نشریه پژوهش سیاست نظری
پیاپی 35 (بهار و تابستان 1403)

The aim of this research is to understand and explain the reasons behind the use of conceptual metaphors in various domains of politics, which is a manifestation of the public sphere, through the provision of the theoretical model of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. The essence of politics is connected to action and is composed of two premises: command and obedience, and friend and enemy. Its ultimate goal is inevitably a specific and attainable objective, namely the protection of society and victory in war and politics. Thus, the cognitive process and conceptualization of politics are invoked through the category of war. The primary question is: What conceptual metaphors underpin the conceptualization of politics in Homer’s Iliad? By categorizing eight domains—attack, defense, retreat, maneuver, counterattack, stalemate, truce, and defeat/victory—the findings of the research show that conceptual metaphors, based on the sensory-motor approach and stemming from the embodied mind, can be conceptualized into two components: 'action' (war) as the essence of politics and 'rhetoric.' In this way, the conceptual domain of politics (target) is understood in terms of the conceptual domain of war (source).

One of the recent dilemmas of modern governments is the "rights of minorities," which political thinkers have also paid special attention to in recent decades. There are two reasons for this: first, the primary liberal rights that have gradually been organized since the Enlightenment do not meet the demands of new groups; second, the theories of citizenship that have emerged since World War II are also unable to solve these problems in liberal democracies. The emergence of liberal multiculturalism theories is the result of these challenges. Charles Taylor, a great communitarian philosopher, has criticized liberal multiculturalism theories. He believes that it is possible to pursue collective goals in a society while at the same time not harming the basic liberal principles that include individual rights and freedoms. Taylor's emphasis is on "non-assimilation" and "establishing a criterion for identifying rights" so that minority rights can be recognized without "pity." However, Taylor's view also has several major flaws, including: focusing on geographically concentrated minorities and not explaining non-concentrated minorities, failing to provide a suitable criterion for distinguishing between fundamental and non-fundamental rights, and most importantly, national minorities are not seeking "equal value," but rather they are seeking "equal status."

As a grand theory within the realm of social sciences, rational choice theory enjoys much importance while simultaneously being continuously criticized due to methodological individualism and the reductionism derived from such an epistemological base. The aim of this article is to present a reading of rational choice theory framed within a structural-institutional setting that could add new explanatory capabilities to it. The paper is evaluative in approach and based on rational argumentation. In a nutshell, the article first outlines an overview of the ontology of institutions and social structures. Using a structural interpretation of methodological individualism—termed structural individualism—it puts forward a version of rational choice theory explaining how the preferences of actors are constituted within institutional and structural frameworks. This paper extends, using the perspective of socialized ontology, the conventional view of structure understood within social sciences—defining how the interconnected levels of structure and institution interface with the agent. In fact, the article reaches an integrative narrative through an incisive evaluation of prevailing theories and analyses in the social sciences, showing the explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure—in turn divided into soft and hard structures. It concludes that agents are dialectically always in a relationship with institutions and soft structures, always affecting their genesis and perpetuation as well as being influenced by them, and thus a similar dynamic relationship is conceivable between institutions and soft structures. Particular social structures give rise to particular forms of institutions, and the state of institutions and its possible changes gradually affect further the condition of the soft structures. But all these interactions take place according to the opportunities, constraints, and possibilities brought about by hard structures, which, in any case, regulate the actor agency. Rational choice theory, one of the grand theories in the field of social sciences, is significant but has been criticized for its reliance on methodological individualism and its reductionist nature stemming from this epistemological foundation. The goal of this paper is to offer a novel interpretation of rational choice theory within a structural-institutional context in order to enhance its explanatory power. The article’s reasoning method is based on rational argumentation. By reviewing the ontology of institutions and social structures, and utilizing the reading of methodological individualism within a structural context under the title of structural individualism, the paper offers a narrative of rational choice that explains how the preferences of actors are shaped within an institutional and structural framework. The paper extends the concept of social being and moves beyond the conventional understanding of structure in social sciences, showing the interconnected levels of structure and institution with the agent. By evaluating some of the common theories and analyses in social sciences, the paper reveals the different explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure (at both the soft and hard structure levels) within the integrated narrative. The paper concludes that agents continuously engage in a dialectical relationship with soft institutions and structures, and while influencing their construction and continuity, they are also affected by them. Such a relationship is also conceivable between soft institutions and structures. Specific social structures lead to the formation of certain types of institutions, and simultaneously, the status of institutions and their potential changes gradually affect the status of soft structures. However, all these influences operate within the possibilities, opportunities, and constraints that the hard structure provides for agents.

