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حدیث پژوهی - پیاپی 32 (پاییز و زمستان 1403)

نشریه حدیث پژوهی
پیاپی 32 (پاییز و زمستان 1403)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1403/09/01
  • تعداد عناوین: 12
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  • مریم حسین گلزار* صفحات 7-34

    یکی از سبک های مهم نگارش احادیث در پنج قرن نخست هجری، «نوادرنویسی» بوده است. این پژوهش درصدد است ملاک های مرحوم کلینی را برای قرار دادن روایات، ذیل ابواب نادر یا نوادر الکافی بداند؛ با این هدف که از نوع روایات ابواب نام برده رفع ابهام، و به مراد کلینی از عنوان «باب نادر یا نوادر» نزدیک شود. ازاین رو، این پژوهش با استفاده از روش کتابخانه ای و اسنادی و رویکردی توصیفی تحلیلی، به تحلیل محتوایی روایات ابواب نادر و نوادر و مقایسه آن ها با دیگر روایات کتب اصول، فروع و روضه پرداخته و به این دستاورد رسیده است که کلینی به اشتراک لفظی عنوان «نوادر» در عصر خود واقف بوده و با قرار دادن ترکیبی از «انواع» روایات ذیل ابواب پیش گفته ازجمله احادیث مستدرک، متفرق و پراکنده، مرسلات، شواذ، احکام استثنا شده و نیز روایاتی از نوع طرائف و غرائب که عمدتا قواعد مختلف فقهی همچون قاعده قرعه و قضیه فی الواقعه در آن دخیل بوده اند و مخالف نص قرآن یا سنت معصومینk یا در تعارض با نظر اجماع بوده اند و میان فقها غالبا نه لزوما به عدم شهرت عملیه شناخته می شدند، در باب نادر یا نوادر جای داده است.

    کلیدواژگان: کلینی، الکافی، ابواب نوادر، تعارض، قواعد مختلف فقهی
  • قاسم بستانی*، نصره باجی صفحات 35-70

    یکی از مباحث متداول علم حدیث، نهی های صورت گرفته درخصوص نگارش حدیث توسط خلفای نخستین است که طرفداران بسیاری میان فریقین داشته و مستند به اخباری دراین باره شده است؛ اما این اخبار کدام اند و تا چه اندازه معتبرند؟ آیا دلالت بر نهی مطلق دارند یا نسبی؟ در این مقاله، به روش توصیفی تحلیلی، به اتکای منابع کتابخانه ای، اخبار دال بر نهی نگارش حدیث توسط خلفای نخستین، گردآوری و از حیث سند و متن مورد بررسی و نقد قرار گرفته تا وضعیت نگارش حدیث در آن مقطع زمانی و بنابراین اخبار دال بر آن ها روشن شود؛ درنتیجه، آشکار می شود که نهیی صورت نگرفته و اگر گرفته، محدود به افراد یا موضوعات خاصی بوده که کمابیش توسط مسلمانان عملی نمی شد.

    کلیدواژگان: حدیث، نگارش، ممنوعیت، خلفا
  • رضا شجری*، الهام عربشاهی کاشی صفحات 71-102

    ماجرای طفلان مسلم از داستان های مشهور در منابع روایی و تاریخی است؛ با وجود این عده بسیاری از محققان و صاحب نظران، آن را براساس برخی دلایل عقلی و نقلی مورد تردید قرار داده اند. البته شاعران و مادحان در عرصه شعر آیینی بدون توجه به این شبهات و به رغم اشکالات سندی و تناقضات موجود از حیث دلایل عقلی و نقلی، اغلب با استناد به روایات مشهور روایی در این زمینه یا بدون پرداختن به ذکر جزئیات، سعی کرده اند تا ضمن اشاره به زبان حال این دو کودک در لحظه شهادت، این واقعه را با تمام توصیفات و گاه نیز ذکر جزئیات در شعر آیینی به تصویر کشند؛ چنان که در تعزیه ها و نمایش های آیینی نیز بازتاب وسیعی داشته است. هرچند در منابع قرن دوم تا چهارم، اثری از این داستان در دست نیست، غیر از مجلس نوزدهم امالی شیخ صدوق، در منابع متقدمی همچون طبقات کبیر محمد بن سعد، انساب الاشراف بلاذری و مقتل الحسین خوارزمی هم به طور مجمل ذکر شده است؛ ولی تایید شیخ صدوق، تنها عامل اعتبار و مقبولیت این روایت است. در پژوهش حاضر سعی شده است با استفاده از روش تحلیلی- اسنادی، به بررسی یکی از آسیب های محتوایی پرکاربرد در عرصه شعر آیینی درباره طفلان مسلم اشاره شود و این داستان براساس منابع و مستندات معتبر تاریخی نقد و بررسی و نیز آسیب شناسی شود.

    کلیدواژگان: طفلان مسلم، تحلیل محتوایی، دلایل عقلی و نقلی، شعر آیینی، آسیب شناسی
  • محمدهادی منصوری*، محسن فاضل بخشایش صفحات 103-124

    قرآن کریم سکون در شب را در مقابل طلب فضل خداوند در روز بیان کرده است؛ اما براساس منابع اسلامی، تاریکی شب، موعد مناجات و درخواست از خداوند است. به همین سبب، فضل را به رزق و سکون را به آرامش تفسیر کرده اند. پژوهش پیش رو با روش توصیفی تحلیلی به بررسی تفسیر روایی ابتغاء فضل پرداخته و با استفاده از قرینه تقابل و نیز بر پایه روش تفسیر قرآن با قرآن، مراد از سکون در شب را تبیین نموده و حکمت جعل آن برای شب را برمی رسد. یافته های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که برخی روایات تفسیری، در مقام بیان بطن آیات، لایه های درونی واژگان لیل، نهار و سکون را به حکومت طاغوت، حکومت حق و بهره مندی اندک از ولایت اهل بیتk معنا کرده اند. نتیجه حاصل از چنین بیانی دست یافتن به حکمت چنین تقابلی است که به نوعی پرسش چرایی پدیداری حکومت های ظلم را پاسخ می دهد و بر کارکرد آن حکومت ها در نظام احسن خلقت و تکامل تدریجی تاریخ در بستر آن ها دلالت دارد.

    کلیدواژگان: ابتغاء فضل، تقابل لیل و نهار، تکامل تدریجی تاریخ، سکون در شب
  • محمدمهدی خیبر*، علی محمد میرجلیلی، احمد زارع زردینی صفحات 125-160

    با رونق یافتن مدرسه حدیثی امامیه در کوفه، حوزه حدیثی شیعی در مدائن شکل گرفت. راویان این دیار همپای دیگر راویان، به تبیین و گسترش آموزه های امامیه همت گماشتند؛ اما به دلیل حجم بالای تبادل افکار جریان های گوناگون فقهی و کلامی در مدرسه کوفه، توجه حدیث پژوهان به مراکز حدیثی شیعی گمنامی نظیر «حوزه حدیثی شیعی مدائن» کمتر معطوف شد. مدائن طی قرون دوم و سوم هجری، به دلیل شرایط ویژه جغرافیایی، محل تجمع مخالفان حکومت اموی و عباسی یا پناهگاه آن عده از افرادی بود که به دلایل سیاسی تحت تعقیب حکومت بودند. این امر سبب شد تا افراد با مذاهب و مشرب های گوناگونی در این منطقه گرد آیند. در این میان، انتقال سهم قابل توجهی از میراث امامیه به نسل های بعدی مرهون راویان شیعی این منطقه در قرن دوم و سوم هجری است.

    کلیدواژگان: مدائن، حوزه حدیثی، تشیع
  • طاهره سادات سید ناری، محسن قاسم پور*، محمدحسین قاسم پیوندی، محمدحسن صانعی پور صفحات 161-192

    براساس برخی روایات رسیده از امام علیt غنا عامل طغیانگری معرفی شده که نقطه مقابل احادیثی دیگر، با مضمون مدح غناست. سخن امام علیt درخصوص طغیانگری مال با توجه به آیه شریفه «کلا إن الإنسان لیطغی» در سوره علق قابل توجه است. در نگاه اول، این قبیل روایات دارای تعارض ظاهری اند. این پژوهش با روش توصیفی تحلیلی، چالش پیش رو را بررسی کرده است. مبتنی بر این روش پژوهش، «احساس بی نیازی از خداوند» و «خود و مال خویش را مستقل از خدا دیدن»، عامل طغیان است؛ یعنی مادام که این احساس، ثمره عملی داشته و آدمی در زندگی دنیوی خویش، ثروت را که به مثابه نعمت الهی است، به نقمت تبدیل کرده، عامل سرکشی و طغیان او خواهد بود. شایان ذکر است این مسئله در مورد افراد مختلف و با توانایی های مختلف مالی متفاوت است و چه بسا فردی با مال اندک طغیان نماید و فرد دیگری با مال فراوان هم طغیان نکند. چنین نگاهی مبتنی بر تعریفی از فقر و غناست که ماهیتی روان شناختی دارد. به این نکته نیز باید توجه نمود که براساس روایتی دیگر مال، سکرآور است و غنا به عنوان عامل طغیانگری رابطه معناداری با میزان تربیت نفس انسان دارد. در متون روایی به راه های پیشگیری از طغیان نیز اشاره شده که ازجمله آن، شکر و ادای حق است؛ یعنی مال را ازسوی خدا دیدن و نه ازسوی خویش. بدین سان در بررسی و تحلیل چنین روایاتی عامل روان شناختی در انسان هم قابل توجه است.

