نشریه اندیشه سیاسی در اسلام
پیاپی 38 (زمستان 1402)

Freedom has always been one of the most important concerns of human life and is of particular importance in all theological and material schools. Among the schools, Islam and liberalism's perception of this category is very common and there have been many discussions about it. The concept of freedom has the most important place in the intellectual system of liberalism. Liberalists have presented negative definitions of freedom, in the sense that in order to achieve prosperity, a person must be free from all constraints, which, of course, is limited only by the freedom of others in order to avoid chaos. From the point of view of Islam, although freedom is considered one of the highest human values, it is a valuable freedom that is on the path of worshiping Hazrat Haqq. In this logic, real freedom can only be obtained through God's service. In this research, which is a descriptive-analytical method, an attempt has been made to discuss and explore the intellectual foundations of the mentioned definitions and interpretations while examining different definitions of the concept of freedom in Islam and liberalism. Finally, this article, by rooting in different ontology and anthropology in Islam and liberalism, has compared the relationship between freedom and concepts such as law, spirituality, value, limitation, ideas, thinking and justice in two schools.Freedom has always been one of the most important concerns of human life and is of particular importance in all theological and material schools. Among the schools, Islam and liberalism's perception of this category is very common and there have been many discussions about it. The concept of freedom has the most important place in the intellectual system of liberalism. Liberalists have presented negative definitions of freedom, in the sense that in order to achieve prosperity, a person must be free from all constraints, which, of course, is limited only by the freedom of others in order to avoid chaos

The present research tries to answer the question that how the stagnationist views of the Hojjatiyeh Society are rejected with the Qur'an, especially based on the evolutionary course of its descent. A descriptive and analytical study of this issue indicates that the formation of the Baha'i sect and its influence and expansion in Iranian society aroused the sensitivity and opposition of some Shia clerics and religious groups. Anjum Hojtiyeh made great efforts to counter Baha'i propaganda in Iran. As mentioned, this group in propagating religion and answering doubts chose a path that contradicted the original discourse of religion and Islamic teachings, and by recommending Muslims to bow down and do nothing, deprived them of religious vitality and created various deviations in belief. A non-dynamic understanding of the principle of taqiyyah, the category of Mahdism, the expectation and formation of the Islamic government before the emergence, was formed in the thought of Anjuman Hujtiyeh, which proves the course of the revelation of the Qur'an, the narrative of the emergence of the Islamic call and the challenges that arose on its path, contrary to their claims. Based on the gradual revelation of the Qur'an during the twenty-three years of the Prophet's (PBUH) mission, God has designed the course of the formation and integration of the Muslim population, the expansion of various fields of life, and the advancement of the borders of Islam to other eras and Egypt and the reproduction of the Islamic society. With the formation of the stages of development of the Islamic society and in parallel with the growth and expansion of the Islamic call in this process, the enmities of the oppressors have increased day by day, the opposition to the right has become more intense, it has brought with it the emergence and emergence of hidden and silent grudges and open enmities with the truth.

The Mojahedin Organization of the Islamic Revolution, which was a political, military and ideological group, was formed in 1358 from a coalition of seven militant groups against the Pahlavi imperial government. These seven groups were the Mansurun group, the Muhadeen group, the Tawhidi group of Saf, the Ummat Wahdeh group, the Falah group, the Tawhidi group of Badr, and the Falak group. They believed in a special type of legitimate government during the occultation, which In this type of government, the jurist is not elected by the people, but by some scholars as the deputy of the imam of the time. The members of the organization believed that during the absence of the 12th Imam of the Shiites, that is, Hazrat Mahdi, the jurist and "guardian" appointed in Islam should be in charge of the government with all its accessories. From the point of view of this political group, all officials in the "Islamic Republic" system derive their legitimacy from the legal guardian, who at that time was Ayatollah Khomeini, and if there is no signature and positive opinion of the legal guardian, none of the organs of the Islamic Republic will be legitimate. In this regard, this Islamist group not only opposed concepts such as democracy, democratic freedoms, and the principle of tolerance in political fields, but also believed that only "Imam line" Islamists should work in the public arena. Because they believe in the comprehensiveness of Islam in all fields and prohibit the thesis of "separation of religion from politics" and do not have any intellectual or organizational affiliation with East and West. For this reason, the organization denies the presence of liberal forces in the "Revolutionary Council" and demands their removal from the political sphere in the post-revolution era. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and based on textbook study.