The aim of this article is to examine neoclassical realism and the criticisms it has received in various aspects such as its principles, foundations, and explanatory power. In the first part of the article, an effort is made to analyze the theoretical foundations of neoclassical realism within the context of the realism paradigm. The second part of the article is dedicated to a brief overview of critiques in international relations, and finally, in the third part, the focus is on the criticisms directed at neoclassical realism. The main question of this research is: What are the most significant criticisms of neoclassical realism? The research method is descriptive, and the data collection method is based on library research. The main findings of the research indicate that neoclassical realism has been subject to multiple criticisms by scholars regarding its principles, foundations, and explanatory power. In terms of explanatory power, scholars argue that the internal inconsistency and the normative nature of the theory have diminished its explanatory capacity. Regarding the principles of this theory, criticisms have been raised regarding state-centrism, incomplete balancing, the role of leaders' perceptions, and more. Concerning the foundations of this theory, many believe that neoclassical realism has not thoroughly addressed ontological and epistemological foundations and suffers from methodological ambiguity. International relations theories have always been subject to evaluation and critique, and this study aims to review neoclassical realism and examine the criticisms directed at it. Although neoclassical realism derives its core from the realism paradigm, it also pays attention to the level of structure and the characteristics of the international system. Therefore, in terms of the level of analysis, this theory does not fit neatly into either macro or micro theories of international relations, as it simultaneously focuses on micro-level aspects, such as states and leaders, and macro-level factors, such as the international system. Thus, it can be stated that neoclassical realism is an intermediate theory. Although the main source of neoclassical realism is the realism paradigm, which includes both classical realism and structural realism, this theory presents fundamental critiques of the two preceding schools of thought and offers a distinctive theoretical approach. The most prominent distinction and critique of neoclassical realism, compared to the two earlier schools of realism, lies in the level of analysis, or in other words, the issue of structure-agency. Neoclassical realism goes beyond classical realism’s micro-level perspective and focuses on the international system, while it also combines structural realism's macro-level perspective with intermediary variables, creating a new synthesis of structure and agency. It views these two as interacting with each other and, in terms of the level of analysis, fits within intermediate theories. Neoclassical realism introduces the concept of incomplete balancing. In this regard, the article aims to examine this key concept through a comparative analysis within the neoclassical balancing and neorealism paradigms. Post-neorealism theories have emerged in critique of neorealism, and by examining these critiques, it becomes evident that neoclassical realism proposes incomplete balancing and emphasizes the role of perceptions and identity in balancing, whereas conventional neorealism, by ignoring these factors, focuses solely on power maximization and balancing. A comparative analysis of critiques of balancing in conventional neorealism and the concept of incomplete balancing in neoclassical realism reveals that the critique of the latter emphasizes the integration of various macro and intermediary elements, such as identity and perception, which results in a less precise and specialized depiction. Meanwhile, the critique of balancing in neorealism, as raised by neoclassical realists, overlooks the role of revisionist states in the international system. From this perspective, it can be concluded that although both schools of thought emerged within the same paradigmatic framework, their approaches to the concept of balancing and the critiques directed at balancing within each theory are different. Regarding the positive critique of neoclassical realism, it is noted that this theory focuses on both domestic and international system-level variables, as well as intermediary variables, offering a comprehensive view of multiple levels. If a synthesis among theories were to occur, neoclassical realism would serve as a successful example of such a synthesis. In conclusion, the research findings indicate that neoclassical realism has been subject to various critiques regarding its foundations, principles, and explanatory power. In terms of explanatory power, scholars argue that the theory's internal inconsistency and normative nature have reduced its explanatory capacity. Criticisms regarding the theory's principles include state-centrism, incomplete balancing, and the role of leaders' perceptions. Regarding the foundations, many argue that neoclassical realism has not adequately addressed ontological and epistemological issues and suffers from methodological ambiguity. Despite all these criticisms, neoclassical realism continues to attract scholarly attention because criticizing a theory does not imply its inefficacy, and no theory can be expected to achieve complete perfection. Therefore, despite its shortcomings, neoclassical realism can still serve as a valuable guide for policymakers.

Human beings are temporal existents, social creatures, and beings cast in a particular context. Depending on this temporal nature and worldly existence, the human mind is open to the external world, receiving and shaping impressions from it. Following this openness and formation, it must be said that thoughts, beliefs, attitudes, inclinations, cultural worldviews, insights, and political discourses do not emerge from nothing; rather, they are socially constructed. In other words, internal cognition is not separate from the external world. In this regard, Semen and Smith support the view of "contextual cognition," asserting that cognitive processes are tightly interconnected with the social world and inseparable from it. People, in response to the particularities of their time and life context, turn to a specific historical, cultural awareness and intellectual framework. Therefore, to understand their thoughts, actions, and behaviors, we must examine the context of their time. In this context, the perspective of Thomas Sprigge can be discussed. He regards thoughts as a process that unfolds in four stages. According to Sprigge, the first step in thinking or the emergence of an idea is "chronotopology" or contextual analysis, where one observes the hardships and challenges of the time. At this stage, the thinker stands outside of time or existence and grapples with questions such as: How is existence or time? What characteristics does it have? Following this step, it can be said that any thought arises from the observation of turmoil in the life system. Therefore, the process of thinking engages when people open their eyes to their existence and find it sick and in distress. In this regard, Sprigge writes, "Most political theorists begin their research by observing disorder in the political society. Observing disorder creates intellectual problems and reveals anomalies that need to be explained." The second step is "root analysis," where the thinker seeks to identify the origins of misfortune, which is crucial because until the source of the problems is identified, no proper solution can be suggested to restore order to a disordered existence. In this process, the thinker, by moving beyond the superstructure and turning to the underlying or hidden layers of observation, looks at various aspects and addresses questions such as: What causes the disorder and confusion of the time? Why is the political and social structure chaotic and malfunctioning? What has torn apart the connections between its components? After identifying the root causes of problems and crises, the thinker proceeds to "idealism." Here, the thinker asks what an orderly existence is and where it is. Indeed, idealism is an effort to escape the painful world of appearances by representing a harmonious world of thought and the hope of reaching it. Finally, in the last step, the thinker engages in "solution-seeking," asking how one can achieve the ideal and create the desired world of thought. It is true that the foundation of a thought must be sought in its relation to the political, social, and cultural structures of its time, but the influence of context (position and condition) on action (in this case, thinking) should not be seen as direct and unmediated. Rather, this influence has a strong mediator, which is the psychological system of individuals. As Sprigge himself states, the mind cannot and should not be considered separate from the world and time. These two are intertwined and act upon one another. Therefore, the point to note here is that these questions and four steps of Sprigge are not alien to psychological perspectives, and for this reason, to understand thoughts, we must explore the psychology of thinkers and identify the psychological traits influencing their ideas. In light of these preliminary remarks, the current paper seeks to offer a psychological reading of Sprigge's perspective and to answer the question of how a thought emerges from a new angle. The fundamental premise of this paper is that thought is a "process" that passes through long-term social processes (temporal features) and short-term psychological processes. Psychological processes are the cognitive, emotional, and motivational mechanisms that are activated and transformed depending on the nature of the life context. These mechanisms play a significant role in thinking and are among its main drivers. Thus, without considering them, we cannot adequately understand how theories are constructed. While Sprigge was aware of this, he did not incorporate it into his four-step analysis. This is when we can link his four cognitive steps to psychological mechanisms. Step one is related to "initial evaluation and emotions." In this process, people assess whether a specific context or event is beneficial or harmful, whether it adds to or diminishes their values and possessions, and whether the external world is as it should be. If the existing situation does not align with the imagined ideal and is identified as a major threat to self-worth, well-being, and survival, emotional responses are triggered. These emotional reactions can manifest in language—both speech and writing. Emotional language consists of meaningful signs that inform us about the state of existence and time. In this regard, Sprigge suggests that researchers must trace the disturbance of time in the language or discourse of thinkers. Based on the evaluation perspective, emotions are the result of the evaluation of external events and contexts. Viewing existence and assessing it will result in emotional reactions that impact behavioral patterns and cognitive processes—such as thinking—and play a key role in what we think and do. Step two is associated with the cognitive process of "attribution." Attribution is a process in which people address causes and seek to identify underlying factors of events in order to predict and control them. In simpler terms, attribution is the response to why questions and the causal explanation of phenomena. In this process, causes fall into two broad categories: external causes and internal causes. The first category pertains to environmental and structural contexts, everything outside of the individual. The second category relates to the personal characteristics and functions of individuals. Step three is connected to "motivations." Motivations and needs guide individuals in choosing and pursuing desires and objectives. They affect the desires people choose and the behaviors they display to achieve them. Therefore, the pursuit of desires and goals is a way to fulfill motivations and needs. Motivations and needs arise from the misalignment between "what is" and "what should be" or the contradiction between the existing reality and the imagined ideal. If the current reality does not align with motivations and needs and cannot fulfill them, the imagined ideal is emphasized to achieve the fulfillment of these motivations and needs. For example, the need for progress becomes prominent when people feel backward. Thus, many motivations and needs arise from the pressures of the time, and most of what is within the individual at present was once external. Following the interactive approach, humans are connected to their time, and these two factors affect one another. Hence, many of the needs and desires of humans arise from "pressures of the time." Finally, step four is the "second evaluation." This psychological process also seeks to escape and create, determining what can be done to transform an unpleasant situation and improve it. In other words, the solution-seeking of the thinker can be regarded as the second evaluation, as it entails identifying "coping strategies" for managing pressing crises, controlling them, and restoring lost alignment. In this process, people assess the tools, options, and accessible strategies for overcoming difficulties and how to enhance happiness and well-being by eliminating troubles. Coping strategies encompass two domains: the "individual" domain, which pertains to human characteristics, and the "macro" domain, which refers to structures and institutions. By linking these processes, this paper aims to present a larger cognitive framework for analyzing political theories. We call this framework "larger" because, on the one hand, it represents the temporality of thought, and on the other hand, it illustrates its psychological construction, showing that theoretical and practical actions emerge depending on the nature of time and the cognitive and psychological processes. Consequently, these actions are dynamic and subject to change, with different characteristics. In other words, this model demonstrates that although thinking begins with contextual analysis and the observation of the disorder of time, it progresses only when the thinker engages in psychological processes—such as evaluating and assessing—and undergoes psychological transformations. The emergence of these transformations is contingent upon the "how" of evaluating the time. Therefore, it can be said that thinking passes through the psyche, and without this passage, no one becomes a thinker, and no theory is created. Perhaps this is why some societies and individuals in crisis have not processed or created political thoughts. Since cognitive beliefs, emotions, and motivations play a pivotal role in action, this model helps us understand which emotions and motivations drive individuals to think, and which of them plays a more prominent role. This model reveals that the cognitive, emotional, and motivational mechanisms of thinkers can be diverse. For example, the emotional driver of one thinker may be "fear," while that of another may be "anger." One's motivation may be "power," while another's may be "progress." Understanding these diversities is especially important in comparative studies, and in this regard, the proposed model of this paper can be beneficial.

