نشریه هنرهای صناعی ایران
سال هفتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 12، بهار و تابستان 1403)

Ornaments constitute a broad category of cultural artifacts that serve decorative, luxurious, and occasionally functional purposes. Beyond their material and financial significance, certain types of ornaments fulfill everyday, ritualistic roles, symbolizing the cultural identity, beliefs, and the ideologies of societies while they reflect the craftsmanship and aesthetic sensibilities of artisans across different historical periods. Among these regions, the city of Shushtar, formerly the capital of Khuzestan province, has historically been a significant center for ornament production. Due to the cultural diversity of its inhabitants, the city's ornaments exhibit a distinctly multicultural character. This research seeks to examine the factors contributing to the development of this multicultural perspective in Shushtar’s handicrafts. It also explores the nature of the ornaments produced within this context, aiming to identify the decorative elements and shared cultural meanings embedded in Iranian craftsmanship with a particular focus on Khuzestan region, Shushtar, and its surrounding areas over the past century.

The present research is categorized as a qualitative and ethnographic study. One characteristic of ethnographic research is the detailed description and analysis of culture in its broadest sense. Among the various approaches to ethnography, this study adopted an interpretive and participatory approach. Data collection methods included listening to conversations—following the communication ethnography model—alongside field observations, visual documentation, interviews, and library research. Furthermore, artificial intelligence tools were employed in line to explain and enhance the theoretical framework with the latest APA style guidelines. Both in-text and external citations adhered strictly to these standards. Analysis of the conversations revealed that multiple factors—such as environmental conditions, the multicultural nature of the region, and the beliefs of its inhabitants—have significantly influenced the development of various types of ornaments in Shushtar. Consequently, relying on multicultural theory, the findings of this research are presented through descriptive and analytical methods, supported by visual evidences and a semiotic analysis of ornaments within their cultural contexts. The sample was selected purposefully, comprising a total of 55 items to ensure a comprehensive exploration of the subject matter.

The city of Shushtar, which served as the center of Khuzestan province until the early 1300s in the Persian calendar, boasts a rich and enduring cultural history alongside its urban legacy. This heritage is exemplified by landmarks such as the Sasanian water management system, the renowned production of exquisite fabrics like silk and brocade, and the city’s authentic architecture and traditional urban fabric. Due to its central position and extensive internal and external interactions throughout history, Shushtar has been a hub for the movement of people and the flourishing of various arts and crafts, including handicrafts and ornaments. The trade relationships of Shushtar’s inhabitants, particularly with India in earlier centuries, remain prominent in the collective memory of the city’s ancestors.The convergence of diverse ethnic groups, especially Bakhtiari and Arab communities, with their distinct and profound cultural roots has played a pivotal role in shaping the city’s cultural and artistic identity. This multicultural environment has led to the creation of ornaments that appeal to the tastes of Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab communities. These ornaments, some of which are introduced in this study, highlight not only the exceptional craftsmanship of Shushtar’s jewelers but also the cultural convergence evident in the production and consumption of both durable and decorative goods. This cultural synthesis preserves the intrinsic values of each contributing culture while fostering shared artistic expressions.The ornaments reflect the dynamic and ongoing interactions between the core and peripheral cultures of the region, which resonate deeply with the inclusive and collaborative spirit of Shushtar’s people. These interactions have resulted in the creation of enduring adornments that embody cultural exchange and harmony. Examples of these adornments include the Ben-nay, Chalaab, and Hand Bracelets specific to the Bakhtiari, Arab, and Shushtari communities, respectively. Additionally, ornaments used jointly by Bakhtiari and Arab communities such as Zagour and Khokhe as well as other unique items like Chaf al-Badeh (Abuloozeh), earrings under Shileh-Dala'eh (crafted in gold or silver with colored beads), Azmam, Gatar, Gabkab, Shaa'eh (Arun), Tawg, Maskereh, Qabchi, and Zamen, illustrate the rich tapestry of cultural artistry in Shushtar.

The residents of Shushtar are a blend of diverse cultures, including Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab communities, who have coexisted in the city and in its outskirts through various fluctuations in history. As the center of Khuzestan until approximately a century ago, Shushtar’s illustrious history in fabric and garment production and trade significantly influenced its artisans, particularly its ornament makers, establishing their reputation as highly skilled craftsmen. These artisans, adhering to traditional practices, created a variety of decorative items, life necessities, and objects imbued with dualistic or religious significance. These included talismans and evil-repelling artifacts, tailored to the diverse tastes of the city’s multicultural populace. This population, shaped by a fusion of cultures partially influenced by the region’s geography, embodies what theorists describe as cultural integration. Over time, these communities have cohabited and cultivated shared traditions. In this sociocultural milieu, ornaments like the Bannai, Chelab, and Hil bracelets—used respectively by the Bakhtiari, Arab, and Shushtari people—or shared items like Zagur and Jorkheh, exemplify the multicultural demands of Shushtar. The production of these ornaments underscores the concept of ‘cultural convergence,’ highlighting the blending of distinct cultural practices into unified expressions. Beyond their decorative functions, many of these items served as talismans to ward off evil or misfortune. Examples include pins with both aesthetic and protective purposes, handkerchiefs, clip pins, and tekke bands. Additionally, body ornaments such as bracelets, earrings, chestpieces, anklets, and rings often carried dual roles, combining decoration with symbolic or protective functions. Ornaments affixed to clothing also demonstrated a remarkable variety. Even seemingly minor and insignificant items were crafted with meticulous detail by Shushtar’s ornament makers. These types of adornments appear to have been primarily used by the urban population of Shushtar. While reflecting the dominant cultural tastes of the Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab tribes within the city or in its surrounding, the individual artistry and stylistic preferences of the ornament makers often prevailed. Some of these ornaments bear names that are less familiar today, a testament to Shushtar’s multicultural roots. Furthermore, the presence of ornamental designs on seemingly trivial objects such as footstones or the metal components of fans, attests to the enduring tradition of decoration in Iranian art. This tradition, rooted in the cultural convergence of Shushtar, has ensured the continuous demand for and the appreciation of artistic embellishments in this unique multicultural city.