    کلیدواژگان: ثروت، طغیان، روایات، تعارض ظاهری، امام علیt
  • محسن رفعت*، سید ضیاء الدین علیانسب صفحات 193-230

    مسئله آب و عطش در واقعه کربلا ازجمله مسائلی است که سبب تحولی شگرف در شیوه عزاداری و نگرش شیعیان شده است. شهرت نبود آب در خیمه های امام حسینR در شب و روز عاشورا، بسته شدن آب در روز هفتم محرم به عنوان یک رخداد تاریخی در میان مورخان و گزارش غسل امام و یارانش در شب یا صبح عاشورا در کتب حدیثی و نیز حفر چاهی در کربلا به صورت اعجازگونه توسط امام، در کتب حدیثی و تاریخی، حاکی از ناهمگونی منقولات روایی و حدیثی در موضع آب و عطش در کربلاست. ازاین رو، پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد توصیفی تحلیلی، به واکاوی این مهم پرداخته و درنهایت بدین نتیجه رسیده است که منابع متاخر امامیه با رویکرد عاطفه ‎گرایانه نگارش یافته و سخنانی مبنی بر «طلب آب» به امام حسینR نسبت داده شده که با شان معصوم هم خوانی ندارد و برخی از این روایات، ضمن تعارض با اخبار تاریخی، دارای رکاکت معنا و معارض با سنت معصومان است. روایات مربوط به تشنگی خیمه امام محدود به یک یا دو روایت آن هم به صورت ضمنی است، لکن در دوره های صفویه و قاجار بیشتر پروبال گرفته و هرچه از زمان حادثه عاشورا فاصله گرفته می شود، برداشت عاطفه گرایانه از عاشورا بیشتر شده است. با توجه به روایات موجود و معتبر، بدون تردید تا صبح روز عاشورا، آب در خیمه ها موجود بوده، اما کشاکش و سنگینی نبرد، توان هر رزمنده ای را گرفته و امام حسینR در روز عاشورا با لبان تشنه به شهادت رسیده است. بستن شریعه فرات در هفتم محرم، دلیل بر نبود آب در خیمه امام نیست، اما اندک آب موجود در صبح عاشورا برای کودکان اختصاص داده شده است. در روایات عاشورایی متقدم و معتبر، اخباری مبنی بر مظلومیتی با تصویر دوران قاجاری یافت نمی شود؛ گرچه مظلومیت امام، فراتر، سنگین تر و دردناک تر از منقولات عاطفه گرایانه است.

    کلیدواژگان: تشنگی، امام حسینR، عاشورا، روایات عاشورایی
  • شادی نفیسی*، شیوا تجار صفحات 231-264

    مواجهه چندوجهی با راویان راهی برای شناخت هرچه دقیق تر راویان برای رسیدن به یک اطمینان عرفی است. چنین اطمینانی از انباشت قراین و اطلاعات مختلف در مورد راوی به دست می آید. در این روش علاوه بر منابع معمول در بررسی رجالی یک راوی، منابعی همچون نوع آثار راوی، مضمون روایات او وجایگاه او نزد ائمهD نیز مورد توجه قرار می گیرد. از دیگر موارد بررسی تبعی بودن راوی در سلسله اسناد و تخریج روایات همسو با روایات راوی است. مباحث جریان شناختی نیز منبع دیگری است که جهت گیری و نقش راوی را در جریان های مختلف معاصر او آشکار می کند. در پژوهش حاضر، از این روش برای شناخت عبدالرحمن بن کثیر از راویان مستقیم امام صادقR بهره گرفته شده است. درخصوص وثاقت یا عدم وثاقت این راوی نظرات متعارضی وجود دارد. درنهایت، قراین به دست آمده از این پژوهش حاکی از تمایل او به جریانی از غلو از نوع تفویض است که با حلقه ای با نام مفضل بن عمر که او نیز متهم به غلو شده است، شناخته می شود و بنابراین نمی توان رای به توثیق او داد.

    کلیدواژگان: تفویض، مفوضه، شیعه، مفضل بن عمر
  • عبدالصمد علی ابادی*، یحیی حقانی صفحات 265-296

    محمد ناصرالدین البانی از محدثین پرآوازه و پرکار مکتب سلفی است. بیشتر تالیفات او در حوزه حدیث پژوهی است و براساس دیدگاه خود احادیث را تصحیح نموده است؛ اما بسیاری از پژوهشگران اهل سنت از تصحیحات او رویگردان اند که علت این رویگردانی ریشه یابی نشده است. ازاین رو پرسش تحقیق آن است که به چه علت اندیشمندان اهل سنت از تصحیحات البانی رویگردان اند؟ این تحقیق که به صورت توصیفی تحلیلی و با هدف ریشه یابی رویگردانی اندیشمندان اهل سنت از تصحیحات البانی انجام شده است، چنین نتیجه می دهد که البانی درباره قواعد تصحیح، با سایر محدثین دیدگاه تقریبا مشترکی دارد؛ اما روش او در نحوه تطبیق قواعد هنگام تصحیح احادیث، مورد انتقاد جدی علماست و وی متهم به تحریف دیدگاه محدثین، تدلیس، تناقض در تصحیح، تصحیح حدیث ضعیف و... است.

    کلیدواژگان: البانی، تصحیحات البانی، منهج محدثین در تصحیح حدیث، اندیشمندان اهل سنت
  • ناصر رفیعی محمدی* صفحات 297-318

    حدیث یوم الدار یکی از کهن ترین منابع اثبات ولایت و جانشینی امیرالمومنین علی است که در منابع متعدد روایی، تفسیری و تاریخی شیعه و سنی نقل شده است. ابن تیمیه در کتاب منهاج السنه، آن گونه که مبنای اوست، به انکار اصل حدیث و ایراد و اشکالات متعدد سندی و دلالی بر آن پرداخته است. عدم نقل حدیث در کتب معتبر، ضعف عبدالغفار بن القاسم از راویان حدیث یوم الدار در تاریخ طبری و پاره ای اشکالات دیگر ازسوی او مطرح شده است. بررسی منابع حدیثی اهل سنت مانند مسند احمد بن حنبل، خصائص نسایی و منابع تاریخی مانند تاریخ طبری و تاریخ دمشق و مصادر تفسیری مانند تفسیر ابن ابی حاتم رازی و ثعلبی و بغوی نشان می دهد ادعای ابن تیمیه فاقد پشتوانه علمی است؛ منابع فوق به ویژه تاریخ طبری داستان یوم الانذار را به تفصیل آورده اند. تعدد و تنوع منابع در کنار قدمت زمانی آن، ادعای انکار اصل حدیث را نفی می کند. ابن تیمیه در کنار انکار حدیث یوم الدار، چند اشکال دلالتی نیز گرفته که به صورت گذرا مورد بحث قرار گرفته است.

    کلیدواژگان: یوم الدار، یوم الانذار، ابن تیمیه، وصایت و خلافت
  • حسین رشادکوچصفهانی، اصغر هادوی* صفحات 319-348

    انسان دائما در پی یافتن راهی برای نیل به سعادت ابدی است. در این میان، هر نحله و مذهبی طبق معلوماتش این مسیر را ترسیم نموده و سایرین را بدان دعوت کرده است. مسئله مهم اینجاست که آیا در اسلام نیز به طور جزئی به شاخصه های سعادت اشاره شده است؟ این نوشتار به روش تحلیل محتوا و با تشکیل جدول احادیث و شرح آن ها، حدود 2300 حدیث با ساختار طوبی را مورد کاوش قرار داده و می کوشد به این سوال پاسخ دهد که شاخصه های سعادت بشر کدام اند و میزان اهمیت هریک به چه میزان است؟ دستاورد های این پژوهش نشان می دهد که احادیث طوبی را می توان در سه بازه زمانی تقسیم بندی کرد که به ترتیب تکرار شامل حال فرد،  آینده و گذشته است. این سه بازه زمانی به عنوان مضامین سازمان دهنده و واژه «ذکر» به عنوان یک مضمون فراگیر است که دربرگیرنده همه آن هاست. «ذکر» به معنای یادآوری نعمت هایی است که خداوند در اختیار بشر نهاده و همچنین به این معناست که انسان دائما متذکر حالات و عوامل موثر بر روح و جسمش باشد تا دچار یاس از گذشته، غفلت از حال و نسیان آینده نشود.

    کلیدواژگان: طوبی، تحلیل مضمون، سعادت، ذکر، شاخصه
  • کاوس روحی برندق*، زهرا اسعدی سامانی، علی غضنفری صفحات 349-380

    هنگام مواجهه با روایت های تفسیری اهل بیتb ذیل آیات مربوط به قصه ابراهیمR شاهد تطبیق تاویل آیه به اهل بیتb هستیم. این پژوهش برای دستیابی به ارتباط بین ظاهر الفاظ آیه و معانی پنهان آن با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه ای به روش توصیفی تحلیلی الفاظ آیه را با تطبیق های واردشده در روایت های تاویلی مورد بررسی قرار داده و به این نتایج دست یافته است که: 1. برخی عناصر قصه که مفهوم مفرداتی به آن اشاره دارد مانند اهل، ثمرات، ابن، طائفین و کلمات به دلالت مطابقه بر مصادیق متعددی صدق می کند که مصداق اکمل آن اهل بیتb هستند و ارتباط بین معنای ظاهری و باطنی بسیار نزدیک است؛ 2. در مواردی مفهوم ترکیبی مانند شیء پنهان، قضاء تفث و ذبح عظیم در لایه های عمیق تری از معنای باطنی همچنان به دلالت مطابقه بر امام صدق می کند؛ 3. در تاویل نقل شده از بیماری ابراهیمR ابتدا به دلالت التزام به وجود علت پی می بریم و سپس به دلالت مطابقه آن علت را بر مصیبت امام حسینR تطبیق می دهیم. همچنین سرد شدن آتش که بر فرد خارجی تطبیق داده نشده بلکه به یک امر کلی تطبیق داده شده است، نیاز به مقدمات و استدلال دارد؛ درنتیجه از موارد دلالت التزامی غیر بین است. این مورد نیز از لایه های عمیق تری از باطن یک امر کلی خبر می دهد که تامل عقلی بیشتری نیاز دارد تا فهم کلام معصومR در رابطه با آیه روشن گردد.

    کلیدواژگان: قرآن، احادیث تاویلی، داستان ابراهیمR، اهل بیتb، جری و تطبیق
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  • Maryam Hossein Golzar * Pages 7-34
    Introduction

    Like other traditions of hadith compilation, such as Musnad, Amālī, and Arba'in, the compilation of rare or exceptional traditions (Nawādir) was a well-established method among hadith scholars. Ibn Nadim (d. 380 AH) in al-Fihrist identifies 82 compilers of Nawādir across various fields (Ibn Nadim, 1343 AH, entire work), while Najāshī (d. 450 AH) lists 194 (Najashi, 1394 AH, entire work), and Sheikh Agha Buzurg Tehrani (d. 1389 AH) mentions 272 authors (Agha Bozorg Tehrani, 1398 AH, Vol. 24: 318-350). This historical survey reveals that Nawādir-writing was not only prominent in hadith but also in medicine, astronomy, philosophy, literature, and other sciences, and was even common among Sunni scholars. During the second and third centuries AH, independent books titled Kitab al-Nawādir were first compiled. In the following centuries, this tradition evolved, with sections in larger works dedicated to “rare” chapters (Bāb Nādir or Bāb Nawādir). This approach culminated in the Shiite al-Kāfī, where 706 Nawādir traditions are present, while later works like Man Lā Yahḍuruhu al-Faqīh contain 263 such accounts. The decline in Nawādir-writing became apparent by the fifth century AH, as seen in Shaykh Ţūsī's Tahdhibayn, which contains only 29 traditions under Bāb al-Nawādir in the chapters on Jihād. This study thus seeks to understand what type of traditions al-Kulaynī selected for Bāb Nādir or Bāb Nawādir in al-Kāfī, providing insight into his intention behind these chapter titles.