Migration, as a significant social phenomenon, has always been of interest to scholars across various disciplines. In recent decades, with the expansion of globalization, its importance has dramatically increased, turning migration into a multifaceted challenge, particularly in industrialized nations. These challenges have led to varied approaches by immigrant-receiving states when dealing with migration. The aim of the present paper is indeed the examination of the link between national interests and values and explaining why different countries adopt diverse immigration policies.

This study employs an explanatory research method, with data gathered from library resources. The paper’s approach is primarily based on an analysis of migration theories and their connection to the concepts of national interests and national values.

Findings of the Research:

The present paper explores the factors influencing the immigration policies of states, analyzing these factors in two main sections: “national interests” and “national values”. It identifies four dimensions of national interests (economic, social, military-security, and environmental) and three aspects of national values (ethics, customs, and religion) as crucial in shaping the immigration policies of immigrant-receiving countries.

National Interests:

National interests refer to “matters valued solely based on their benefits to the nation”. The focus is on determining which policies are advantageous for preserving national elements like territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty, national power, and social institutions; these are what constitute national interests. This interpretation aligns national interests closely with national security, rooted in utilitarian foundations. Below, the various dimensions of national interests in immigration policies are discussed: Economic-Centric Immigration Policies: Immigration policies are primarily influenced by the economic needs of the labor market (Viprey, 2010; 150). Governments’ initial interaction with immigrants is often economic because, regardless of their reasons for migration, immigrants seek employment to meet their financial needs upon entering the host country. Consequently, migration has long been analyzed from an economic perspective by scholars and policymakers. The economy holds critical importance for governments, and any crisis in this area can threaten the political system’s survival.The economic strength of countries also plays a pivotal role in migration. Nations with weak and unstable economies often lose their workforce through emigration, whereas those with stable economies seek to attract immigrants to fill labor shortages (Weiner, 1990: 96). However, economic stability is not absolute; even strong economies may face crises. In such circumstances, their immigration policies often change. Most migration-related laws are developed and implemented during economic crises, as the costs associated with immigrants and the provision of services to them gain more attention during these periods (Viprey, 2010: 154-155).

Social-Centric Immigration Policies:

This type of policy focuses on the social integration of immigrants and its impact on the host society. Social integration refers to the ability of immigrants to adapt to the host society and participate in social, cultural, and economic activities (Safi, 2006: 4). One of the major challenges in this area is the cultural and social conflicts between immigrants and the host society. Immigrants who have significant cultural differences from the host community often face greater resistance.Governments typically shape their immigration policies to facilitate social integration while protecting the cultural and social identity of the host society. This often involves programs such as language training, access to social services, and cultural integration initiatives. However, social-centric immigration policies can sometimes lean toward restricting immigrants’ rights and freedoms. Some countries systematically attempt to control the social impact of immigrants on the host society and implement strict laws concerning issues such as marriage, citizenship, and the social rights of immigrants.