This study is field-based and has limited theoretical aspects and aims. It is the first time it has examined, analyzed, and introduced the origin and the formal, content-based, and technical dimensions of the Mostofi design in Arak and Farahan carpets. The lack of existing resources on this design and the necessity of understanding its roots and characteristics emphasize the importance of this research. The Mostofi design is a comprehensive pattern with floral motifs, structured around paired spiral Eslimi. Based on historical samples, it likely entered Arak and Farahan carpet-weaving schools in the late 19th century and gained popularity. Eighteen distinct designs were selected and studied after excluding similar examples. The primary research question is: what are the technical and aesthetic features of the Mostofi carpet design? This research adopts a developmental, qualitative approach using descriptive-analytical methods, with data collection carried out through fieldwork, library research, and credible online databases. Innovative research into carpet designs and patterns from various regions of Iran such as Arak and Farahan carpet-weaving schools and their affiliated hubs—including notable areas like Sarough, Lilian, and Mahallat—has been scarce. This absence of comprehensive documentation and research highlights the necessity of in-depth studies in traditional arts and handicrafts. From the mid-to-late 19th century, Arak and Farahan carpet weaving gained international fame, particularly in the U.S. and Europe, due to the display of exquisite handwoven pieces such as Sarough carpets. This study focuses on the Mostofi design, one of the traditional and authentic patterns of Arak and Farahan, which was woven and marketed from the late 19th century (13th century AH) to the mid-20th century. Simultaneously, this design was also popular in Bijar and Tabriz carpet-weaving schools. The Mostofi design features a modular composition with prominent elements such as spiral Eslimi, circular or oval floral motifs, and predominantly dark blue or azure backgrounds framed by red margins. This design represents a key aspect of the identity of the Arak and Farahan carpet-weaving tradition, although its production ceased decades ago. Only a few samples are now preserved in international collections. This study seeks to explore the historical origins and aesthetic and technical features of the Mostofi design.

Due to the difficulty in locating authentic historical samples of this design, the initial search was conducted in the markets of Arak and Tehran, the primary hubs for producing and distributing Arak and Farahan carpets. However, no examples of old Mostofi designs were found. Subsequently, attention was directed toward international online databases, where a few examples were identified. This study employs a qualitative and developmental approach with a descriptive-analytical methodology. Data collection is conducted through a combination of library research and investigation in reputable international databases. The statistical population includes 30 purposefully selected non-random samples.

Based on oral and market narratives in Arak, the Mostofi design likely entered the Arak and Farahan carpet-weaving system from Bijar, potentially originating from the Caucasus region before reaching Tabriz and subsequently Bijar. The Mostofi design is modular, featuring prominent motifs such as spiral Eslimi with a single rotation, miniature patterns within the spirals, small connecting floral motifs, and a central oval or circular floral motif with buds. The margins of the selected samples exhibit consistent aesthetic and compositional characteristics with few exceptions.

This study examined the Mostofi carpet design, one of the authentic and traditional patterns of the Arak and Farahan carpet-weaving schools. Eighteen samples were selected based on structural and content-based differences among a limited number of such carpets primarily sourced from reputable international databases. The Mostofi design is no longer woven in Iran, with only limited modern adaptations available, which are not widely accepted due to their design and color limitations. Historically, the Mostofi design was modular, consisting of background and margin elements. The background typically includes three components: paired spiral Eslimi, connecting floral motifs, and a central oval or circular floral motif with roses. Margin designs were largely uniform across samples, except for rare cases. The background color is predominantly dark blue, except in a few instances (samples 2, 6, 7, and 8) where black, azure, or cream was used. Margin colors, except for one onion-colored exception, were predominantly red. The Mostofi designs had dense and intricate patterns, with interconnected elements and small motifs filling the composition. Dimensions of the original Mostofi carpets ranged from 127 cm to 405 cm in width and 204 cm to 568 cm in length, reflecting their historical popularity and demand. In contrast, modern versions are smaller, typically woven in sizes of one and a half or two zar (traditional Persian units), with limited appeal due to weak design and color schemes. While the origins of the Mostofi design in Arak and Farahan remain unclear, it is likely the same age as its counterparts in Bijar and Tabriz. Recent inappropriate change and distortion, including rude Eslimi and unconventional color schemes, have further reduced its popularity. Additionally, Bijar and Tabriz Mostofi carpets are generally smaller than those from Arak and Farahan.

Ornaments constitute a broad category of cultural artifacts that serve decorative, luxurious, and occasionally functional purposes. Beyond their material and financial significance, certain types of ornaments fulfill everyday, ritualistic roles, symbolizing the cultural identity, beliefs, and the ideologies of societies while they reflect the craftsmanship and aesthetic sensibilities of artisans across different historical periods. Among these regions, the city of Shushtar, formerly the capital of Khuzestan province, has historically been a significant center for ornament production. Due to the cultural diversity of its inhabitants, the city's ornaments exhibit a distinctly multicultural character. This research seeks to examine the factors contributing to the development of this multicultural perspective in Shushtar’s handicrafts. It also explores the nature of the ornaments produced within this context, aiming to identify the decorative elements and shared cultural meanings embedded in Iranian craftsmanship with a particular focus on Khuzestan region, Shushtar, and its surrounding areas over the past century.