    Materials and Methods

    This article is an extract from the author’s doctoral dissertation. To identify the types of traditions included by al-Kulaynī in Bāb Nādir or Bāb Nawādir of al-Kāfī, a multi-method approach was essential. Thus, the methodological section lists all relevant techniques, though not all were applied within this article, as some were foundational in its writing. This research, through a library-based documentary approach with a descriptive-analytical methodology, offers a content analysis of traditions in the Bāb Nādir and Bāb Nawādir chapters, comparing them within and with traditions in al-Kāfī’s foundational, practical, and supplementary sections. Such analysis aids in confirming or refuting early scholarly hypotheses regarding Bāb Nādir or Bāb Nawādir. Furthermore, it uncovered diverse approaches by al-Kulaynī, revealing both jurisprudential and theological concerns in Nawādir chapters that were debated in his time. Due to the limitations of article length in research journals, it was not feasible to include all findings in this article, suggesting the need for further publication.Another methodology used was to tally and analyze the number of Nādir and Nawādir traditions in al-Kāfī, identifying chapters with dense thematic or numerical concentration. For instance, Furū' al-Kāfī has the highest frequency, with 569 out of 706traditions, followed by Usūl al-Kāfī, which has 61 traditions under Bāb Nawādir, including Kitab Faḍl al-Qur’an, Faḍl al-'Ilm, Kitab al-Tawhīd, and Kitab al-'Asharah. This statistical overview clarifies the article’s methodological approach. Additionally, comparing select traditions in independently titled Kitab al-Nawādir with traditions in Bāb Nādir or Bāb Nawādir chapters in al-Kāfī, Man Lā Yahduruhu al-Faqīh, and Tahdhib al-Ahkām further provided new leads, highlighting distinctions or similarities among authors’ criteria in compiling these traditions. The culmination of these efforts led to the writing of this article.

    Results and Findings :

    The findings of this research on Nawādir have been categorized into two main sections. First, a historical linguistic analysis of the term Nawādir from the perspective of early lexicographers, and second, an exploration of the scholarly views of al-Kulaynī, one of the prominent Shiite hadith scholars, on the terms Nādir or Nawādir, including specific legal examples and typological analysis. This section concludes with a synthesis of the linguistic and hadith scholars' interpretations of the term.The historical-linguistic analysis of Nādir and Nawādir, and the resulting diversity in meanings, indicates that most lexicographers did not limit themselves to a single definition. Rather, they acknowledged its polysemy, assigning six meanings. Early lexicographers of the first five centuries AH, such as al-Farāhīdī (d. 175 AH), Ibn Duraid (d. 321 AH), Ibn Fāris (d. 329 AH), and al-Rāghib al-Isfahānī (d. 502 AH), often attributed meanings like 'omission or exclusion' to Nawādir. Other meanings include the unusual or rare nature of content, as per Ibn Duraid and Ibn Manzūr (d. 711 AH); the concept of scattered yet collectively gathered items, as noted by Khalīl ibn Ahmad (d. 175 AH); and interpretations requiring clarification or elaboration, according to al-Rāghib. Additionally, Nawādir was often associated with unique or rare items, a meaning supported by Jawhari (d. 393 AH). Contemporary scholar Azarnūsh further described Nawādir as exceptional traditions, witty anecdotes, or exceptional cases.The content analysis of traditions in the chapters Bāb Nādir and Bāb Nawādir shows that these chapters contain a significant diversity of tradition types. Al-Kulaynī appeared fully aware of the polysemous meanings of Nawādir and included any tradition in these chapters that was either contradictory to the Qur'an and the teachings of the Imams (as), or contentious between Shiite and Sunni jurisprudential or theological views. He also placed authentic yet less commonly cited traditions in these sections. These often fall under traditions of peculiar and unusual rulings, including unique legal principles like case-based rulings or the rule of drawing lots. Additionally, the sections Bāb Nādir and Bāb Nawādir in al-Kāfī feature supplementary traditions, or mustadrakat, omitted or rare items, and traditions that had not gained scholarly consensus. Notably, Bāb Nādir typically includes authentic yet non-consensual traditions that, in some cases, al-Kulaynī himself may not have endorsed, while Bāb Nawādir contains supplementary traditions on diverse topics that generally found practical application.

    Conclusion :

    The analysis of traditions in the Bāb Nādir and Bāb Nawādir chapters in al-Kāfī, as well as comparisons with similar chapters in other sections, indicates that al-Kulaynī was well aware of the term Nawādir’s synonymous usage during his era. By incorporating a "combination of various types of traditions"—including mustadrikāt and zīyādāt, rare and scattered traditions, shādh traditions, Exceptions to the rules and also ṭarā'if and gharā'ib traditions—under Bāb Nādir and Bāb Nawādir, he strategically included accounts that contrasted with Quranic text or the teachings of the Imams (as), were at odds with consensus, or represented diverging views between Shiite and Sunni perspectives. This also encompassed traditions that lacked widespread acceptance or dealt with unique legal principles, such as the rule of drawing lots and case-based rulings, justifying their placement under these chapters. The primary focus of this article is on the jurisprudential examples in al-Kāfī, while the theological traditions in the Bāb Nawādir will be addressed in a separate paper.

    Keywords: Kulaynī, Al-Kāfī, Bāb Nawādir, Conflict, Diverse Jurisprudential Principles
  • Ghasem Bostani *, Nasre Baji Pages 35-70
    Introduction

    One of the common topics in the science of Hadith is the prohibitions regarding the writing of Hadith by the early caliphs. This issue has garnered significant support among both sects, particularly among Shiites, and is based on reports related to this matter. As a result, this topic has become, for many, an absolute truth and a widely accepted claim, influencing the documentation of Islamic history and the history of Hadith science in Islam. Some have also attributed certain problems related to Hadith, such as fabrication, weakness, and transmission issues, to this prohibition. However, what reports indicate this issue? What degree of credibility do they have? And what meanings do they convey—do they indicate an absolute prohibition or a relative one?

    Materials and Methods

    Considering that the theories regarding the prohibition of writing Hadith have been raised by Muslims in general and specifically by the early caliphs (the Rightly Guided Caliphs), and that these theories have been discussed by various Muslims since ancient times as well as by Orientalists, they are based on historical reports that include both chain and text. Therefore, this article aims to descriptively and analytically examine these reports, relying on library resources. Initially, it will gather the reports that pertain to the prohibition of writing Hadith by these caliphs. Subsequently, it will critically analyze them in terms of their chains of transmission and texts, as is customary in the science of Hadith, and will also date these reports. The goal is to determine the level of credibility of these reports and to ascertain whether they indicate a prohibition, and if so, how they convey this prohibition. Ultimately, it seeks to clarify whether the Rightly Guided Caliphs, collectively or individually, issued an absolute prohibition against writing Hadith, and if such a prohibition existed, whether it is possible to adhere to and follow it.

    Results and Finings:

    It is widely accepted among both Shiites and Sunnis that the early caliphs, particularly the first two caliphs, prohibited and forbade the writing of Hadith. This prohibition continued until the time of Umar ibn Abdul Aziz (the seventh Umayyad caliph, d. 101 AH), when he lifted the ban. However, research, particularly the article titled "Examination and Critique of Reports on the Beginning of Hadith Writing by Order of Umar ibn Abdul Aziz," has demonstrated that such an order did not exist and that writing Hadith was already somewhat common before his time. Various reasons have been cited to justify the prohibition of writing Hadith by the caliphs, including: 1. Preventing people from being distracted by anything other than the Quran; 2. Fear of errors or alterations (distortion) in Hadith; 3. The caliphs' lack of comprehensive knowledge of religious rulings and their attempts to solidify their legal authority alongside religious governance; 4. Preventing the dissemination of the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt (as) and distancing them from leadership in the community. The first caliph from whom a report regarding the prohibition of writing is attributed is Abu Bakr. According to one report, he destroyed 500 Hadiths he had written out of fear that they might be incorrect. However, this report is considered weak based on chain analysis, especially since it is not found in earlier sources. Furthermore, it contradicts reports from Abu Bakr that emphasize the importance of writing Hadith. Logically, to avoid mistakes, there was no need to destroy Hadith; he could have shared them with other companions for verification. Regarding Umar, numerous reports have been transmitted about his prohibition of writing Hadith, and even his practical actions to eliminate them during his time. In some of these reports, it is stated that the reason was to prevent people from focusing on Hadith at the expense of the Quran, suggesting that books could mislead them. However, chain analysis shows that these reports are weak, and they also face textual critiques. It is not the case that attention to Hadith distracts Muslims from the Quran; rather, they are complementary. Additionally, writing books does not lead Muslims astray from their faith, as Muslims have continuously engaged in writing throughout history. These reports indicate that writing Hadith was prevalent during Umar’s time, and he was the only one opposed to it. Conversely, there are multiple reports indicating that Umar was indeed attentive to writing Hadith and even issued commands regarding it. As for Uthman, there are no reports indicating his prohibition against writing Hadith. However, a report attributed to Imam Ali (as) appears to suggest his prohibition against writing Hadith, but this report is weak in terms of chain and faces textual objections. Furthermore, such a report contradicts the numerous reports indicating his commands to write Hadith, as well as his practical conduct and that of his family and companions in writing Hadith.

    Conclusion

    The reports regarding the caliphs' prohibition of writing hadith contain serious objections in terms of both chain and text. On one hand, they contradict reports indicating their commands to write hadith. Even if these prohibitive reports were to be accepted as accurate, they would at most reflect the personal views of the caliphs and might pertain to specific hadiths. It could be argued that these reports are fabricated to create a sense of virtue for those caliphs, which has, in practice, resulted in the opposite effect. Logically, legally, and conventionally, there is no justification for prohibiting or coercively preventing the writing of hadith, and such reports do not provide any virtue for them.

    Keywords: Hadith, Writing, Prohibition, Caliphs
  • Reza Shajari *, Elham Arabshahi Kashi Pages 71-102
    Introduction

    The pathology of ritual poetry has five levels. content, literary, linguistic, lexical, morphological and syntactic. The content level is the broadest level. Among these harms, myth-making and story-telling is one of the important factors of distortion, which due to the sense of perfectionism and heroism hidden in the human being, has caused humans to unintentionally go towards myth-making to saturate their instinctive and innate sense. Therefore, in all cultures, the dominance of myths can be observed, and 'Āshūrā culture is no exception to this. Of course, pathology at the content level is much more sensitive than other levels. Because it deals with people's beliefs and any heresy at this level causes people to deviate.Therefore, content damage should be fully identified and poets and praise the liars should correct their poems. One of the frequently used content harms in ritual poetry is the story of the two children of Muslim, whose religious show is also very famous among other religious show. Of course, there are always doubts about the identity and number of these children, the manner of their martyrdom, as well as the issue of their departure from Medina with Muslim or Imam Hussein (as), as well as the date of their martyrdom in the event of 'Āshūrā or one year later in the Islamic and historical sources that have been tried in this research. It is necessary to review them.