opinions of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) is where the witnesses testify against someone for intentional murder and another person also confesses that he killed the same victim intentionally. This research, which is written in a descriptive-analytical method and referring to library sources, deals with the position of symptoms in the narration of Zorare from Imam Baqir (peace be upon him) in the mentioned subject based on the opinion of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him). The result is that caution which is required and non-aggression on bloodwhich is required are the two fundamental elements that Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) presented in this issue. This multi-component attitude has caused him to not issue a fatwa in accordance with the content of the mentioned narration, even though he considered Zorare's narration to be correct and paid attention to the practice of jurists, and as a result, the contents of Zorare's narration were rejected. The consequent effect on these symptoms is that there is a huge difference between the opinion of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) and other jurists on the issue of the conflict of evidence and confession in intentional murder. The jurisprudence of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) in this issue has an influence on the principle of sanctity of the Muslim life in his political thought.The consequent effect on these symptoms is that there is a huge difference between the opinion of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) and other jurists on the issue of the conflict of evidence and confession in intentional murder. The jurisprudence of Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him) in this issue has an influence on the principle of sanctity of the Muslim life in his political thought.Key words:Conflict between confession and evidence, intentional murder, Zorare's narration, deviation, Imam Khomeini (RA), inadmissibility of revenge, caution, sanctity of Muslim life.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the place of people and social justice in the political thoughts of Shahid Thani and Imam Khomeini (RA). The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and it tries to answer the question that the political thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Shahid Thani are based on the private position of the people and social justice. There are many affinities between the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Martyr Thani, and sometimes there are also differences. The findings of the research show that the shared views of Martyr Thani and Imam Khomeini (RA) mainly focus on the establishment of Islamic government and, accordingly, religious democracy based on Islamic teachings and derived from the life of the Prophet of Islam and the infallible Imams. Politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) is derived from Quranic teachings, traditions and is based on jurisprudence, principles, philosophy, theology, and mysticism. From the point of view of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Martyr Thani, true politics; It is the policy that was intended by the Prophets and the Infallible Prophets (peace be upon them). Political jurisprudence is a part of jurisprudence that is responsible for the politics and planning of Islamic society. Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties. Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties.Since Imam Khomeini's and Shahid Thani's political opinions and thoughts were not written down by themselves, extracting and explaining their intellectual foundations and theoretical bases in the field of politics has its own difficulties.

One of the disputed concepts throughout history is the concept of justice, and since injustice is associated with oppression and hegemony, these two concepts are often used together. Different schools have defined these concepts in different ways and have emphasized their specific dimensions and angles, so that the true and transcendent concept of justice has always been disputed. In the meantime, some theories such as neo-realism, representing the positivist approach, have clearly defined these concepts in the form of instrumental rationality, which has caused the reaction of post-positivism theories. They object to instrumental rationality and the calculation of material profit and loss, which is the basis of action in positivist theories.The purpose of the current research is to investigate the position of justice and hegemony in different theories of international relations with descriptive-adaptive method. Since all theories have some sort of meta-theoretical commitment and present their discussions through this lens, the current research has examined the concepts of justice and hegemony in the theory of neorealism, in addition to critical theory, the English school and constructivism representing the post-positivism spectrum, as well as Islam through the lens of meta-theoretical issues. The article seeks to understand whether Islamic justice is conceptually compatible with the definitions of justice presented by non-religious thinkers, especially Western ones, or whether it basically expresses a different concept.In this sense, the ontological, epistemological and methodological topics of different theories have been proposed and compared with each other, and based on this, the concepts of justice and domination have been examined.The main question is, considering the meta-theoretical issues, what are the views of positivist, post-positivism and Islam theories about justice and hegemony? The hypothesis is that all schools and theories have only dealt with one dimension of a multi-dimensional truth and have not paid attention to its other dimensions and pillars; While Islam has dealt with this issue with a comprehensive approach and has paid attention to justice from different angles.