The present research is categorized as a qualitative and ethnographic study. One characteristic of ethnographic research is the detailed description and analysis of culture in its broadest sense. Among the various approaches to ethnography, this study adopted an interpretive and participatory approach. Data collection methods included listening to conversations—following the communication ethnography model—alongside field observations, visual documentation, interviews, and library research. Furthermore, artificial intelligence tools were employed in line to explain and enhance the theoretical framework with the latest APA style guidelines. Both in-text and external citations adhered strictly to these standards. Analysis of the conversations revealed that multiple factors—such as environmental conditions, the multicultural nature of the region, and the beliefs of its inhabitants—have significantly influenced the development of various types of ornaments in Shushtar. Consequently, relying on multicultural theory, the findings of this research are presented through descriptive and analytical methods, supported by visual evidences and a semiotic analysis of ornaments within their cultural contexts. The sample was selected purposefully, comprising a total of 55 items to ensure a comprehensive exploration of the subject matter.

The city of Shushtar, which served as the center of Khuzestan province until the early 1300s in the Persian calendar, boasts a rich and enduring cultural history alongside its urban legacy. This heritage is exemplified by landmarks such as the Sasanian water management system, the renowned production of exquisite fabrics like silk and brocade, and the city’s authentic architecture and traditional urban fabric. Due to its central position and extensive internal and external interactions throughout history, Shushtar has been a hub for the movement of people and the flourishing of various arts and crafts, including handicrafts and ornaments. The trade relationships of Shushtar’s inhabitants, particularly with India in earlier centuries, remain prominent in the collective memory of the city’s ancestors.The convergence of diverse ethnic groups, especially Bakhtiari and Arab communities, with their distinct and profound cultural roots has played a pivotal role in shaping the city’s cultural and artistic identity. This multicultural environment has led to the creation of ornaments that appeal to the tastes of Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab communities. These ornaments, some of which are introduced in this study, highlight not only the exceptional craftsmanship of Shushtar’s jewelers but also the cultural convergence evident in the production and consumption of both durable and decorative goods. This cultural synthesis preserves the intrinsic values of each contributing culture while fostering shared artistic expressions.The ornaments reflect the dynamic and ongoing interactions between the core and peripheral cultures of the region, which resonate deeply with the inclusive and collaborative spirit of Shushtar’s people. These interactions have resulted in the creation of enduring adornments that embody cultural exchange and harmony. Examples of these adornments include the Ben-nay, Chalaab, and Hand Bracelets specific to the Bakhtiari, Arab, and Shushtari communities, respectively. Additionally, ornaments used jointly by Bakhtiari and Arab communities such as Zagour and Khokhe as well as other unique items like Chaf al-Badeh (Abuloozeh), earrings under Shileh-Dala'eh (crafted in gold or silver with colored beads), Azmam, Gatar, Gabkab, Shaa'eh (Arun), Tawg, Maskereh, Qabchi, and Zamen, illustrate the rich tapestry of cultural artistry in Shushtar.

The residents of Shushtar are a blend of diverse cultures, including Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab communities, who have coexisted in the city and in its outskirts through various fluctuations in history. As the center of Khuzestan until approximately a century ago, Shushtar’s illustrious history in fabric and garment production and trade significantly influenced its artisans, particularly its ornament makers, establishing their reputation as highly skilled craftsmen. These artisans, adhering to traditional practices, created a variety of decorative items, life necessities, and objects imbued with dualistic or religious significance. These included talismans and evil-repelling artifacts, tailored to the diverse tastes of the city’s multicultural populace. This population, shaped by a fusion of cultures partially influenced by the region’s geography, embodies what theorists describe as cultural integration. Over time, these communities have cohabited and cultivated shared traditions. In this sociocultural milieu, ornaments like the Bannai, Chelab, and Hil bracelets—used respectively by the Bakhtiari, Arab, and Shushtari people—or shared items like Zagur and Jorkheh, exemplify the multicultural demands of Shushtar. The production of these ornaments underscores the concept of ‘cultural convergence,’ highlighting the blending of distinct cultural practices into unified expressions. Beyond their decorative functions, many of these items served as talismans to ward off evil or misfortune. Examples include pins with both aesthetic and protective purposes, handkerchiefs, clip pins, and tekke bands. Additionally, body ornaments such as bracelets, earrings, chestpieces, anklets, and rings often carried dual roles, combining decoration with symbolic or protective functions. Ornaments affixed to clothing also demonstrated a remarkable variety. Even seemingly minor and insignificant items were crafted with meticulous detail by Shushtar’s ornament makers. These types of adornments appear to have been primarily used by the urban population of Shushtar. While reflecting the dominant cultural tastes of the Shushtari, Bakhtiari, and Arab tribes within the city or in its surrounding, the individual artistry and stylistic preferences of the ornament makers often prevailed. Some of these ornaments bear names that are less familiar today, a testament to Shushtar’s multicultural roots. Furthermore, the presence of ornamental designs on seemingly trivial objects such as footstones or the metal components of fans, attests to the enduring tradition of decoration in Iranian art. This tradition, rooted in the cultural convergence of Shushtar, has ensured the continuous demand for and the appreciation of artistic embellishments in this unique multicultural city.