Security-Military Immigration Policies:

Following events like the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, security concerns in immigration policies have increased significantly. Governments now consider immigrants not only as a workforce but also as potential security threats. Security-focused policies are designed to prevent the entry of individuals who may pose a risk or exacerbate security issues. Immigrants are sometimes viewed as a “fifth column”, potentially dangerous for the host country due to political, ethnic, or religious ties to their home countries (Ceyhan, 2001: 2).
These stricter immigration policies due to security concerns often take the form of enhanced surveillance laws and more stringent border controls. Nations develop complex mechanisms for monitoring immigrants and closely controlling the flow of people to minimize security risks. A critical aspect of the security-military dimension is the impact of immigrants on the political stability of the host country. States facing internal security challenges are more likely to adopt stringent immigration policies to prevent domestic unrest.

Environment-Centric Immigration Policies:

Large-scale immigration can significantly affect the environment of the host country. Population growth due to immigration can put pressure on natural resources, agricultural land, and green spaces. Governments take these issues into account in their immigration policies and seek to control migration flows to mitigate environmental threats. Besides, immigrants from less developed areas may not be familiar with the environmental practices of advanced countries, which can lead to environmental harm. Host countries may structure their environmental policies to indirectly or directly limit migration to prevent environmental degradation. These policies often address issues such as the distribution of natural resources, waste management, and environmental preservation (Turner, 2022: 119).

National Values:

In addition to national interests, national values play a crucial role in shaping immigration policies. These values encompass the norms, beliefs, and principles that governments utilize to maintain the cultural and social identity of their society (Johnson, 2014: 1231). This paper highlights ethics, customs, and religion as the primary values influencing immigration policies.

Ethics-Based Immigration Policies:

Ethics in immigration policies refers to adherence to human principles and human rights in dealing with immigrants. Countries upholding human rights standards typically have more open immigration policies and recognize immigrants as individuals with inherent human rights. The right to movement and migration is one of the fundamental principles in human rights that many nations incorporate into their immigration policies. Nevertheless, conflicts between national interests and security with human rights can sometimes lead to tensions, prompting governments to implement stricter policies (Bader, 2005: 338).

Customs-Based Immigration Policies:

Customs, as an integral part of a nation’s identity, significantly influence the development of immigration policies. Governments often strive to protect native norms and traditions to prevent the weakening of national identity. Immigrants with significant cultural differences from the host society may drive social and cultural changes, which can lead to social resistance. In shaping immigration policies, governments are generally more welcoming to immigrants who align with the host society’s customs and traditions, while those with greater cultural differences face more restrictions (Bauböck, 2001: 4).

Religion-Based Immigration Policies:

Religion is another influential factor in immigration policies, especially in religiously inclined countries. In nations where religion plays a central role in policymaking, immigrants whose beliefs align with the host country’s dominant religion are often prioritized. For example, Muslim countries may have different policies for Muslim versus non-Muslim immigrants. History has shown that religious differences have often been a significant driver of large-scale migrations around the world (Laliena, 2015: 117).

A country’s immigration policies are shaped by a combination of national interests and national values, with both factors simultaneously affecting governmental decisions regarding migration. On one side, national interests – considering factors such as security, economy, and social issues – push governments to adopt policies protecting the host country from the potential impacts of immigration. On the other side, national values, encompassing moral, cultural, and religious norms, play a critical role in determining how immigrants are treated and integrated into society. Accordingly, successful immigration policies strike a balance between these two elements, ensuring national interests are protected while respecting the national values of society. One-sided policies prioritizing only one of these aspects may lead to significant challenges.

The present writing is essentially an inquiry into the problems of the Naseri society, which also implicitly addresses certain general conditions prior to the Constitutional Revolution. The main issue at hand is the manner in which the intellectuals of that era engaged with the inhibiting traditions, typically articulated through innovative ideas. Mirza Malek Khan is among the intellectuals who manifested significant theoretical actions towards the end of the Naseri period and made considerable efforts to localize the principles of modernity. In exploring the essence of Malek Khan's political thought, this article employs a paradigmatic-semiotic narrative as its theoretical framework, focusing on five historical, foundational, normative, strategic-political, and practical significations to examine the rationale and nature of Malek Khan's ideas and statements in confronting the social, economic, cultural, religious, and political challenges of that time. The central question of this article pertains to how intellectuals of that era—particularly Mirza Malek Khan—conceived their thoughts and the extent of their success in advancing reformative objectives. This inquiry reveals that the endeavor for modern thought emerged both in opposition to and in interaction with tradition. In this context, even Mirza Malek Khan's religious ideas regarding modernity and their relationship with customary and religious traditions exhibit a dual and ambiguous state. At times, he was enamored with Western civilization, while at other times he emphasized establishing a connection and interaction between tradition and modernity. Perhaps it was also the dual political nature and economic benefits enjoyed by power holders at court that led Malek Khan to adopt greater conservatism and caution. In any case, we have utilized a semiotic-paradigmatic narrative as a framework to illuminate certain aspects of Malek Khan's political life through this methodology. The "semiotic-paradigmatic" narrative and its relation to this writing are elucidated within this theoretical framework as discussed.