    Materials and methods

    So far, no independent work has been done regarding the documentary and brokering of the story of the children of Muslim Ibn 'Aqīl. It is mentioned sporadically in some sources such as Baḥr al-Anṣāb, Amālī, Manāqib Ibn Shahr Āshūb, Maqātil al-Ţālibīn, Biḥār al-Anwār and... . Some researchers also conducted a short research about Muslim children in their works and examined some possibilities regarding this story in a comprehensive way and concluded that in total the said possibilities can neither be 100% accepted nor rejected. Also, some researchers have criticized some aspects of this story. Therefore, in the present research, using the analytical-documentary method, it is tried to analyze and criticize this story by examining the historical and tradition sources and paying attention to the deaths. 

    Results and findings

    In Islamic sources, there are many differences of opinion regarding the method of martyrdom, the name and number of children of Muslim Ibn 'Aqīl , but the most reliable and advanced work available is the same Amālī Sheikh Șadūq, which is in the 19th Majles of this book, from Ali Ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Ḥāshim 'an abīhi 'an Ibrāhīm ibn Raja al-Jaḥdari 'an Ali ibn Jaber that it was narrated on the authority of Uthman ibn Dāwūd al-Hashemi 'an Muhammad ibn Muslim 'an Ḥimrān ibn A'yan 'an Abi Muhammad (an old man from the people of Kufa) that two children ran away and were captured by ibn Ziyād's army for a year and then after the martyrdom of Imam Hussain (as), he escaped from ibn Ziyād prison with the mercy of the jailer and he became a refugee to a woman whose son-in-law planned to kill them and after his slave "Falīḥ" and his son refused to kill these two children, he decided to cut off their heads and hand them over to receive a reward. Ibn Ziyād gave them until they were oppressed and martyred in some sources, the story is narrated with differences in details in the following way: after being captured in the incident of Karbalā, with the help of an old jailer named "Mashkūr", they fled to the house of a woman whose wife "Ḥārith" was one of ibn Ziyād's troops and to receive the reward, he beheaded these two children next to the Euphrates and threw their bodies into the water. According to these two traditions, there are differences even in the details of the story, which, of course, do not have much effect on the story. Of course, on the other hand, people like Ţabarī and Khārazmī did not agree with Sheikh Șadūq's opinion and attributed these two children to Abdullah Jafar or Jafar Ţayyār who escaped from Karbala after the 'Āshūrā incident.Ţabarī in his history and Sheikh Mofid in al-Ikhtiṣāṣ and al-Irshad and Ibn Shahr-Ashub in Manaqib mentioned only one of Muslim's children named "Abdullah" among the martyrs of Karbala and never attributed these children to Muslim. Sheikh Mofid Mohammad is also considered the son of Abū Sa'īd ibn 'Aqīl has known. Also, Khārazmī did not mention these two children accompanying Muslim at the time of Muslim's departure to Kufa.

    Conclusion

    The story of two Muslim children has had many reflections not only in the poetry of religious poets but also in the performance of Ta'ziyah. Although some people doubted the origin of the story and gave reasons to reject it, this issue is so closely tied to the beliefs of the people that they built a shrine for them on the side of the Euphrates river and made it a place of pilgrimage.The authors are not trying to refute or prove or judge about this story. however, the oppression on the Ahl al-Bayt (as) and their lovers is much more than what is stated in historical sources. Regarding the story of Muslim's children, contrary to all the possibilities that have been raised, it cannot be considered false due to the weakness of the Isnad or not being mentioned in some sources or the difference in the name. Because in the historical review of tradition stories, the weakness of the Isnad is not a reason for its rejection, and other historical evidences and clues should be taken into account. Of course, the reason for the popularity of this story among the people and its acceptance as a part of popular culture, despite the weakness of the Isnad and some other intellectual and narrational reasons, is the validity and acceptability of Sheikh Șadūq and the rtansmiting of this tradition in the book of Amali, which, of course, mentions differences. It is also mentioned in Bihar al-Anwar and other cases. Therefore, not only the popularity of this story in popular culture, but also the opinion of Sheikh Șadūq should be respected. In dealing with this tradition, religious poets are divided into two groups: some of them, without mentioning the names of these two children and mentioning the details, only pointed to the fatal tragedy of their martyrdom, and some of them accepted the tradition of being imprisoned in Kufa and based on the oral history of Shia. , they are often mentioned by the names of Muhammad and Ibrahim in the Ta'ziyahs, and the details of the story are mentioned less and more in the inner speech. The purpose of the writers was to express the historical course of this story based on Islamic sources, so that poets and the community of praisers, knowing the historical documents, would compose poetry in this area

    Keywords: Muslim's Children, Content Analysis, Rational, Traditional Reasons, Ritual Poetry, Pathology
  • Mohammadhadi Mansouri *, Mohsen Fazel Bakhshayesh Pages 103-124
    Introduction

    In numerous verses of the Quran, the Almighty God highlights the contrasting benefits of night and day, considering them manifestations of His mercy. These verses juxtapose the tranquility of night with the pursuit of blessings during the day. Some exegetes have interpreted the pursuit of blessings as striving to earn a livelihood and, based on the principle of contrast, have understood the tranquility of night as rest and cessation from labor. These exegetes, relying on the apparent meaning of the verse, have presented this interpretation. However, interpretive traditions, by delving into the inner layers of the verses, offer a fresh perspective and a novel understanding. This article endeavors to examine this contrast from that perspective. Notably, this topic has been extensively discussed in various tafsirs (Quranic commentaries). These sources have some shortcomings such as a disregard for hadiths and the precise meanings of tranquility and blessings. The present research aims to rectify these shortcomings by utilizing these works and paying attention to the hadiths of the Ahl al-Bayt (as).

    Materials and Methods

    Transitioning beyond the surface layers of Quranic verses and striving to grasp their deeper and esoteric meanings necessitates a comprehensive and ijtihadi approach. Therefore, paying attention to the hadiths of the Ahl al-Bayt (as) as a fundamental source for understanding the inner meanings of verses is essential. However, since these hadiths do not encompass all Quranic verses, the exegete's effort and ijtihad to comprehend the deep layers of the verses is inevitable. In this paper, by examining the meaning and concept expressed in the hadiths of the Ahl al-Bayt (as) for "seeking the blessings of God" and utilizing the context of contrast, as well as relying on the method of interpreting the Quran with the Quran, the meaning and purpose of "tranquility in the night" are explained and the wisdom behind its creation is investigated.

    Results and findings

    In numerous hadiths, the Quranic term "layl" (night) has been interpreted as referring to the tyranny of Ţāghūt. Similarly, in many hadiths, the term "nahar" (day) has been interpreted to signify the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), his Ahl al-Bayt (as), Imam Mahdi (may Allah hasten his reappearance), his uprising, and the reign of truth. The term "faḍl" (favor) has also been interpreted in hadith sources as referring to the guardianship of the Prophet and his Ahl al-Bayt. In the Quranic verses, "tranquility" and the "seeking of divine favor" are presented as the benefits of night and day, respectively. The research has revealed that the confinement of these two benefits to night and day is a form of rhetorical emphasis. Findings from this research indicate that certain interpretive hadiths, in revealing the inner layers of the words "layl," "nahar," and "tranquility," have interpreted them as referring to the tyranny of Ţāghūt, the tyranny of truth, and limited benefit from the guardianship of the Ahl al-Bayt (as), respectively. The conclusion drawn from such an interpretation is the discovery of the wisdom behind this contrast, which, in a way, answers the question of why oppressive governments arise and highlights their role in the best of all possible worlds and the gradual evolution of history within their context.

    Conclusion

    In numerous verses of the Holy Quran, the Almighty God juxtaposes the benefits of night and day, presenting them as manifestations of His mercy. According to these verses, the primary benefit of night is tranquility, while the primary benefit of day is the seeking of divine favor. By examining the meanings of the words "layl" (night), "nahar" (day), and "fḍdl" (favor) in the hadiths of the Ahl al-Bayt (as), it becomes evident that "layl" refers to the tyranny of Ţāghūt, "nahar" refers to the tyranny of truth, and "fḍdl" refers to the guardianship of the rightful Imams. The findings of this research indicate that the seeking of divine favor during the day signifies benefiting from the guardianship of the Ahl al-Bayt in the era of the Mahdi. Therefore, by employing the principle of contrast and considering the relative nature of tranquility, it is established that the tranquility of the night refers to the limited benefit of the guardianship of the infallible Imams in the world prior to the appearance of the Mahdi. Moreover, the wisdom behind dividing human history into night and day may lie in God's will for the gradual and spiral-like evolution of human society. The prerequisite for gradual evolution is the creation of an environment conducive to tranquility, where progress is difficult to achieve. The Quran refers to this environment as "layl," which, due to the people's limited benefit from the guardianship of the Ahl al-Bayt (as), provides a suitable context for gradual evolution.

    Keywords: Seeking Divine Favor, Complementary Opposites Of Night, Day, Step-By-Step Development Of History, Serenity Of The Night
  • Mohammadmehdi Kheibar *, Alimohammad Mirjalili, Ahmad Zare Zardini Pages 125-160
    Introduction

    The hadith classes held by Imam Sadiqh (as) in Kufa paved the way for the establishment of a Shia hadith school in that area. This led to the migration of hadith quoters from different places to Kufa and, thus, the propagation of the Kufi hadith heritage back to those places. Considering the vicinity of Madā’in City to Kufa, the presence of hadith advocates from that city was more noticeable than from other areas. Scholars in the field of hadith history have somewhat accurately characterized the well-known Shia hadith schools, but some schools such as that in Madā’in have unfortunately been ignored, hence remaining in dark. This negligence might have been due to the centrality of Kufa. The present study seeks to shed light on the development process of the Shia hadith school in Madā’in and the stages involved.