Arts which are based on sacred knowledge supported by the idea of ​​human growth and excellence are called traditional arts. These kinds of arts generally lead into the creation of a work with intrinsic beauty and valuable cultural content. One of the most important components of traditional arts that makes them stand out is: its compatibility with traditional knowledge and knowledge of images, its harmony with the principles of coding and traditional symbolization, its compatibility with the inherent nature of the materials, and its functionality and application. Unfortunately, today, due to some deficiencies, the loss or the oblivion of many fields of traditional arts has become foregrounded. Therefore, this research is trying to use the well-known approach of future research to identify these problems and to provide appropriate solutions to achieve a possible and desirable future for the traditional arts of Iran.

The collection of information in this research is based on scientific documents, library and field studies. Interviews were conducted with 33 experts, and active and busy working artists in the art workshops of the Traditional Arts Research Institute. The interview was undertaken through a questionnaire and the Delphi method. In addition, a purposeful and non-probability sampling method was chosen to select the interviewees until theoretical saturation was reached. The selection of participants was based on indicators including: being a professor or an art expert, having a first or second degree in art, having an academic education, and having an average of 20 years of work experience. The criteria for selecting interviewees was based on the recommended approach for sampling in qualitative studies, which includes parameters such as significance from the perspective of knowledge and expertise, well-known, theoretical knowledge, diversity, and participation motivation.

In this research, driving indicators have been obtained using the parameters of trends, events, images, and actions. The results of the trend and event parameters were achieved through interviews and written library documents; also image and action parameters were obtained by the evaluation of the questionnaires. After the key drives were determined, the following scenarios were written to achieve the desired future: human beings are members of one family; each hand is a seeker, and one hand makes no sound. The results showed that 10 driving factors are effective in the scenarios that are mentioned below (Fig. 1).Fig. 1: Drivers influencing the formation of the future research scenarios of traditional arts of IranThe interviewees emphasized the artist’s awareness of the art's historical roots, which means sufficient knowledge about the historical background and its ups and downs. In addition, they believed that student's attraction towards and interests in learning traditional art can result from the growth of his insight and inner transformation. They also introduced the condition that a student entering the field of traditional arts must have individual capabilities such as perseverance, artistic prejudice, self-esteem, and patience in the face of difficulties. Most of the artists expressed education and learning as the bases of transference of traditional arts to the next generation. In the past, over a relatively long period, the method of training was ‘master-apprentice.’ However, with the arrival of academic and scientific centers, the duration of education was reduced to short courses. Besides, due to the lack of media coverage, exposure, and held-up courses and workshops, the level of awareness and the culture of the society regarding the learning of Iranian traditional arts has decreased. Creativity and innovation are the most basic factors in designing and implementing a great traditional work. Government support can also be helpful in the form of free or low-interest loans to help procure high-quality raw materials. The use of new methods in implementation and updated tools while preserving local and traditional motifs can lead to the growth of the production process. The formation of correct management working groups, cooperation, and participation of public and private sectors help marketing. As a result, some valuable and expensive artworks can be sold quickly in the international markets. In this way, it promotes development and entrepreneurship. The results related to the foresight emphasized the following: valuing traditional arts, combining different art disciplines, documenting works of art and artist masters, using the experiences of successful countries, and creating stable international relations.

This research is the first preliminary step to identify the key drives of the foresight of traditional arts in Iranian culture and art history. The results showed that among the 10 identified driving patterns, eight patterns were more effective; four patterns (awareness and culture, teaching and learning, creativity, and innovation) were influenced by internal variables. The other four cases (government support in production, marketing, sales, and entrepreneurship sectors) were influenced by external variables. These variables were directly and indirectly related to the decisions made by senior managers and subordinate officials. In addition, the formation of non-governmental organizations coordinated with government institutions in the field of traditional arts prevents rework overtime or even going astray. Perhaps, these forces that have been remained hidden from view in this area act in ineffective ways or have been in conflict with each other. This status caused disruption or stopped the process of development of traditional arts in Iran. Weakening the status of Iran's traditional arts also creates a dangerous situation in regard to other cultural and historical parts of the country. Therefore, if the attention of the upper legislative institutions is focused on these parameters, they can benefit from the opportunities by forming proper management working groups. The scenarios of this research suggest that if planned budgets are allocated to the field of traditional arts, this area can respond to the needs arising from the artistic community. In this case, the spirit of self-confidence, social well-being, a healthy economy, and prosperity of the urban, rural, and even nomadic tourism industry will be improved. This leads to an increase in the employment of young people in the field of traditional arts and tourism as well as an increase in and improvement of vitality at the level of society as well as a decrease in the possibility of criminal incidents.

The ever-increasing advancement of technology and the rapid growth of factors in the surrounding environment have created efficient aspects in various fields. Therefore, neither aligning with technology nor improving the basic level in the field of physical sales of handwoven carpets can cause damages. The market of handwoven carpet, especially in terms of its sale, is one of the cases that will face a fatal blow unless it fends off the traditional framework and takes note of technology in addition to physical sales. Although handwoven carpet is a national art that has deep roots in Iranian history, culture and civilization, a work of art requires fluidity, dynamism, and movement in order to maintain its place and relevance in the course of history. It is this change that can leave a phenomenon standing and active in any state, especially in the contemporary era when societies are moving along with the currents of technology.