For those who observe the intellectual developments of contemporary Iran, the connection between the concept of "spiritual enlightenment" and the name "Mustafa Malekian" is a clear and accepted matter. When it comes to Malekians, more than anything else, the expression of the truth and the reduction of suffering are familiar terms. Malekian considers the last two matters to be the moral duty of every intellectual, which causes tragic aspects in his life. From this point of view, the changes in Malekian's life and the course of his intellectual development can be justified; Thus, his main concern, truth-seeking and reducing human pain and suffering, prompts him to experience different spaces and great thought transformations. From mechanical engineering to seminary education and Islamic philosophy and mysticism, and Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic traditionalism to religious intellectualism and divine existentialism, a path of ups and downs is followed in search of truth and finding a way that ends in liberation and the seal of salvation. In the end, for Malekian, none of the mentioned schools has reached his goal, and his journey in the sphere of life leads him to a destination that he considers to be his own: the project of "rationality and spirituality" and the combination of the two; That is, the thing that can make the "spiritually enlightened" useful in presenting the truth and reduction of suffering, and achieve the aspirational hadith in educating spiritual people and enjoying an authentic life. According to Malekian, "spiritual man" and "genuine life" are the only situations in which human pains and suffering are as low as possible. But to reach that situation, there is a difficult and tortuous path ahead, which can only be passed through "cultural reform" and "spiritual transformation". These last two things are also things that are realized on a subjective/psychological/mental/individual level; Because according to Malekian, social problems and human pains and sufferings in the universe - which for modern man are caused by materialism, science, and crisis of meaning - have a cultural and spiritual solution, and according to his definition and understanding, culture is "individual culture" and It is related to the inner space of a person (mind), it is related to the beliefs, emotions and desires of a person. Also, the change in the field of mind based on the "motivation theory" and "desire-belief theory" leads to a change in human behavior (speech and action) which has its effect on society and its institutions - which according to Malekian, are all abstract matters and They are delusional - including political institutions. Therefore, Malekian believes in the "authenticity of culture", which means that culture has more authenticity, priority, and impact than other areas and areas of individual and collective life - including politics or economy. Therefore, until the element of culture does not change, no fundamental and meaningful transformation can be expected. In this regard, we can refer to the idea of ​​the priority of culture over politics, which is the main focus of the owners' political opinions. Based on this, he emphasized the progress of cultural reforms over political reforms and believes that the change of individual members of the society has priority over superficial and top-down transformations. From this point of view, he uses the term "cultural reform" according to which, "no reform will happen outside unless a transformation and reform has already taken place inside us". Therefore, the transformation in the subjective and personal sphere or the beliefs, feelings, and wishes of the citizens, and other words cultural development, is superior to any transformation in the objective and spatial sphere and the development of civilization. Moreover, in Malekian's thought, cultural reform in the sense of the past will not reach the desired end by itself, unless it is accompanied by "spiritual transformation" which means moving towards "spiritual man" and "spiritual life". It is worth mentioning that Malekian, with the "Rationality and Spirituality Project", considers the function of "religion" to be lacking in the necessary power to meet the problems of today's mankind, and therefore proposes its alternative, which is spirituality. Now, in this cultural reform which has a spiritual direction and is a movement in the direction of the inner transformation of a person and self-fulfillment and realization of his real and original self, the human-centered, individualistic, moral, and psychological aspects become very clear and prominent. From this point of view and in line with the necessity and priority of personal reform and education of healthy and spiritual people, Malekian refers to psychological issues, especially the school of "humanistic psychology" and people like Jung, Maslow and Rogers and topics like Self-actualization, individuality, wholeness and mental health occur. Of course, the opinions of the great philosopher-psychologist William James and also the American moral philosopher, Thomas Nigel, have clearly inspired him in spiritualism and the idea of ​​the authenticity of culture. Also, the opinions of existentialist philosophers such as Heidegger and Kierkegaard, as well as mystical schools and various religions, are his intellectual sources in expressing the characteristics of spiritual man and authentic life. With the explanation that authentic life is the spiritual life of a spiritual person who has achieved the combination of rationality and spirituality, and has achieved a level of self-knowledge, self-development, self-foundation, self-control, and self-fulfillment that can personally give meaning to his life. With his own will and authority, he should step in the direction of his goals make decisions, and act only based on his own understanding. In this way, he overcame his own and his society's problems and reduced the intensity of life's pain and suffering to a minimum. In Malekian's human-centered approach, each human being is unique, the growth of individuality, self-realization, and the flourishing of talents - in fact, the possibility of their potential to act - is one of the necessities of any healthy society. On the other hand, mass society is planned in the direction of assimilation and homogenization of people, and in it, the gradual assimilation with the group and middleness make a person lose self-recognition. And self-improvement and as a result, living based on one's own will and authority and self-understanding is hindered and disrupts the process of individuality. In this way, Malekian's approach can be considered individualistic, so that, in his opinion, all the spiritual people of the world are individualistic, that is, their audience is the individual and not the society. Therefore, their difference with intellectuals and social reformers is that most of them are aimed at reforming society and social institutions, but according to spiritualists, a person's goal should only be to reform himself, and reforming society will be the result of his work. Also, in Malekian's opinion, everything comes back to man. Humans did not come for principles, but principles came for humans and should serve them. Our concern should only be human beings and not any other abstract matter such as tradition, innovation, culture, and even religion; Because religion also came for man, its main concern is his salvation and therefore it is the servant of man. In his view, the institution is also an abstract concept and an imaginary entity, and from the ontological point of view, apart from individuals and human beings with flesh, skin, and blood, there is no such thing as an institution and, accordingly, society, and the change and reform of any institution It is dependent and depends on the reformation of the people who were involved in it and has a role. On this basis, the political transformation is not through a revolution with force and violence and only the transformation of the political regime and macro-structures, but in a reformative and gradual approach through changing the attitude of people creating civil institutions, and adopting democratic and peaceful methods. It will be possible. As a result of what is meant by the authenticity of culture in Malekian's approach, it is important that culture has more authenticity, priority, and impact than other areas and domains of individual and collective life - including politics or economy. Therefore, until the element of culture does not change, no fundamental and meaningful change can be expected. It should be noted that pessimism about politics aversion to politics or lack of interest in interfering in political affairs due to sensitivity to one's own fate and that of one's fellow men are not mentioned here. Also, according to Mustafa Malekian, denying the influence of the political regimes ruling the societies on the nature and fate of the citizens is not the point of the opinion, but it is the basic position in opposition to "politicization" which means to believe that the only problem of the society or big The biggest problem of the society or the cause of the problems of the society is the political system ruling the society, by overthrowing and changing it, all the individual and social issues and problems can be solved. Also, in the opinion of the author of this article, it must be added that in the approach of culturalism that is proposed here, the "political matter" is also not questioned; In such a way that it can be seen as an intellectual-cultural-political current that seeks to challenge the official and dominant discourse from the standpoint of politics, by creating otherness, by organizing the society in its own way. The rejection and negation of the hegemonic model, according to Heidegger, seeks to project other types and ways of being-in-existence and choosing a way of life in which, in its text, individual subjects, while transforming themselves, realize their true self. Self-discovery and individuality, the right to self-determination, and the creation of meaningful and purposeful alternatives for the existing situation are also possible. Finally, Malekian, as one of the most prominent cultural intellectuals, emphasizes the importance of cultural reforms over political reforms and believes that the spiritual transformation and the change of individual members of the society are based on superficial and top-down transformations. It has priority. From this point of view, he uses the term "cultural reform" which means that "no reform will happen outside unless a transformation and reform has already taken place inside us". Therefore, the transformation in the subjective and personal sphere or the beliefs, feelings, and wishes of the citizens, and in other words, cultural development, is superior to any transformation in the objective and universal sphere and civilizational development, including political development, which itself precedes economic development. Has superiority Also, according to him, cultural development in relation to the fight against tyranny is also a priority; Because in some countries like Iran, people are not only tyrannical, but also tyrannical, and there is no guarantee that tyranny will not be reproduced by replacing one political system with another.