    Materials and Methods

    Madā’in is known as an area to have fostered many hadith scholars. The education of even numerous Sunni scholars is attributed to that place. As a piece of evidence in this regard, a whole chapter in the book al-Ţaqhāt al-Kubrā is devoted to both Shia and Sunni hadith quoters in Madā’in. For example, it makes references to famous Shia hadith circles, such as Banu Hakim Azodi Madā’ini, and eminent figures, such as Ali ibn Hadid Madā’ini. The existence of these people in Madā’in provides enough motivation for research on that hadith school. Based on a scrutiny of the recent hadith expert opinions, one understands that ‘geography’ and ‘method of quotation and criticism’ have been the two main criteria for handling hadith issues in terms of ‘approach’, ‘school’ or ‘field’. Indeed, according to some researchers, those two criteria serve as a basis for classifying the ways of dealing with hadiths in three clean-cut domains. So, if the scholars and quoters in a certain geographical place do not use one single method of quoting or criticizing hadiths, the corresponding domain is referred to as ‘a hadith center’. Once those people deal with hadiths with a certain common method, the domain is called ‘a hadith school’. However, the case is ‘a hadith approach’ if hadith quotation and criticism is based on a certain school of thought regardless of geographical considerations. Owing to the accuracy and distinctiveness of these classification terms and, above all, their conformity with the practice of men of great authority in hadith science, the same classification is adopted in this research to assign the title ‘field’ to the set of hadiths diversely and disconcertedly handled by Madā’in quoters and critics. The present study is a trend research type conducted with a descriptive-analytical method, and the data are derived from library sources including hadith books, biographies, and history books.

    Results

    There is a four-stage process to consider about the penetration of Shiism into Madā’in and the subsequent formation of a center for Shia hadiths there. The stages were as follows:The ground breaking period: This first stage of Shiism formation occurred under Salman Farsi’s rule in Madā’in. It is to be noted that, after a three-year term of ruling over the city, Sa’d ibn Abi Waqhas wrotes a letter to the second caliph and asked him to appoint Salman as a new ruler there. Upon taking permission from Imam Ali (as), Salman accepted the position offered by the caliph.Advent of loving Shiism: The second stage in the Shi'ism process of the Madā’in Shi'ite hadith school is the emergence of "loving Shi'ism".Muslim conquerors set out to seize new territories in the name of Islam but, due to their sense of superiority inherited from the Jaheli era, did not properly behave the people of the conquered lands including Madā’in. In contrast, Imam Ali’s specific supports of Madā’in rulers rapidly pushed the Muslims in that city to love and advocate Shiite Islam.Advent of political Shiism: The third stage of Shiite Islam propagation in Madā’in marks the advent of political or Iraqi Shiism. It started with a series of campaigns launched by the people of the city against the Omavid sovereignty. It is to be mentioned that, from the conquest of Madā’in until the martyrdom of Imam Hossein (as) in the year 61 AH, there were no unified or independent Shiite tendencies in the city.Advent of ideological Shiism: The last stage of Shiism process is characterized with ideological or Imami features. This stage began with the movement of Imam Sadiqh (as) from Medina to Kufa. As a matter of fact, what came up as ideological Shiism in the mid second century AH was the result of the previous connections between Madā’in muslims and Shia Imams. As found in this research, 32 authors with the name suffix Madā’ini have quoted hadiths from Imam Sadiqh (as).  Waning of the Shia hadith school in Madā’in: In the early 4th century AH, Madā’in began to turn down into a village. After the establishment of Baghdad in the year 148 AH, non-Muslim merchants and businessmen from Madā’in started trading in industrial and farming products with the neighboring cities such as Kufa, Baghdad and Basra. As for the Shiites living in Madā’in, especially hadith advocates, they moved to better provided cities. They did it because, first of all, they were not as wealthy as non-Muslims so as to do trading and, secondly, they needed a rich and dynamic atmosphere where to enhance their religious teachings and hadith activities.

    Conclusion

    The geographical proximity of Madā’in to Kufa was very effective in the establishment of a Shia hadith school in Madā’in. The role of Madā’in scholars in conveying the Imami hadith legacy to the next generations was very valuable; only during the second and third centuries AH, seventy Shiite authors in that city quoted more than 1400 hadiths. This hadith school owed its persisting effect to the documentation of hadiths. The written books of hadiths made it possible for the Madā’in school to survive, continue its interactions with other hadith centers, and benefit from the legacy of Kufi Imami school even after the hadith activities began to decline in Kufa due to political pressures and certain internal factors in the late second century AH. Little is known of the exact causes of the decline in the Kufi hadith center, but, based on some evidence; its activities are estimated to have survived toward the end of the third century AH.

    Keywords: Madā’In, Hadith Circle, Shiism, Hadith History
  • Tahereh Sadat Sayyed Nari, Mohsen Qasempour *, Mohammadhossein Ghasempayvandi, Mohammadhassan Saneipour Pages 161-192
    Introduction

    In traditions, opulence is considered in various forms. However, due to various reasons, including not considering the traditions of each Imam precisely and without considering the conditions of each Imam’s time, there is no clear picture of praise and blame for opulence, and there is no definition or restriction of the amount of opulence. In some hadiths, including in the “Wasila” sermon, according to the rule of context governing such hadiths, property is condemned and the cause of rebellion (al-Kulaynī, 1407/1987, vol. 8: 21). Based on the ethicists’ advice, having the necessary amount of property provides immunity from possible disasters and damages caused by rebellion because much more than the amount of need causes the soul to pay attention to the excess of opulence and ultimately causes human spiritual poverty (Tehrani, 2018:17). Thus, what is condemned in religious teachings regarding financial opulence is that level of opulence that is more than the amount of need. However, the need for money is different for different people and based on the various social conditions of people. This research examines the truth or falsity of this view based on Imam Ali’s traditions. No study has been done to answer this question yet.

    Materials and methods

    According to some hadiths attributed to Imam Ali (AS), opulence is introduced as an agent of rebellion, the opposite of other hadiths whose theme praises opulence. Imam Ali’s speech regarding the rebellion of opulence is significant given the honorable verse “Certainly, humans are rebellious” (کلا إن الإنسان لیطغی) in Surah al-'Alaq. At first glance, such traditions have an apparent contradiction. This study investigated this issue using a descriptive-analytical method. The research scope covers the hadiths given in the Encyclopaedia of Alawite Al-Ahadith, Musnad al-Imam Ali, and Musnad al-Imam Amir al-Momineen (as).

    Results and findings

    Both groups of verses and traditions indicating the praise and criticism of the property and opulence are available. According to the content of the verses and traditions, as stated before, opulence is the cause of drunkenness in a person who is not educated. Therefore, opulence or an increase in opulence causes him to rebel. On the other hand, it is necessary to follow some religious teachings, especially in the field of ethics, to have money, which is proof of the permissibility and encouragement of acquiring opulence, for example, the great reward mentioned for lending. It is also performing Hajj ceremony and doing other mustahab things such as ʿAqīqah, endowment, sacrifice of an animal, and gift giving, all depending on having assets. Another noteworthy point deserves to be mentioned here, and it is the mention of Imam Ali (as) himself, who said somewhere: I Fatima (as) married in a state where there was no carpeting for me. Today I have property that will be enough for all of them if I divide it among all my children (ibn Tawus, 1998: 182; Tarzandeh, 2012, Vol. 5: 2398).Another tradition indicates that Imam Ali (as) was affluent. As Abd al-A’la repors, he once told Imam Sadiq (as): “People consider you opulent”. Imam said (as): I am not worried about this. Imam Ali (as) once passed by a Quraysh group wearing a torn and patched robe. People said that Ali had become destitute. This word reached Imam’s ears; he told his alms manager to collect all this year’s dates and not send dates to anyone. Then, Imam asked him to sell the dates and put the dirhams where the almkeeper collected them so they could not be seen. After that, Imam Ali (as) commanded the almskeeper: “If I told you to bring the dates, go upstairs and kick the money you saw with your feet and let the money scatter on the ground”. At this time, he sent for one of those Quraysh people and asked for dates from his agent in his presence. The attendant followed his order, hit the money with his foot, and it spread out. They said, O Abu al-Hassan, where did all these properties come from? Imam replied: This is the property of someone who has no property. The Imam ordered to send money equal to the price of dates to the low-income families who sent dates every year (al-Kulaynī, 1407/1987, Vol. 6: 439; al-Qapanji, 1421/2000, Vol. 5: 440; Atarodi, 2007, Vol. 19: 127). Therefore, opulence is absolutely not a cause of rebellion for all people, but one should be careful about the intoxication of opulence. It is also stated in the verses of the Quran that people whose business does not prevent them from remembering God and giving Zakāt: “By men whom neither trade nor bargaining distracts from the remembrance of Allah and the maintenance of prayer and the giving of zakat. They are fearful of a day wherein the hearts and the sights will be transformed” (Q 24:37); If a person sees God as the giver of opulence, it prevents the feeling of needlessness and rebellion. Many verses indicate that God is the giver of opulence (Q 10: 88; 53: 48; 24: 33; 27: 36; 65: 7; 28: 76; 4: 37; 74: 12).

    Conclusion

    According to some traditions from Amir al-Mu’minin (as), excess in wealth to the cause of rebellion. Some phrases reached in the sermon of the means are among these traditions, some mentioned in Wise Words 108 and 216. The basic and ponderable phrase in this tradition is “If he gains wealth, wealth will make him arrogant” (in afāda mālan aṭghāhu al-ghinā'), which should be analyzed concerning other parts of the tradition. In this tradition, on the one hand, wealth is the best way to maintain one’s reputation through wealth, and much wealth is a factor in becoming a master. On the other hand, wealth has been introduced as an effective factor in rebellion. This part of the tradition should be analyzed along with the Quranic verses. In light of the convergence between the Quran and the Sunnah (Tradition), it can be said that the increase of wealth is not absolutely the cause of the rebellion; instead, it is the view of wealth as a means to achieve a lofty goal, which can make wealth a defensible position and an incentive in worldly life. Some other reasons indicating that wealth is praiseworthy - as a means and not a goal - mentioned in both the Qur’an and the hadiths are prayers and orders to expand blessings. That is God’s command to pay khums and zakat, which means a person, has more than enough money. It is also possible to conclude the praise of wealth based on a tradition that the word “khayr” is not said for little wealth. Opulence also literally means sufficiency. This sufficiency also has a relative meaning according to people.A psychological point should also be considered regarding wealth and rebellion: different people react differently when faced with wealth. Maybe moderate wealth may cause rebellion for some people, and they think their personality independent of God as a unique factor in acquiring wealth, but for others, despite the abundance of wealth, it does not cause rebellion, and they see the increase of wealth from God.There is a complete alignment between the teachings of the Qur’an and the traditions regarding wealth and its place in being a means for people. In addition to the critical category of wealth being a means, its being a means of testing has been emphasized both in the Qur’an and in hadiths.Also, based on the interpretation of the hadiths, wealth is intoxicating, and overflowing has nothing to do with its scarcity or abundance. But according to some hadith teachings, the way to prevent and get out of rebellion is thanksgiving and doing justice. It means seeing wealth from God’s side and giving thanks, not seeing it from your side, which leads to rebellion.