An increase in and a growth of sales in the field of handwoven carpets requires activity in social media and digital spaces; since the current era is dominated by electronic technologies, carpet business due to its advertising, marketing, designing, buying and selling dimensions cannot ignore media and digital spaces. The purpose of this article is to study and investigate one of the traditional ways of selling carpets, i.e., physical sales, which still largely depends on the traditional methods of physical supply of handwoven carpets. The main goal of this research is to explore the pathology of the physical sale of handwoven carpets in the contemporary society of Iran. For that reason, physical sales and the quality of its implementation in the market are studied and examined to uncover the weaknesses and damages created in this area. Therefore, the main question is, what threats are endangering the handwoven carpet market due to inappropriate physical sales? What is the classification of threats based on Harrison's model and the impact and performance of those threats on the field of handwoven carpets? What solutions can be effective in order to remove these threats in the field of physical sales? The information in this study was collected from the internet sources, articles as well as from evidences and opinions of 11 individuals active in this field, selected purposefully. Also, it   was completed based on theoretical saturation. The tool utilized in this research to identify the opinions of the interviewees was a semi-structured interview.

The specified results indicate the identification of 16 cases of threats in the field of physical sales of handwoven carpets, determined based on the classification of Harrison's pathology model; five cases of these threats were individual threats; five other cases included group threats, and six other cases were related to organizational threats. The performance and impact of threats on the field of physical sales and the general axis of this art-industry were short-term, medium-term, and long-term ones respectively. In the following, special solutions were presented for each case of threat. Since the field of physical sales is one of the main areas of sales which has a huge volume of target markets, it is impossible to ignore the threat caused in this area. These threats were largely caused by inappropriate physical sales in the domestic markets, and no effort was made to prevent them from getting worse. After drawing the desired situation and identifying the existing situation, the existing threats in the field of physical sale of handwoven carpets were identified and discovered. Sixteen cases of threats were identified, among which the threats in the field of physical sale of handwoven carpets were higher. Since different parts of the handwoven carpet in the target markets are related to each other, threats to one part of it can change different fields in the field of handwoven carpet to the extend that all the positive and negative consequences will be brought to the body of this art-industry. In order to reach the desired situation and to overcome the current physical sale of handwoven carpets, the investigation of harms and threats are necessary for the managers, workers, and producers active in this field. Utilizing Harrison's pathology model to do so, this study classifies them into three categories: individual harms, group harms, and organizational harms. Also, the performance and impact of harms in the area of ​​handwoven carpets were determined. The results of their classification and their impact on the field of handwoven carpets were interpreted based on the three components of short-term and their impact on the field of handwoven carpets, medium-term damage and long-term damage in Harrison's pathology model. Based on each damage in this area, 16 correct and targeted solutions were presented according to the opinions of the interviewees.

In this study, after introducing the damages and their impact on the field of handwoven carpets, all of them were evaluated based on Harrison's pathology model; based on the components in this model, they were separated and interpreted into three categories: individual damage, group damage, and organizational damage. The results of this article showed that if each producer individually undertook a pathological study of himself and his products along with improving his level in line with today's age of technology, the damages would be less, and a process without damages from the individual level, to the group level, to the organizational level was multiplied. As mentioned, little and insufficient information about science and technology caused handwoven carpets business to remain in traditional frameworks. The damages identified in this research range from modern marketing and advertising to the arrangement of carpets and their sale.

South Khorasan Province is considered as one of the important regions of carpet production in the southeastern part of Iran. The carpets produced in this province are primarily created in two well-known styles: urban weaving (centered around the provincial capital and the city of Birjand) and nomadic weaving (focused on Baluch and Arab nomads dispersed throughout the province). Throughout historical eras, South Khorasan has consistently attracted the attention of state rulers, who have utilized nomadic forces to ensure border security. Some tribes have migrated to South Khorasan by force, while others have voluntarily moved to find suitable grazing lands. Generally, among nomads weavers, most patterns are geometric and abstract. The stylized floral designs vary significantly depending on the region they belong to. In other words, specific patterns within each classification are determined based on nomad groups’s place of residence. Additionally, there some designs that have been adapted from other carpets. Despite its variety, the study of nomadic carpets in the South Khorasan province has received little attention due to the geographical dispersion of nomadic living areas and the difficulty in accessing authentic samples of these carpets.

The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, with data collected through both library and field studies. The historical background data of South Khorasan was gathered through library resources, while the identification of samples was carried out in the field. The statistical population was purposefully selected based on the accessible and currently produced carpets in the region. Given the diversity of design and pattern structures in nomadic areas, a classification based on common categories was employed for a better identification of patterns. These patterns were divided into seven general categories as illustrated in Fig. 1:Fig.1: classification of nomadic carpets of South Khorasan (authors)

The diversity of designs and patterns in the nomadic carpets of South Khorasan, as one of Iran's key carpet weaving centers, reflects various aspects of cultural and ethnic influences of the weavers. The associated patterns are intertwined with the nomadic lifestyle. Depending on their location in the mentioned regions, these designs and motifs were found to possess unique shapes and characteristics.In examining the patterns and motifs of nomadic carpets, the deployment of designs such as Medallion with corner, Pictorial, Tree, Mihrabi, Medallion, Repeated Design, and Lachak (Corner) is evident. The most commonly used design is the Panel pattern, while Pictorial, Corner, and Tree designs are less frequently used in this area. The design structure of carpets in this province includes 16 specific types, including: cloud flower medallion with corner, Fathollahi medallion with corner, bird medallion, peacock medallion, white corner, Gol Keshmiri repeated design, Madadkhani repeated design, double-flower repeated design, Chapat Ashtar repeated design, Bazubandi panel design, vase repeated design, Kashan flower repeated design, pine tree, Parjalaki mihrabi, and prayer rug mihrabi. The predominant form of the medallion in the carpets of the region is diamond-shaped, often featuring a single medallion. In terms of divisions, they are mostly executed in quarters. The form used in the structure of the region's corners is predominantly triangular, incorporating motifs related to the overall design. An examination of the borders in the nomadic carpets of South Khorasan reveals that certain designs are commonly shared among carpets, with the most significant borders being Kajhmar, Sizdahdomi, Attareh Shakhdar, Ya Ali, Golkoloucheh, and Chehelmorg. The most common border divisions include three, five, seven, and eight-part divisions. The shape diversity, found in rural and nomadic carpets of South Khorasan, is based on broken motifs, and the decorative elements used in the borders are considered one of the main structures examined in these carpets. Alongside the breadth and variety, specific motifs can be identified as fixed and repetitive patterns in carpets of the region.