The acquisition of legitimacy has always been an important matter for the establishment and continuity of a government, and the Mongol Empire was no exception to this rule. Among the Mongol Khans, the sanctity of Genghis Khan's ancestors, his divine legitimacy, and his affiliation with the Chinggisid family were considered foundational elements of legitimacy. In the Mongol political system, in addition to the Khans, the Khātūns also held extraordinary power. During the tribal period or pre-empire era of the Mongols, women held a special significance. After the establishment of the empire, they, as the Khātūns of the court, attained a higher status than before. In fact, Khātūns played an active and influential role in many of the decisions of the government in political, military, social, religious, and other areas, and they easily exercised power in any field. It must be said that behind this influence and authority of the Khātūns, there were certainly important and powerful foundations that enabled them to wield power and exert influence across various domains.

Literature Review:

In some studies and articles, general information about the Mongol Khātūns and their exercise of power can be found. These include: the book Women in Iran during the Mongol Era by Shirin Bayani (2018), and articles such as "The Political, Social, and Cultural Status of Women during the Mongol and Ilkhanid Periods" by Elham Malekzadeh (2006), or the article "Examining and Studying the Status of Women and Khātūns in the Mongol Era Based on Historical Evidence and Archaeological Data" by Yadollah Heydari et al. (2012), as well as the article "The Administrative and Political Role of Mongol Khātūns" by Ahmad Faroughbakhsh (2010), the article "Evaluating the Legitimacy of the Mongol Tribes" by Morteza Nouri (1993), and the article "Power and Legitimacy during the Ilkhanid Period" by Hassan Ansari Qomi (1999). Furthermore, the book Mongol Women in Iran: Khātūns by Bruno di Nicola (2017), the thesis Women among the Mongols by Somayeh Melik Onjel (2019), the article Women in the Mongol Empire by Mark Cartwright (2019), and the article Women in Mongol Society by Per Jange Ostermun (2000) are relevant. This study aims to discuss the sources of legitimacy and power of the Khātūns, as well as their actions and decisions.

The considerable power and authority of the Mongol Khātūns led the authors of this study to conduct a thorough and in-depth investigation into the origin and source of such power, as well as to discuss the nature and details of their actions and the factors related to them. The goal of this research is to identify and examine the origins and foundations of the Mongol Khātūns' power. The study aims to provide substantiated and reasoned answers to the following questions: What were the foundations of legitimacy and the exercise of power by the Mongol Khātūns? How did they use these foundations in the advancement of their goals? The research methodology is descriptive-analytical in terms of execution and fundamental in terms of purpose. The study utilized documentary (library) data collection methods, with the tool being note taking.

The findings of the research indicate that, in addition to secondary issues, there are at least three main sources of legitimacy for the exercise of power by the Khātūns. These are: the sacred status of women in Mongol traditions, lineage and tribal base, and the role of motherhood or marriage. According to the sources, women held a special place and significance among the Mongols, and one of the reasons for this is the story of the Mongols' ancestor, Alankua. She became pregnant by the will of God without a husband and gained a celestial and virtuous sanctity. In some historical texts, Alankua is considered to have the same sacred status as the Virgin Mary. Therefore, powerful Khātūns also regarded this issue as an important basis for obtaining and maintaining their position. The preservation of lineage and having a clear family tree held particular importance among the Mongol tribes. This important concept was also a strong foundation for the powerful Khātūns. Any Khātūn who came from a famous and important tribe had a solid backing for exercising power. The role of motherhood or marriage was also an important basis, and Khātūns who played the role of mothers were highly influential and significant.

The results of the paper show that Khātūns were one of the key and influential elements in the Mongol political system, and through their decisions and actions, they brought about fundamental changes in the Mongol government system. They were able to make generals, nobles, princes, and even Khans subordinate to them by exercising power, and with the influence they gained, they could even change the succession process in favor of themselves and their family. Although the Mongol Khans were very powerful, sometimes the Khātūns were the true rulers of the state and engaged in political activities behind the scenes. The influence that the Khātūns had over the Khans and their entourages is evident in the significant actions that took place. Dismissing and appointing ministers, transferring power from one family to another, ordering the execution or exile of enemies, and appointing relatives and co-religionists to important governmental positions were some of the actions of the Khātūns, backed by the foundations of their power and legitimacy. The status and position of women in Mongol beliefs and traditions reflected the power of the Khātūns in political matters, and this position and value had a significant impact on the political, social, and religious dynamics of Mongol society. Furthermore, with the establishment of the Ilkhanid government in Iran, the status and importance of Mongol Khātūns continued and even influenced the position of women who were not of Mongol origin, leading to the governance of powerful women in areas under Mongol domination.