    Keywords: Opluence, Rebellion, Traditions, Apparent Contradiction, Imam Ali (As)
  • Mohsen Rafat *, Sayyed Ziaoddin Olyanasab Pages 193-230
    Introduction

    The issue of water and thirst in the Karbala incident is a challenging issue that has had significant effects on the way of Shia’s mourning. Water is very important as a vital substance in the life of every human being. In 'Āshūrā event, the callousness of the Yazid army caused the water to be shut off. However, by shutting off the water on the seventh day of Muharram, Imam Hussain (as) had only three remaining days, and it has become a source of controversy among researchers. Some believe that no water can be found in the Imam's tents from the 7th day of Muharram onwards; on the other hand, some believe that water was available to Hussain ibn Ali (as) until the day of 'Āshūrā. Based on both points of views, the problem of the present research is the analysis of the traditions in the authentic historical traditional about the efforts of Imam and his companions to get water in three days before the battle. The original source and the process of transmission of these traditions to the 10th centuries and later are also worthy of attention. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze the reliability of such traditions. How can the traditions expressing the Imam's miracle of digging a well to obtain water be cited? From what approach is dealing with the issue of thirst in recent centuries, especially by different Maqatil and was it based on a historical event or a hadith? What is the approach of the hadith and historical books of the Imamiyyah and Sunnis to the issue of the extraordinary thirst of Imam's army? And how reliable is the traditional documentation of this teaching? In this research, an attempt has been made to answer the mentioned questions by relying on authentic Muqatil and hadith and historical books, and to examine the traditions related to the water situation in Karbala in 61 Hijri.

    Materials and Methods

    After determining the main problem of the research and taking into account its place in the system of historical hadith studies, this research has been compiled by taking advantage of library studies. In this research, first of all, the collection of existing reports according to the research problem has been studied and it has been screened based on specific keywords. While classifying the data, the content has been analyzed and explained. In the final step, by comparing the data and continuously going back and forth between them and the categories, the relationships between the data are tried to be discovered in response to the research problems. In other words, the data will experience different arrangements like pieces of a puzzle so that they can provide a clear picture of the answers to the research questions in a meaningful relationship with each other. At the end, the results of the research are presented in the form of writing. Therefore, the information and raw materials of this research were carried out by the library method and data collection. After that, the materials collected from historical and traditional sources were described, analyzed and criticized.

    Results and Findings

    By examining the historical traditional sources, it can be found that the traditions in the area of the discussed issue can be divided into two categories: the first category: the traditions that indicate the presence of water on 'Āshūrā and the second category: the traditions that indicate thirst on the day of 'Āshūrā. Regarding the first category, we can discuss the filling of leather bottle on the seventh evening of Muharram as a tradition that is emphasized the Shiite and sunnite sources, which is subject to criticism according to various reasons. The sprinkling of water on the face of Hazrat Zainab (as) on the night of 'Āshūrā is one of the other traditions that have been cited by those who say that there is water on the day of 'Āshūrā while evidence shows that this tradition Is to be meditated. Many other traditions also show that Imam Hussain (as) asked for water on the day of 'Āshūrā, and a comprehensive review of these traditions also shows that these traditions cannot be considered as conjecture. On the other hand, traditions indicating Imam's order to bathe and clean the companions with the waters, the possibility of drinking milk from available animal in the tents Despite the restrictions on camels, the possibility of obtaining water despite military restrictions and digging a well in Karbala showed that water was available on the day of 'Āshūrā. And it has even been used. Some of these hadiths are a state of doubt and others are states of more carefulness and contemplation. Apart from this comprehensive view of these traditions, recent Muqatil's view of the problem of thirst is normal thirst or an exaggeration of the research in this approach. The sentimental approach, which can be seen in the issue of 'Āshūrā, has given rise to the issue of thirst or asking for water on the part of Imam Hussain (as). The more distance one gets from the time of the 'Āshūrā incident, the more emotional approach and perception of 'Āshūrā takes on a newer color and flavor. This approach in the Safavid and Qajar period, which is the turning point of hadith and history, takes on a different gloss about 'Āshūrā, and traditions lose their dignity and become reports that storytellers and some elders are the ones who create the public's extreme view of this approach. Apart from the existence of correct traditions about the Imam's thirst and even the callousness of the Umayyads in the immorality of the war, but paying attention to these traditions that are worthy of contemplation and the approaches that arose in the late centuries as well as contemporary times, it can be said that the issue of thirst has become a matter of prestige in 'Āshūrā.

    Conclusion

    The traditions related to the thirst in Imam's tent are limited to one or two traditions and they are implicit. Traditions with this theme became more popular in the Safavid and Qajar periods, and this is due to the influence of the atmosphere of the time that the people of that time gradually got used to. As the distance from the time of 'Āshūrā incident increases, the sentimental perception of 'Āshūrā takes on a newer color and flavor. This approach in the Safavid and Qajar periods, which is the turning point of hadith and history, takes on a different gloss about 'Āshūrā, and the traditions lose their dignity and become reports that storytellers and some elders become the founders of the extreme view of the public in the field of this approach. The later and surviving reports of the 'Āshūrā incident, have tried to present a more disgusting image of the cruel behavior and character of the army of Omar Sa'ad by showing the excessive thirst of the army of Imam Hussein (as) and their weakness, and especially by showing the children as oppressed while in the First and authentic traditions about 'Āshūrā, reports about oppression in this way and with this image are not found; Of course, the oppression imagined for Imam Hussain (as) and his family, according to the traditions, is beyond the oppression that these sources have reported, otherwise, the oppression of Imam Hussain (as) can only be more painful for innocents and fair witnesses.

    Keywords: Water, Thirst, Imam Hossein (As), 'Āshūrā, 'Āshūrā Traditions
  • Shadi Nafisi *, Shiva Tojjar Pages 231-264
    Introduction

    The multifaceted encounter with the reporters is a way to know them more precisely in order to reach a customary certainty. Such certainty is obtained from the accumulation of various evidences and information about the reporter and in addition to the usual sources in the review of the authority of a reporter, sources such as the type of the reporter's works, the content of his traditions, and his position among the Imams are also taken into consideration. Also, cases such as the subordination of the reporter in the chain of Isnads and to extract traditions that are aligned with the traditions of the reporter. Typology discussions are another source that reveals the tendency and role of the reporter in various tendencies of his time. The approach of certainty, which is also interpreted as the density of suspicion, is one of the bases and approaches of Rijali Judgments. In the current research, this approach has been used to identify Abd al-Rahmān ibn Kathir, one of the direct reporters of Imam Sadiq (as), who there are conflicting opinions upon his authenticity.

    Material and methodology

    In this research, Abd al-Rahmān's personality is examined from several aspects and information is obtained. This information is analyzed from the point of view of corroboration and the indication of his validity or weakness, and finally, by comibning these corroborations, we reach a conventional certainty about his trustworthiness or lack of trustworthiness. Among the investigated aspects is Abd al-Rahmān’s place in Isnads, which leads to obtaining information about Abd al-Rahmān's teachers and students. The view of the earlier Rijals towards Abd al-Rahmān is also done by referring to Shia Rijal books and sources such as Abu Ghhalib Zorari's Book and Ibn Ghaḍā'eri's al-ḍuafa'i and some of Ṣadūq’s books. The traditions of Imams (as) are also examined in terms of the presence of any praise towards Abd al-Rahmān and the position he had among them. The scope of the search for these traditions is all the traditional sources available in Jame’ al-Ahadith Shi’a. The collection of Sunni traditions is also searched with the help of Maktaba al-Shamilah software and Sunni men's books such as Mīzān al-I'tidāl of Dhahabi due to the presence of an article about Abd al-Rahmān. The topic classification of Abd al-Rahmān's hadiths and the number of hadiths in each category are also investigated. The content of the two books Faḍl innā anzalnāhu and book al-aḍillah attributed to him will also be considered. Regal rules or general endorsements are also examined for the possibility of applying them to Abd al-Rahmān ibn Kathir along with the opinions of scholars regarding the validity of these rules. Being primary or secondary reporter in the chain of Isnad of traditions that is used in the List analysis is also taken into consideration in the case of Abd al-Rahmān. Another matter is the extracting the traditions aligned with Abd Al-Rahmān's traditions and finally the historical studies that determine the role of Abd Al-Rahmān in his contemporary religious trends.

    Results and findings

    Rijali's investigations indicated his weakness and accused Abd al-Rahmān Ibn Kathir of fabricating hadith. The only Hadith that could be in the benefit of him for being praised by Imam was narrated by him himself, and in addition to that, there were contradictions between this and another Hadith. Although some of his hadiths indicated that he was very close to the Imam, they were only narrated by him. Some Rijal rules could be applied to Abd al-Rahmān, and according to scholars such as Vaḥīd Bihbahānī and Muḥaddith Nūrīi, they indicated his approval, but the validity of these rules was disputed by many scholars like Khūī who did not accept them. Examining the content of his hadiths showed that seventy-seven percent of his hadiths are related to the topic of Imamate, more than half of them are mentioned in the interpretation of a verse of the Qur'an, and only three of his hadiths can be included in the subject of jurisprudence. There were only a few hadiths from him in other subjects that only Kuliynī has recorded in different chapters of Kāf. The esoteric interpretation of the Qur'anic verses, having few jurisprudential hadiths and dealing with issues such as the imams' unlimited knowledge and their superhuman power were evidences of his orientation towards Tafwīḍ. The attribution of the two books Faḍl innā anzalnāhu and book al-aḍillah to him, and the examination of the content of these books, which were respectively dedicated to an exaggerated interpretation of the Imamate and the subject of transmigration and reincarnation, and the personality of the authors to whom books on these subjects were attributed, also yielded similar results. The list analysis of Abd al-Rahmān's hadith Isnads showed that he was the main and not subordinate in the chain of hadith Isnads and did not lead to obtaining credit for some of his hadiths. although extracting traditions aligned with his traditions showed consistency with the traditions of reliable reporters, but some others, such as his traditions regarding the virtues and miracles of the Imams and their superhuman power, or the strange things that are mentioned in the Book Baṣā'ir, have themes that they were narrated only by him or that they were similar to the content of the hadiths of weak or weak reporters. The investigation of the Shia trends showed that Abd al-Rahmān, along with Mufaḍal ibn Umar, Jaber ibn Yazid, Ali ibn Hasan and Muhammad ibn Urmah, was in the spectrum called Mufaḍal and had exaggerated tendencies towards Imams (as). Characteristics such as the esoteric interpretation of the verses of the Quran, a few jurisprudential hadiths from him and dealing with issues such as the imams' unlimited knowledge and their superhuman power are another confirmation of his orientation towards the authority.