The studies conducted on the common motifs in the nomadic carpets of South Khorasan Province indicate that the majority of the design space is occupied by abstract and broken motifs inspired by the weavers' surrounding environment. Given their lifestyle, the use of local plant motifs, including various flowers and leaves as well as animal motifs such as goats, camels, birds, and horses, is prevalent in these carpets. Additionally, abstract human motifs (stick figures) are observed in some carpets from the region.

Like other aspects of modernity, photography in Iran began during the Qajar era and flourished during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah. The images captured during this period, including historical sites, landscapes, professions, customs, and particularly authentic Iranian craft arts, hold significant value and importance. Throughout history, these images have preserved Iranian identity and enabled future generations to examine historical and social developments and to understand various aspects of Iranian culture. Therefore, one of the best contexts for studying the status and functions of craft arts during the Qajar period, creating an essential component of Iran’s cultural identity, is the photographs left from this era. Analyzing and examining the role of craft arts in these images offer a fresh perspective on their functions in the Qajar era and enhance the understanding of photography as a cultural and artistic element as photography in Iran has evolved primarily based on a unique visual culture, societal living styles, and an underlying culture.

This research aims to analyze the visual aspects of craft arts in photographs from the Qajar era and to investigate the cultural and social functions of these elements in the photography of the time. It seeks to answer the following questions: What are the impacts of incorporating Iranian craft arts on the visual aspects of Qajar photographs? What are the cultural and social functions of these craft arts in Qajar photography? This study is fundamental and qualitative. The research method is descriptive-analytical with data collection conducted through library and documentary methods. Images were selected from 115 Qajar photographs taken by Iranian and non-Iranian photographers from various accessible sources. The aim was to cover different social classes of the Qajar era and the diversity of craft arts. To achieve the research objectives, this study conducted a brief review of the inception of photography during the Qajar period along with an analysis of Iranian craft arts present in photographs, the composition, and the visual arrangement of elements.

The various forms of Iranian craft arts in the Qajar era, including carpets and kilims, different types of textiles, leather, felt-making, calico printing, pen box making, glass and pottery workshops, brasswork, jewelry making, and woodworking for furniture, are traceable in the surviving images from this period. To cover different social classes and various types of craft arts in the photographs, the images were studied in three groups: the nobility and courtiers, ordinary people and professionals, and women. The craft arts depicted in the images of the nobility and courtiers include luxury items such as textiles with bottejeqqe patterns, paisley, books and pen box, vases with specific Iranian motifs, carved tables and chairs, carpets, and rugs. The application of these elements in the images serves more than just the purpose of capturing the individual’s face and expressions; it is a means of recording and conveying the individual’s identity and social status. Factors such as the high cost of photography, technical limitations, poverty, illiteracy, and cultural resistance restricted photography within affluent classes. Most craft arts in the images of ordinary people were functional with many of these individuals depicted as the main creators of Iranian craft arts. In examining the images of women, the use of craft arts is reflected in valuable jewelry and textiles featuring elaborate embroidery such as zari and golabetoon embroidery as well as termeh. Additionally, in some images, women are shown engaged in handicraft professions, including needlework and carpet weaving. The analysis of the composition and of the visual arrangement of individuals and elements in these photographs reveals the use of vertical and horizontal axes, adherence to the principle of symmetry, and the application of indigenous visual traditions in Iranian pictorial arts. This allows Qajar photographers to convey specific meanings and concepts in their works. The application of Iranian craft arts in Qajar-era photographs, through the creation of an Iranian ambiance in these images, helped establish a distinct identity rooted in Iranian culture. This situation makes photography a culture-building medium. The cultural beliefs and values of the Iranian people have always manifested in craft arts, forming a unique visual taste that significantly influences the acceptance or the rejection of new artistic phenomena such as photography. Thus, undoubtedly, the display of craft arts in Qajar photographs reflects the nobility’s pride in the art of their ancestors and the ancient history of Iran and enhances public awareness of the value of handicraft works. Moreover, the craft arts depicted in these images have improved the global understanding of Iranian culture and art and influenced artistic movements worldwide.

The incorporation of craft arts in images from this period was one of the key factors that enabled photography in the Qajar era to fulfill its mission as a novel and distinctive phenomenon in creating and recording images and transmitting them to future generations. The results of this study indicate that the craft arts in the composition of Qajar photography scenes, in addition to their visual functions based on the distinctive Iranian pictorial tradition and decorative aspects, also possess significant cultural and social functions: providing Iranian identity to the photographs, using photography as a culture-building medium, fostering alignment with public taste, and enhancing the public’s relationship with the emerging phenomenon of photography, improving global recognition of Iranian culture and art through the transfer of photographs to Europe, increasing the attention of rulers and ordinary people toward valuable craft arts, influencing global artistic movements, and ultimately playing a role in transmitting concepts and representing the identity and status of different social classes during the Qajar era.