Our world is not a single unified global community but one composed of diverse societies with distinct cultures—a diversity that has existed throughout history. Ethnicities, religions, and languages represent this irreducible plurality, arising from various origins and sources. Thus, multicultural societies have developed within the contexts of ancient civilizations, preserving their plurality within the framework of legal boundaries and structures. Among these, Lebanon, with its historical background and as a multicultural society, deserves particular attention. Despite its small geographical size, Lebanon holds significant regional and trans-regional importance. Its influence and susceptibility to global and trans-regional events have been consistently evident throughout its history. Lebanon, with its historical legacy, encompasses communities of various ethnicities, religions, and cultures, undoubtedly classifying it as a multicultural society. Ethnically, Lebanon consists predominantly of Arabs, with smaller groups of Kurds and Armenians (the latter considered a religious minority). However, its religious diversity is profound. Lebanon is a society characterized by the coexistence of ethnic, religious, and cultural communities, governed by a distinctive configuration of power and political structure. Yet, cultural and ethnic divisions pose significant challenges, which have nevertheless shaped the country’s political and social unity. This study aims to employ Thomas Spragens' crisis theory as a framework for understanding political thought. It seeks to identify the challenges and issues of Lebanon’s multicultural society, analyze the underlying causes of its crises, and explore potential solutions based on proven experiences. In the phase of reconstructing the ideal political society and offering remedies, the study evaluates John Rawls’ theory of overlapping consensus while analyzing the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr in the context of Lebanon’s multicultural society. This exploration underscores that the only viable path to resolving the political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. This study finds that Imam Musa Sadr, as a leader of Lebanon’s Shia community, sought to transcend sectarian self-interest and establish the foundations for overlapping consensus among Lebanon’s sects, groups, and political parties through religious tolerance and mutual understanding. Rawls argues that comprehensive doctrines (including religious ones) that insist on the exclusive truth of their beliefs, when granted political power, will impose those beliefs. Therefore, Rawls’ first step is to propose a political conception of justice detached from any comprehensive philosophical, religious, or ethical doctrine. The second step is overlapping consensus, demonstrating how this conception can gain acceptance among conflicting doctrines. Accordingly, this study examines Rawls’ works on justice, political thought, and The Law of Peoples, alongside the writings, articles, and interviews of Imam Musa Sadr, particularly those addressing human roles in society, freedom, justice, and the role of religion. The objective is to extract strategies for coexistence and solidarity among Lebanon’s diverse ethnic and religious groups, based on Rawlsian overlapping consensus. Through studying Imam Musa Sadr’s speeches and actions, this research identifies his political thought and evaluates its alignment with Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach in fostering convergence and coexistence among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups. By analyzing his foundational ideas, the study derives his principles and strategies for achieving consensus. Imam Musa Sadr’s engagement with politics was not that of a philosopher or theorist but rather a lived political experience. He did not theorize political issues but instead established a new socio-political mode of living through practice and experience. His political thought is thus original, directly addressing the real issues faced by the Lebanese society in which he operated. As a reformist leader in Lebanon’s diverse society, Imam Musa Sadr presented a practical model compatible with its sociopolitical conditions (comprising various sects and religions). By introducing these ideas into the public domain and rejecting temporary compromises, he successfully overcame sectarian and secular dichotomies, working toward a cohesive society. Imam Musa Sadr emphasized humanity and human dignity, defining justice and rights, and fostering solidarity and mutual respect. He paved the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society, arguing that unity and harmony must be achieved through genuine respect and trust rather than compromise. He envisioned a society where all sects and religions pursue their rights while contributing to national interests and social solidarity, advancing toward a just society. Imam Musa Sadr’s ideas on justice are rooted in creation and derived from the Creator. Consequently, adherence to divine laws and principles constitutes justice itself. He sought to correct disparities and inequalities through restorative justice, guiding them toward consensus and convergence. Aligning with Rawlsian overlapping consensus, he aimed to establish a unifying divine government with shared objectives in Lebanon’s multicultural society. In addressing the dual concepts of temporary compromise and overlapping consensus in Lebanon’s multicultural society, Imam Musa Sadr articulated justice and rights while fostering solidarity and mutual respect. His efforts made Rawlsian institutional consensus a reality, paving the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society. He maintained that unity and harmony must be built on trust and genuine respect rather than compromise. In Lebanon’s multicultural and diverse context, Imam Musa Sadr took significant steps to strengthen coexistence. A cornerstone of his approach was fostering understanding and rapprochement between Sunni and Shia communities. His efforts in this direction were rooted in his earlier intellectual, religious, and anthropological principles, which laid the groundwork for his unity-oriented initiatives in Lebanon and other Islamic countries. Upon arriving in Lebanon in 1959, he immediately established friendly relations with Sunni scholars in Tyre, laying the foundation for interfaith dialogue. Imam Musa Sadr viewed the Quranic concept of kalima sawaʾ (common ground) as a model for security, stability, and national cooperation within overlapping consensus. He promoted dialogue among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups, adopting a pluralistic perspective and striving for a uniquely Lebanese discourse. One essential principle in fostering solidarity, according to Imam Musa Sadr, is mutual respect. With slight modification, this principle aligns closely with the conditions necessary for Rawlsian institutional consensus. As Rawls argues, institutional consensus requires political principles and ideals rooted in political justice and capable of engaging citizens’ foundational beliefs. Similarly, Imam Musa Sadr emphasized that any societal framework, from small village communities to large organizations like the United Nations, must rest on principles grounded in concrete realities, especially those tied to deep historical, geographical, human, and religious roots. Drawing on rational principles, Imam Musa Sadr sought both theoretically and practically to establish a foundation for justice—particularly social, political, and economic justice. His efforts improved the conditions of Lebanon’s Shia community, transforming it from a marginalized and impoverished group into an empowered and influential segment of Lebanese society. In summary, this research concludes that the only path out of political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. The hypothesis of this study rests on the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr, emphasizing peaceful coexistence among Lebanon’s religious, sectarian, and ethnic groups through the Rawlsian model of overlapping consensus rather than temporary compromise. This approach, as seen in a key period of Lebanese history, highlights the dangers of reverting to temporary compromises in contemporary Lebanon, which could perpetuate political deadlock in its multicultural society.