    Conclusion

    The multifaceted encounter with Abd al-Rahmān ibn Kathir gave us some information about this reporter. Putting these evidences together allowed us to know him more precisely and to obtain a conventional certainty about his character. Rather than testifying to his trustworthiness, these references indicated his weakness and tendency to extravagance of the type of tafwīḍ. In the meantime, although some scholars emphasized his trustworthiness by relying on some Rijal rules, the controversial nature of these rules and the weight of the evidences proving his status could not bring him trustworthiness. In this way, the accumulation of partial and scattered information obtained in this research led to the accumulation of suspicion and the achievement of a customary certainty regarding the unreliability of Abd al-Rahmān ibn Kathir and his tendency to exaggerate. Such assurance could not be obtained from the famous Khabar Vāḥid approach, in which Rejali's words are considered as an empirical report of the reporter's contemporaries and are limited to that.

    Keywords: Tafwīḍ, Mufawwiḍah, Shia, Mufaḍḍal Ibn Umar
  • Abdul Samad Aliabadi *, Yahya Haqhani Pages 265-296
    Introduction

    Muhammad Naser al-Din al-Albᾱnῑ, whose scientific personality was influenced by the thoughts and ideas of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Qayyim and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhᾱb, believed that if the opinions of the Islamic denominations' scholars contradict the Sunnah of the Prophet (pbuh) and authentic traditions (hadiths), the sayings of the scholars are baseless and invalid. Putting the words of scholars aside, he states that merely the Qur'an and the Sunnah are considered as the practice criterion. Moreover, the element of purification is notably considered by Albᾱnῑ in his works. According to Albᾱnῑ, purification means that since knowledge is the beginning of action, one must acquire real and refined knowledge from false opinions and thoughts by referring to the Book and Hadiths. Accordingly, he evaluated the traditional texts and divided the hadiths of Sihᾱh and Sunan Hadith Collections into authentic and weak, which, of course, has been criticized by a lot of Sunni scholars and has caused them to turn away from the Albᾱnῑ's corrections. Despite the importance of the present issue, according to the studies, no article has been written on it so far. This article does not seek to examine the Albᾱnῑ's method; Rather, its purpose is to trace the roots of Sunni thinkers' turning away from his corrections. Comparing the famous traditionists' method with the Albᾱnῑ's in correcting hadiths, it analyzes and examines the view of Sunni thinkers in the way of applying the noted rules and the correctness of their point of view, which is considered as an innovation of this research.

    Materials and Methods

    This research, which is carried out in a descriptive-analytical method, with the aim of finding the root of Sunni scholars' turning away from Albᾱnῑ's corrections, compares Albᾱanῑ's opinions with Sunni traditionists' on the rules of correction to determine that the origin of their turning away is the difference in his view on the rules or it has another reason, that is he was not obliged to follow these rules everywhere.

    Results and Findings

    Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albᾱnῑ is a famous and prolific traditionist (muhaddith) in the Salafi school. Most of his writings are in the field of hadith studies and he has corrected the hadiths based on his own opinion. Although Sunni scholars have often turned away from his corrections, the root cause of this action has not been detected. Albᾱnῑ's fame in hadith research and the conflicting views of contemporary scholars and hadith researchers about his ability or inability in hadith, require that the reason for the turning away of Sunni thinkers regarding his correction of hadiths be traced. It is necessary to identify and introduce it, which, while discovering it in the field of hadith studies, will be useful for researchers of hadith methods. The research question is, "Why Sunni thinkers turn away from the Albᾱnῑ's corrections?" The root of this turning should be searched according to the rules of correcting hadith or the method of evaluating hadith by Albᾱnῑ. The findings show that Albᾱnῑ has almost a common view with other traditionist scholars regarding the rules of correction; However, his method of applying rules when correcting hadith is seriously criticized by scholars, and he is accused of distorting the views of traditionists, omitting or changing names in the chain of transmitters (tadlῑs), inconsistency in correcting, correcting weak hadith, etc.

    Conclusion

    Many Sunni thinkers turn away from the Albᾱnῑ's corrections and ignore them. In this case, there are two possibilities: firstly, in the process of correcting hadith, he disregarded or opposed the famous rules of hadith scholars in correcting hadiths; Second, his method in evaluating and applying correction rules has been seriously criticized by Sunni thinkers.Al-Albᾱnῑ agrees with the famous traditionists about the correction rules. Therefore, the reason why the scholars turned away from his corrections is not under the shadow of this view.Albᾱnῑ and famous hadith scholars do not consider the action and fatwa of the scholar according to a hadith, the agreement of the hadith with the dream, the agreement of the hadith with the realities of the society, taste and experience, discovery and mystical intuition, the reputation of a tradition and the authenticity of the transmitters of a hadith, as proof of the authenticity of a hadith.Albᾱnῑ and the famous traditionists accept the rule of "accepting a hadith that is accepted by the people"; But Albᾱnῑ considers the meaning of "Al-Nᾱs (people)" to be traditionists, and famous traditionists say that it means scholars, which includes non-traditionist as well.Alᾱnῑ and famous traditionists believe that there is no connection between the authenticity of the hadiths and the correctness of the text, and the weakness of the traditions and the weakness of the text, but they consider it obligatory to follow the correct hadith.Distortion of the traditionists' view, tadlῑs, inconsistency in correcting, correcting weak hadith, lack of familiarity with the transmitters of hadith, little ability in weakening and praising the reporter, and confusing the reporters of hadith are among the reasons why Sunni thinkers turn away from Albᾱnῑ's corrections.In order to clarify the correctness of the objections raised about Albᾱnῑ's corrections, some of them were examined, including: contradictions in corrections, correcting weak hadiths, distortion of the traditionists' opinions, confusion of hadith reporters, and lack of his knowledge about sanads (chain of transmitters). The results of the investigation indicate that Saqᾱf's statement regarding the fact that Albᾱnῑ considered weak hadith to be authentic is not correct, at least compared to Hakim ibn Jubair's hadith.

    Keywords: Albᾱnῑ, Albᾱnῑ's Corrections, Method Of Hadith Scholars In Correcting Hadith, Sunni Thinkers
  • Nasser Rafei&#, I Mohammadi * Pages 297-318
    Introduction

    he Hadith of yawm al-dar is one of the oldest sources of proof of the wilayat and succession of Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (as), which has been narrated in numerous Shia and Sunni traditional, commentary, and historical sources. Nevertheless, Ibn Taymiyyah, whose anti-Shi'ism caused him to spend all his energy denying the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt (as), especially Amir al-Mu'minin (as), turned to denying the origin of this hadith and raised several documentary and content objections about it in the book Minhaj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah. Although his objections lack scientific support due to his unfounded claims and opposition to reliable and incipient sources, but because he has created doubts in this field and may cause anxiety in the minds of the audience who do not have enough information about it, it is important and necessary to review it. The works that have been done in this field so far have mostly been based on a belief approach or have dealt with this issue very superficially. Examining this issue with a hadith and interpretation approach was a gap that this article has tried to fill.

    Materials and Methods

    In the process of organizing this research, first, data and information (as research materials) were collected from the relevant sources, and then it was explored by using the method of description and analysis. These sources primarily include the Holy Qur'an, in which the revelation of a verse with the title of Aye Inzar (warning verse) is regarded as the authority of issuing hadith. Traditional sources after the Qur'an are the most used sources in this field, which include Shia and Sunni hadith texts. Shaykh Ţūsī's Amālī, al-Saduq's Ilal al-Sharaye', Ahmad ibn Hanbal's Musnad, Nasai's al-Khaṣā'iṣ, Hakim Neishaburi's Mustadrak, Muttaqi Hindi's Kanz al-Ummal, and Haskani's Shawahid al-Tanzil are some of the hadith sources that narrate this Hadith. After that, sources of interpretation such as Ţabresi's Majma' al-Bayan, Faiz Kashani's al-Wafi, Ibn Abi Hatam Razi's Tafsir al-Qur'an, Baghavi's Tafsir, Thaa'labi's Tafsir, Tabari's Tafsir and Tafsir al-Mizan have been used as sources and materials for this research. In a later stage, some historical sources such as Shaykh Mufid's al-Irshad, Ibn Athir's Al-Kamil, Tarikh al-Tabari, and Ibn Asakir's Tarikh Madinah Demashq have been considered as a source of reporting the research Issue. Although theological sources are not the main approach of this research, it is also useful to mention that some theological works such as Seyyed Morteza's al-Shafi and Hilli's Minhaj al-Karamah have also taken care to quote this hadith.Results and findingsExamining Ibn Taymiyyah's point of view about the hadith of Yawm al-Dar, emphasizing on hadith and commentary sources, resulted in the following.

    results and findings

    Ibn Taymiyyah's presupposition in the book "Minhaj al-Sunna al-Nabawiyyah" is to deny and consider all the traditions and evidences of the caliphate of Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (as) as fake. Therefore, the hadith of Yawm al-Dar has also been denied by him with the same approach. According to him, the reason for the denial is the lack of transmission of the hadith in authentic books, the weakening of some reporters, and the problems with the content and connotations of this tradition.Ibn Taymiyyah's claim of not quoting hadith in authentic sources lacks scientific support; because this tradition has been clearly narrated in reliable and incipient hadith, commentary and historical sources. The multiplicity and diversity of these sources, along with their age, negates the claim of denying the original hadith and proves the absurdity of this claim.Ibn Taymiyyah's objection to this hadith refers to a reporter named "Abd al-Ghaffar ibn Qasim". The only reason for weakening him is the accusation that he is a Shiite. Such an accusation cannot distort the hadith document; because in the evaluation of a document, reliability is the criterion, and if an individual's reliability is proven, his beliefs will not weaken the authenticity of his tradition. Therefore, in the Sihah and Masanid of the Sunnis, some hadiths have been narrated from the Shia, and this is something that Ibn Taymiyyah also confirmed and did not consider the mere fact of being a Shia to be an obstacle to the authenticity of the tradition. In addition, in some Sunni sources, the hadith of Yawm al-Dar has been narrated by a way other than Abd al-Ghaffar.Ibn Taymiyyah's most important content objection to the Hadith of Yawm al-Dar is that it does not indicate the succession of Amir al-Mu'minin (as); because if accepting the invitation leads to succession, then all those who accepted the invitation of the Messenger of God and helped him should be his successors. Such a claim is due to not paying attention to the context of issuing this hadith. According to various evidences, accepting the invitation and helping in the same assembly has been the criterion; So that from the very beginning of the invitation, the most obedient, the best and the most virtuous person is determined for the succession. This action of the Prophet (pbuh) in the very first move revealed the level of obedience and sincerity and the inner feelings of people and showed that even the great ones like Hamza and Jafar do not deserve to be succeeded at the level of Amir al-Mu'minin (as) due to their delay in believing and he is the only one who is the worthiest person for this position because of his deep faith and unquestionable obedience and help.