The creation of indigenous handicrafts by using raw materials from the surrounding environment firstly aims not only at producing a product to meet the needs but also at forming a basis for income generation. The process of industrialization and the emergence of new raw materials in the present era has greatly reduced the demand for indigenous handicrafts. It seems necessary to examine the knowledge, skills, and capacities of indigenous handicrafts in connection with other scientific fields. Today, co-creation has been proposed as a collaborative method in solving problems. Based on this, the current research has been conducted with the aim of identifying and explaining the co-creation approach in this field, with special reference to the model of Sanders and Stappers. In other words, in the present study the co-creation method proposed by Sanders and Steppers for indigenous designers and artisans will be investigated and described operationally, and its capabilities in empowering indigenous handicraft artisans will be determined.

The current research used a qualitative and descriptive-phenomenological method. Data collection was based on the library method. Analysis and description are the most important steps in descriptive phenomenology. In the analysis, the identification of the essence of the phenomenon is investigated; that is, the basic elements of the phenomenon are classified, and the relationships among them are described. At the analysis stage, the identification and understanding of the phenomenon of co-creation in handicrafts was carried out according to Sanders and Stappers’s model as well as other researcher’s ideas. In the description section, by emphasizing the experience of the authors, the pattern of co-creation was compared with the conditions required in indigenous handicrafts. At this stage, the phenomenon of co-creation in handicrafts was staged, and its operational steps were described. In other words, a crude description of the phenomenon was avoided and the stages of the mentioned model were explained in depth and with an operational approach.

The results showed that co-creation in handicraft works as a learning mechanism which enabled artisans and designers to acquire knowledge and skills based on a shared experience. In the description of the mentioned model, the cooperation of both groups begins in the preliminary stage with ‘fuzzy front end’ and before the beginning of the designing process. This term refers to the invisible, ambiguous, and chaotic nature of this stage. In this step, all participants should work together to define a clear design strategy and ideas for developing the collaborative process. When designers came to co-create and develop a product in a certain region and style, several stages could be considered for them: familiarization with the local environment, with handicraft techniques and products, and with native materials. During the vague fuzzy front end, the required knowledge was mostly transferred in the master/apprentice mode.After the fuzzy front end, the ‘design development process’ follows, in which the design criteria and everything obtained in the previous section lead to ideas, concepts, prototypes, and, then, modified products. What needs to be done in the design development stage is the development process based on a product design and a development approach. One of the most common design approaches, which are generally used, is the four-stage of: design, discussion, prototyping, and presentation.In the design development process, there may be a gap between manufacturers and designers in terms of responsiveness to the idea of creating new products. It is possible that the artisans are stuck in their traditional skills, and the designers do not have enough knowledge related to that art. Therefore, in the design development process, the repeated stages of drawing, discussion, and sampling help fill this gap. After completing the first stage and repeating it again, manufacturers and designers became increasingly involved in the co-creation process. By passing this stage, the relationship between artisans, designers, and stakeholders is established and strengthened. The experiences and feedback obtained from this stage led to the beginning of the second stage and the gradual modification of the effect; finally, the production of a complete and practical sample is obtained by repeating the previous four stages. The joint prototyping process enables the industrialists to understand the production methods and design materials; the designers also gained a better understanding of the local industry and of the way to combine modernization with it. 

This research is based on the description of a practical theory in the development of indigenous handicraft products and also the investigation of the possibilities of handicraft production as a contemporary economic activity. In this study, a co-creation process has been proposed for redesigning indigenous handicrafts. One of the most important results of this cooperation is the creation and the transfer of knowledge among handicrafts makers, designers and other related industries. The experiential learning and knowledge gained through cooperation form an important element in the professional development of the activists in this field. Students and craft designers in this field can act as change agents. These people can help local handicrafts by using their knowledge to create innovative business plans. This cooperation is a learning experience for both groups of people. In addition to the usefulness of this event for local artisans, the integration and application of indigenous handicrafts in the academic activities of the students of this field, due to its implementing and operational nature, effectively enriches their knowledge of unfamiliar fields. The results obtained from this survey can be used to inspire the artisans and designers to develop the indigenous handicrafts of Iran. In general, the process of co-creation by combining distinct local characteristics and novel ideas gives a new life to local art products. Based on this, and according to what has been achieved, it is suggested that the presented co-creation model should be used for the cooperation of designers and manufacturers in order to promote and facilitate the production of local handicrafts in many regions of Iran. Furthermore, by using this method, the students of handicrafts can experience the process of production and development of indigenous handicrafts in practice and enrich their knowledge.

The Islamic world in the 14th century witnessed the establishment of a government on the ruins of the Ayyubid state in Egypt, known as the Mamluk Sultanate, which lasted for nearly three centuries.The Mamluk system had a distinct impact on metalworking and other arts. Due to the considerable wealth concentrated in the hands of the Mamluk sultans, they became more prominent patrons of art compared to the local populations. As a result, the metalwork from this era, driven by commissions from sultans and rulers for ceremonies and formal occasions, encompassed various objects with different functions, including ceremonial, religious, and courtly consumption items. Among the themes depicted on these early Mamluk works are the iconographies related to astrology and celestial signs, feasting, hunting, and warfare. The main purpose of this research is to articulate the characteristics of the motifs, concepts, and themes embedded in the Mamluk metalwork preserved in the Metropolitan Museum.