Allama Iqbal is among the intellectuals whose political thought has influenced many thinkers and political movements in various countries, both during his lifetime and posthumously, particularly in Islamic countries. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the impact of Allama Iqbal's political thought on the Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) and Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement) of Afghanistan, two prominent Islamic-oriented parties in the country. The key aspects of Iqbal's political thought, including Islamic unity and awakening, anti-colonialism, independence, self-renewal, reform of religious and social thinking, and his utopia, have significantly influenced the recent political struggles of Muslim movements. By examining relevant texts and interviews with experts on the subject, it was explained that this influence was mostly through Iqbal's patriotic poems on the mentioned parties. Furthermore, it is revealed that the ideologues of these movements, namely Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ayatollah Mohseni, have been more influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought compared to others. Overall, the aforementioned parties were also influenced by Iqbal's political thought through their own ideologues. Allama Iqbal, a prominent poet and thinker of the East, is one of the leaders of the religious reform movement whose thoughts and poetry have significantly influenced the intellectual and political currents in various countries, particularly among Muslim nations. An examination of Iqbal's works reveals several focal points that collectively shape his political thought, analyzing both the crises and their causes, as well as the ideal society and the pathways to achieve it. Iqbal held a particular affection for Afghanistan, a sentiment notably linked to the country's independence, which was achieved during his time through the resistance of its people against British forces. He regarded Afghanistan's independence as auspicious for the future of Muslims in India, thus placing his hopes on this land. He had a special admiration for Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah (the kings of Afghanistan during Iqbal's era), which appears to stem from their roles in securing the country's independence during Amanullah Khan’s reign and Nadir Shah’s subsequent protection of it. Given Iqbal's connection with Afghanistan, his portrayal of this country, and his respect for its kings (Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah), along with his status as a leading figure in the religious reform movement whose ideas—especially his political thought—have influenced many Islamist movements, it is essential to explore the impact of Iqbal's thoughts on the political landscape of Afghanistan in a standalone article. Therefore, the primary question of this paper is: What is the influence of Allama Iqbal's political thought on political movements in Afghanistan (particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami)? This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. Initially, it describes, interprets, and analyzes existing data, followed by conclusions drawn from research questions. To conduct a thorough investigation of the topic, we first provide an overview of Allama Iqbal's political thought and subsequently examine its impact on Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami in Afghanistan. In gathering information, we first consulted Iqbal’s texts and poetry as well as other writings related to his political thought. Following this, we conducted an in-depth analysis of written works from Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami that pertain to this article’s subject matter, especially focusing on the works of ideologues from these movements, articles, and other published materials in newspapers and other publications associated with these parties. Additionally, interviews were conducted with several experts familiar with the political movements to understand better Iqbal's influence on them. Although most of Iqbal’s remaining works are poetic in nature, they all possess a political hue. Iqbal endeavored to address crises while proposing solutions within these works. In some instances, he describes the conditions of his time and society; in others, he articulates visions of an ideal society and pathways to achieve it. The foundation for this political thought lies within a pervasive crisis that has afflicted Muslim countries and deepened over time according to Iqbal’s perspective. Observing the plight of modern humanity and its challenges, particularly among Easterners—especially Muslims—and recognizing the multifaceted impacts of Western influence across various dimensions within Islamic lands underscored the urgent need for revitalization among people in both East and West. Factors such as atheism and secularism in the West and their impact on Eastern cultures, along with Muslims' lagging behind fundamental belief principles, inspired Iqbal’s formulation of his political ideas. To comprehend this description and Iqbal's proposed solutions to issues, some key themes in his political thought include: Unity and Islamic Awakening Iqbal's Perspective on the West Return to Self Revitalization of Religious Thought and Social Reform Iqbal's Ideal Society Considering these themes, Allama Iqbal's political thought has influenced various political movements in Afghanistan, particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami. The impact of Iqbal's ideas on Jamiat-e Islami is most evident in the thoughts of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led this movement for at least four decades. Rabbani was familiar with Iqbal and frequently referenced him in his speeches. For instance, during a speech regarding Kashmir's situation, he repeatedly addressed Iqbal directly and cited his poetry. Other prominent leaders within Jamiat-e Islami were also influenced by Allama Iqbal; for example, Ahmad Shah Massoud—national hero—had an affinity for poetry and occasionally recited Iqbal’s verses; similarly, Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim expressed particular admiration for Iqbal’s poetry and ideas. Furthermore, manifestations of Allama Iqbal's political thought can be observed in publications associated with Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan, especially during periods of jihad and resistance. The publication of Iqbal’s heroic poetry in this party's journals undoubtedly served to bolster the morale of Mujahideen fighters while fostering unity among Afghan people as well as instilling an anti-colonial spirit among readers. The political ideas expressed by Allama Iqbal have also influenced poets within this movement; for instance, Mustamand—a poet associated with this group—prefers Iqbal above all others, noting that he was a poet for Islam whose verses were dedicated to awakening Muslims worldwide. Writers, scholars, and senior members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan consider the influence of Allama Iqbal’s political thought on their movement both natural and commendable. They believe that Jamiat-e Islami has benefited more than any other group from Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry—especially during periods of jihad and resistance—drawing upon themes such as unity and awakening among Muslims as well as anti-colonialism. Similarly, Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—the first Shia Islamist party that played a significant role during the Afghan people's jihad against communist rule—has also been influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought. This movement was led by Ayatollah Mohseni—a distinguished Islamic scholar known for advocating unity among different sects within Islam—who was respected by Afghan people for his calls for unity and reconciliation among various Islamic sects. Although traces of Allama Iqbal’s political thought are evident within sections of Harakat-e Islami's manifesto—such as establishing an Islamic justice system based on Quranic laws combined with reason; rejecting colonial dependency; striving for Muslim unity; creating a powerful Islamic presence globally—this influence can also be observed through publications affiliated with this party during periods of jihad where various articles referenced Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry. Ayatollah Mohseni frequently cited Allama Iqbal’s ideas within his speeches and writings that conveyed messages about awakening, unity against foreign oppression, independence-seeking efforts alongside self-improvement initiatives aimed at societal reform. He acknowledged Western civilization as materially advanced while permitting its utilization but regarded Muslims as superior concerning philosophical foundations and ethical principles—a view shared by Allama Iqbal himself. The ideologue behind Harakat-e Islami (Ayatollah Mohseni) similarly identified excessive mysticism as one factor contributing to Muslim backwardness while emphasizing self-returning efforts towards societal reform akin to those advocated by Allama Iqbal—including equal rights for women. Overall, Allama Iqbal's political thought has profoundly impacted both Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—particularly during periods marked by jihad and resistance—primarily through his heroic poetry that continues to resonate deeply within these movements.

The purpose of the article is to understand the perception of presidential campaign activists of the election process and its components. These activists, who participate in election campaigns based on various motives and reasons, have not been specifically studied so far.

Main question:

The main question of the study is what understanding do campaign activists have of the elections, the process, and its components?

Given the nature of the subject, the research method is grounded theory. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, then transcribed in a three-stage process, and finally analyzed according to a model derived from the data, and macro categories were obtained.

The findings showed that the core concept that can explain a proper understanding of campaign activists' perception of the elections is "Dual perception." That is, the activism of these people is not influenced by a one-sided and uniform perception of the elections. Therefore, their activism cannot be easily understood. The concept of "Dual perception" is introduced here for the first time and is the innovation of the article.