    ConclusionIn 

    addition to the Qur'anic verses and rational reasons, the issue of succession of Amir al-Mu'minin (as) has a strong root in hadiths. The beginning of the tradition in this context is the hadith of Yawm al-Dar, which was told in the story of the invitation of the Messenger of God to his relatives. Despite the fact that the said hadith is stated in the advanced and reliable Shia and Sunni sources, but Ibn Taymiyyah tried to deny it and raised various objections about it in his opinion. The type of his objections shows a deep bias in his existence. In such a way that opposition to Shia has caused him to close his eyes to the facts and even speak against his own principles. The dominance of bias in his writing and thought has left his claims without scientific support. From this perspective, although he is not worthy of scientific criticism, his skepticism, as someone who has found a position of theorist among his followers, needs a response. In order to prove the falsehood of these claims and to enlighten the audience, the only correct way is through scientific criticism and the discovery and explanation of historical facts.

    Keywords: Yawm Al-Dar, Yawm Al-Inzar, Hadith, Ibn Taymiyyah, Succession, Caliphate
  • Hossein Rashad Koochesfahani, Asghar Hadavi * Pages 319-348
    Introduction

    Man is always looking for a way to achieve eternal happiness. Every sect and denomination draws this path according to their knowledge, inviting others towards it. Since the words of the Shiite imams originate from a divine source and are the best way to illuminate the path towards human happiness, through studying hadiths containing the Ţūbā structure and using modern research methods, this paper seeks to clearly and accurately examine the solutions to happiness and the importance of its elements and achieve reliable scientific results.

    Materials and Methods

    This article explores about 2300 hadiths with a Ţūbā structure by means of content analysis and by creating a table of hadiths and their description. It tries to answer the question, "What are the indicators of human happiness and how important is each of them?" It has chosen the content analysis method to analyze continuous descriptions with the word "Ţūbā". Although the usual ways of studying hadith texts, which are the main source of Islamic ethics, are useful and noteworthy, the basic questions about the role and guidance of ethical concepts of hadiths have been left unanswered. Therefore, choosing a new and interdisciplinary method in new formats will help to advance the goals of human resources. According to these points, the method of "content analysis" is considered a new step in the study of hadith texts. About 2237 hadiths were examined in order to obtain basic information and opinions of the Infallible Imams (as) about the criteria of human happiness, relying on the continuous descriptions of the word "Ţūbā", seeking to examine the opinions of some sociologists and scientists of the world in order to know other opinions and reach a useful conclusion in this regard. In the next stages, a table of hadiths was created to obtain a regular form to reach the final goal, which was an inclusive theme. Then, by removing the primary codes and sorting them and turning them into descriptive codes, an attempt was made to achieve single topics. In the next step, these descriptive codes become a series of primary themes that include several descriptive codes. The primary themes were also placed under an organizing theme and several organizing themes were placed under an overarching theme.

    Results and Findings

    Through carefully studying Ţūbā' hadiths and implementing different models using the theme analysis method, including forming a network of hadiths and analyzing it, a plan was reached in which hadiths are divided and discussed in three-time frames. These periods of time include three stages: past, present, and future, which a person will pass through during his life and go to the abode of the hereafter. Paying special attention to these periods and performance in relation to each will have a very decisive effect on a person's destiny.1- Looking at the past 2- Looking at the individual and society 3- Looking at the futureThe first point in this division is that the present tasks include almost 82% of all hadiths. In other words, a person should look for what duties he has in the present to ensure his happiness. Taking into account the social nature of human, contrary to the opinion of many thought schools that introduce man as a secluded being and away from society, it is worth noting that more than 22% of these hadiths refer to the relation and interaction of individuals with society. These relations are in such a way that benevolence and good influence in the society are more prominent than others. In the era when there was no name of psychology, the Imams mentioned the important issue of not delving into the past of others and not remaining in the bad memories of the past. Today it has been proven that one of the causes of depression and subsequent retardation in people's lives is dwelling on the past and repeatedly revisiting bad memories of the past. Two duties were mentioned in the past of man and they did not address other private issues of people. The first is to be born in a pure land that will be the basis of happiness, and the second is to look at past damages or in other words to compensate for past sins and losses. In the part of paying attention to the future, it is also important to note that no matter how many good deeds a person has during his life, without a final goal and motivation, he will probably reach emptiness. Paying attention to the criteria of happiness in the future is a lever that will put a person on this path, firstly, away from excesses and secondly, crookedness. Remembrance of death, attention to the resurrection or resurrection belief and attention to the appearance of the savior are three issues that should be considered in the future.

    Conclusion

    Through drawing the network of Ţūbā hadiths and analyzing them, these hadiths can be placed under the very important topic of "Remembrance" which includes paying attention to the past and mentioning its requirements, paying attention to the present duties and mentioning the requirements, and finally paying attention to the future and mentioning the duties related to it. "Rememberance" is considered as inclusive theme, which includes the organizing themes of the past, present and future. As the peak of the pyramid of indicators of happiness, remembrance is a driving factor to avoid stopping in the past, paying attention to the tasks of the present and remembering the goal and continuing the path.

    Keywords: Ţūbā, Happiness, Remembrance, Content Analysisi Indicator
  • Kavoos Roohibarandag *, Zahra Asaa&#, Di Samani, Ali Ghazanfari Pages 349-380

    Introduction :

     Imams' interprative traditions about some verses of the story of Ibrahim have matched this story to being of Ahl al-Bait. It seems that this accomodation is not fit by the appearance of the verse and make minds to challeng to accept such traditions. Therefore, it is necessary to know the connection between the inner meaning of the verse and the appearance of the word and how those meanings accomodate to the existence of Ahl al-Bayt, although theories have been proposed by Ayatollah Marefat and Allameh Tabatabai in order to validate such interpretive traditions. But there are still some traditions in a veil of ambiguity about how to apply the traditions to the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) in such a way that some of them have been criticized and their validity has been questioned. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the possibility of connecting the words of the verse with its hidden meanings by using the tool of implications of words on meanings and intellectual rules.

    Materials and methods :

    There are four meanings for "Ta'wīl": Interpretation; In the word, it means to explain and reveal the reasonable meaning. Scholars of Qur'anic science have defined the terminological definition and said: Tafseer is responsible for a part of conveying meaning mission to the audience, and in the following, Ta'wīl explains the hidden meaning and reveals the inner layer of meaning.  Interpretation of similarities; It is a meaning that is opposite of the appearance of words like Estawa and Zahab, which are attributed to God.  Inner meaning of the verse; it is a great and expended meaning that is hidden behind the pearance that must be extracted under speial condition. Accomodation; It means to put something on top of another thing, so that it covers it and they are equal to each other.  It is usually accompanied by Jarry. In the point of view of scientists, Jary and Taṭbīq mean the adaptation of the words of the Qur'an to examples other than what the verses were revealed about.Logicians consider the connection between word and meaning in the mind as a result of the word's position for the meaning, and they consider three types for meaning of verbal situational significant including, significations of correspondence, implication, and obligation.Tabatabaei knows inner meaning ,  a sign corresponding to the appearance meaning, but not in the meaning that the appearance meaning of the word is adjacent to the inner meaning, but these meanings are located along each other, by  seperation of meaning of accommodation and ventricular meaning Ma’refat knows the meaning of  Ta'wīl as  equal as Baṭn and by adopting the general concept through the abstraction of the word's characteristics by the method of patience and division, he introduced the meaning of the word to the inner meaning as a type of unclear obligational significant.

    Results and findings

    Ibrahim asked God for safety and consequences for people of Mecca in his prayer and for his children to avoid worshiping idols and have accomodated the Ahl to Ahlalbayt and consequences to kindness of muslims and children to Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and Ali (pbuh). Be signification of corresponding. Ţā'ifīn “God commanded Abraham to purify the Kaaba from polytheism for Ţā'ifīn”, also applied to Ahlal Bayt by signification of corresponding. The meaning of Abraham's affliction to the words is Ma’sumin (pbuh) and the Allah’s names, which are matched according to the position of the word for the spirit of meaning. A tradition that introduces the essence of Hajj to visit the Imam, By abstracting the characteristic from the materiality of the filth, this tradition has paid attention to its spiritual example, that is, the removal of spiritual impurities, and there is a reason for it. In this tradition, it has been pointed out  that the important and fundamental thing is the meeting of the Imam, which can be extremely effective in eliminating spiritual impurities.The interpretation of the tongue of Sedq (true) on Ali (As) mentions from imagery to the invitation, and it is  understood the hidden meaning that is Ali (As) by contingency implication that he is  the follower of invitation of the Prophet (pbuh).Imam Reza (As) introduces the inner meaning of (wa fadaynāh bidhibḥin 'aẓīm) "And We ransomed him with a momentous sacrifice " to the calamity of Imam Husayn (As) by contingency implication. Imam Sadiq (As) mentioned the cause of Ibrahim'sillness in his own words, the calamity of Imam Hussain (As); The interpretation has entered  in this tradition firstly removes the apparent doubts of the word by recognizing the original art of Turiyeh in the word, and then we get the comparative meaning in the words of Imam Sadiq (As) by accompaniment. About (yā nāru kūnī bardan wa salāman) "O Fire! be thou cool, and ( a means of ) safety for Abraham", Prophet has mentioned an extraordinary thing in the events ahead of Imam Hussain (As) and his companions, and accommodated not feeling the sharpness and pain of the sword to the cooling of the fire on Ibarahim. This accommodation will be obtained through rational premises after setting aside the specific features of the incident, stating that: An accidental crime is necessary. Accidental breakup is necessary or not possible. Cutting the sword is also a necessary condition. So it is possible to break it from fire.

    Conclusion

    Due to the signification of conformity of the word to the meaning, accommodation of words to the example of Ahl al-Bayt (as) can be understood at high levels of inner meaning. The comparisons which are revealed by the signification of conformity include evidence of the appearance of the verses of the Qur'an and make them valid by accommodation to the appearance. Traditions which words or the general concept of the verse does not imply conformity to their meaning need mediators of literary rules, reason and Shariah. Such traditions reveal the discovery of lower layers of inner meaning and are the facts that have flowed in the words of Ahl al-Bayt (AS). The difference in these interpretations is due to the difference in people's level of understanding when asking about the verse from Imam (as).

    Keywords: Interpretative Hadith, Story Of Abraham, Ahl Al-Bayt (As), Jary Wa Taṭbīq