validity of the components.

According to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament) is the primary body responsible for legislating laws. Alongside it, there exists another institution called the Expediency Discernment Council, which also plays a role in legislation. Under the Constitution, the Council has tasks such as solving systemic problems, resolving conflicts between the Parliament and the Guardian Council in cases of disagreement, and advising the Supreme Leader on formulating the general policies of the system. This study explores the concept of expediency within the framework of Islamic jurisprudence and the views of Western thinkers. It then compares this concept’s role with the duties of the Expediency Discernment Council. The study of the Council’s duties reveals that it is not primarily a legislative body and, consequently, is not directly involved in formulating a legislative criminal policy. The findings indicate that the concept of expediency in Shia jurisprudence, alongside discussions on priorities (important vs. less important), fixed vs. variable laws, and the ruler’s decree (Hokm Hokoomati), is not considered an independent source of legislation. This concept of expediency, based on Shia jurisprudential foundations, governs the structure and activities of the Expediency Discernment Council.

This research, titled "Foreign Policy Strategies of Iran towards the United States after the Islamic Awakening: From Ideological Confrontation to Geopolitical Engagement," analyzes Iran's policies during this period and how they have influenced its regional role and international relations. The main research question is: How has Iran managed to balance its ideological principles with geopolitical requirements in its foreign policy? The hypothesis of this study is that Iran's foreign policy in this period is defined as a combination of ideological confrontation with the United States and purposeful geopolitical engagement, aimed at strengthening its regional strategic interests while maintaining national independence. The research method is descriptive-analytical, utilizing library sources and documented data to conduct a comparative analysis of Iran's policies during this period. The findings of the study show that Iran has leveraged the Islamic Awakening to enhance its ideological role in the region, while also engaging in limited geopolitical interactions, such as the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), to alleviate the economic and political pressures resulting from confrontation with the United States. This study emphasizes that Iran's foreign policy is a blend of ideology and realism, adjusted according to changing regional and international conditions.

Citizen participation in the political arena is influenced by various factors, including the type of electoral system, which is evident in the elections for the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament). Therefore, this research aims to explore the impact of the electoral system on citizen participation in parliamentary elections. The central question of this study is: What are the disadvantages of the majority electoral system for the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and which alternative model is more desirable? The findings of the research indicate that the proportional electoral system and its variants encourage institutional, organizational, and awareness-based participation with a partisan outlook. In contrast, the majority electoral system promotes mass participation without organizational discipline. Although the majority electoral system has played an important role in citizen participation in parliamentary elections over several decades, due to the significant role of institutions and organizations such as political parties and the shift from tribal-based approaches to partisan ones, the proportional electoral system offers greater advantages for enhancing citizen participation. Participation within a proportional electoral system can be based on planning, party laws, and their extension to various decision-making and election organizing sectors, which are essential for citizen participation in the fourth decade of the revolution. Additionally, the proportional electoral system stimulates participation among various popular groups, including ethnic, religious, and class-based groups, who, even without the complete success of their party or list, are motivated to join the electoral contest. This research is qualitative, and the methodology is comparative, conducted using library and documentary tools.

The emergence of cryptocurrency based on distributed ledger technology has led to significant changes in electronic commerce, as well as monetary and banking systems, reducing costs and increasing the speed of value transfers. At the same time, these cryptocurrencies, with features such as user anonymity, decentralization, and irreversibility of transactions, have created opportunities for crimes such as money laundering, fraud, and forgery. This research, using a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the legal challenges related to cryptocurrency crimes and explores solutions for controlling them. The findings show that legal gaps and the lack of a precise legal definition of cryptocurrencies have created challenges in judicial proceedings. Among the proposed solutions are the amendment of existing laws, the enactment of new laws that are in line with the characteristics of cryptocurrencies, and the enhancement of international cooperation. Additionally, training and empowering judges and law enforcement officers, as well as fostering collaboration between government and private sectors, have been proposed as strategies to address these challenges. These measures can help control criminal activities related to cryptocurrencies and strengthen the criminal justice system in combating this emerging phenomenon.

It is generally assumed that the judiciary, as one of the three branches of government, only has a reactive function. That is, events must occur within society and a dispute must arise before the parties involved can approach the judiciary to seek justice and resolution. It is from this point onward that the role of the judiciary begins. However, beyond resolving disputes between parties, it seems that the judiciary can—and indeed should—also play a proactive role. In other words, there are duties for the judiciary that are conceivable before a crime is committed or a dispute arises. Therefore, the main question of this paper is: What is the role of the judiciary in crime prevention in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the paper is that, according to the role assigned to the judiciary by the Constitution, its functions can be divided into two categories: reactive (administering justice) and proactive (preventing crime and resolving disputes before they occur). Based on this, the judiciary's proactive functions can be identified. The findings of the research show that, despite the fact that the judiciary has a range of preventive duties that are essential for achieving a healthy and just society, the lack of a cohesive approach on one hand, and parallel efforts and institutional disorganization on the other hand, have prevented the achievement of desirable results. The research approach is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library-based and documentary.

Afghanistan must be considered one of the most important countries with a fragile government in today's world. A country under Taliban rule with specific ideologies and actions has become a source of numerous security, economic, and socio-political threats both domestically and internationally. Iran, with its long shared borders, has been on the front lines facing the consequences of Afghanistan's government inefficacy and fragility for several decades. With this in mind, the current article, focusing on the security impacts of this country on the Islamic Republic of Iran, seeks to answer the question: What threats and security challenges has the fragile state of Afghanistan caused for the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Taliban's return to power, and what solutions exist to mitigate these threats? In response to this question, it must be hypothesized that the fragile and unstable situation of the Afghan government under Taliban rule in managing and solving its challenges has led to threats such as Taliban behavior towards Afghan Shiites, ethnocentric and exclusive approaches in forming the government, the expansion of terrorist activities, securing borders, irregular migration of Afghan migrants, issues regarding the water rights of the Helmand River, and drug trafficking as the most significant security threats to Iran from Afghanistan. The research findings affirm that the presence of these challenges as security threats to Iran is acknowledged, and intervention by international organizations along with the cooperation of neighboring countries of Afghanistan and extra-regional powers to enhance the efficacy and power of the state in Afghanistan within the framework of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine could reduce the effects of these security threats for Iran. The current research is based on a descriptive-analytical method, and its data has been collected through library resources.

This paper examines the impact of political developments on urban architecture in Iran during the Safavid period and after the Islamic Revolution. The central question of the study is how political changes in these two historical periods have influenced urban architecture in Iran. The main hypothesis of the paper is that political transformations from the Safavid period to the post-Revolutionary era have led to significant changes in urban architectural patterns in Iran, such that the architecture of each period directly reflects the governmental structures, ideologies, and social values of its time. The research method employed is a comparative-analytical approach, using historical and comparative analysis to examine urban architectural changes during these two periods. The data for the study was collected from historical sources, architectural studies, and existing documents. The findings of the study indicate that during the Safavid period, urban architecture was primarily used as a tool to showcase the political and religious power of the Safavid government and to reinforce its governmental identity. In contrast, after the Islamic Revolution, political changes led to significant alterations in urban architectural patterns, with public and religious spaces emphasizing Islamic identity replacing royal symbols. These changes highlight the direct and complex relationship between political transformations and urban architecture, which has tangibly affected urban spaces and social identity in Iran.