According to the stated purpose, the following question arise during the course of this research:What motifs have been utilized in the decorations of Mamluk metalwork preserved in the Metropolitan Museum, and what type of motifs are predominant in the decoration of these works? The research is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. Data collection has been carried out using library resources. The total number of works in the Metropolitan Museum includes 30 samples, which were purposefully and consciously selected from seven groups of works in the museum. Four works from the seven groups were chosen based on their date of creation. The first group included works with a basin form; the second group contained two items from the boxes in this collection. The works were selected based on their date of creation; the first sample from each group was the oldest, and the second sample was the most recent within the studied timeframe.

The analysis of the decorative motifs in the selected metalworks revealed that these artworks employed a combination of human, animal, plant, calligraphic, and geometric motifs. Based on the research findings, it can be concluded that in the early centuries of the Mamluk period, the prevalent motifs used in metalworks primarily included calligraphic, human, plant, and geometric designs. A tendency to cover the entire surfaces of the artworks with motifs was a characteristic feature of metalworks from this period. The common themes in human motifs often related to astronomy, courtly life, and festivities. In terms of calligraphy, Kufic script was widely used, while plant and geometric motifs were typically employed to fill borders, backgrounds, medallions, and frames. However, during the middle period, after experiencing a temporary decline due to unfavorable governmental and political conditions, the style of composition and diversity of motifs underwent changed, resulting in works that often lacked human motifs. Larger medallions filled with large lotus flowers and their buds; poppies and five-petaled flowers became more prominent. The only animal motif depicted in the works from this period was flying ducks, which were either entwined around the central medallion or represented as decorative borders or symmetrically on the bodies of the pieces  which were essential to Mamluk motifs. Calligraphic inscriptions in Naskh and Thuluth scripts gained significant importance during this period, often praising the sultans and wishing for their victory and health. Geometric motifs alongside these designs also held a special place, while plant motifs continued to serve to fill empty spaces in geometric compositions, except for cases where they were used as color accents. The use of specific colors associated with each emir and sultan during this period was particularly significant. The final changes in the decoration of artworks, as noted in the research process, belonged to the 15th century. During this period, there was a strong inclination towards a distinctive and highly refined style which was commendable in terms of execution skills and geometric, botanical complexities. High-quality calligraphic inscriptions were completely eliminated, and lines were mostly placed within geometric frames, often indicating the artist's or owner's identity. The use of medallions with rectangular, oval, and square frames as well as the frequent incorporation of polygonal sunburst motifs on the base or the body of the works brought the metalworks of this period to a peak of flourishing.

The engravings and metalworks of the Mamluk period can initially be regarded as a combination of characteristics of metalworking from neighboring regions, including Iran, Mosul, and the traditions preceding the Mamluks, specifically the engravings from the Ayyubid period. In fact, from the mid to the late 13th century, Mamluk metal engravings represented a synthesis of the art from these regions. The forms of the works and the techniques employed continued the traditions of Ayyubid, Iranian, and Mosul metalwork; however, the most significant influence and borrowing can be traced back to Iranian art, particularly from Khorasan. The last period of substantial influence on the motifs of Mamluk metalwork emerged in the 15th century. The works from this era in Egypt were influenced by the metalwork of neighboring Islamic regions, particularly Iran's western and northwestern areas, coinciding with Timurid metalworking. The use of Timurid manuscripts in Cairo during the mid-15th century further highlights the impact of Iranian art on Mamluk motifs (which had also been influenced during the Ilkhanid period). This influence may be attributed to the peace established between Iran and Egypt as well as to the trade and economic relations between Iran, Egypt, and Europe along with the presence of artists such as Mahmoud al-Kurdi. During the Mamluk period, the types of motifs, design forms, and spatial organization of bodies along with intricate arabesque forms and techniques in inlay work, resulted in beautifully and magnificently produced works that garnered admiration from Europeans and resulted in numerous commissions for these works. In the mid-15th century, it became difficult to distinguish between works produced in Iran, workshops in Cairo and Damascus, Turkey, and European samples whether in terms of motifs, techniques or quality of execution. This convergence resulted from the mutual influences that these regions had on each other over several centuries, leading to a kind of artistic unity.

Recognition of indigenous knowledge and technologies, some of which have been represented in form of handicrafts, is a requirement for sustainable development in developing countries. Fortunately, Iran has a brilliant position in the world in terms of indigenous knowledge and traditional technologies regarding handicrafts, although it is lacking in quality research and studies on such folk knowledge and technologies. Among such folk knowledge that has not gained that necessary attention, one can refer to Mootabi. The indigenous art and craft of Mootabi can be located in the city of Bafruiyeh in Meybod, Yazd. As a bedrock of this indigenous art, Meybod was named the National Mootabi city of Iran by the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism, and Handicrafts in July, 2025. The history of this art and craft in Bafruiyeh, which is one of its main centers in the country, can be considered to be more than two centuries old. Mootabi refers to the spinning of goat hair to produce direct products such as Ghatmeh, rope, barbs, and indirect products such as black-cloth, sackcloth, cow hide, donkey hide, and camel hide. The most important advantages of goat hair are: its greenness, it’s compatible with the environment; the automatic function of goat hair in winter and summer to protect against heat, cold, and rain, keep dangerous biting insects and reptiles away from it, and resist fire.

The main issue of this research is to show the historical developments of Mootabi art-industry in Bafruiyeh, Meybod. This research, which was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method, aims at better understanding of Mootabi and its historical developments as well as giving identity to the practitioners of this art-industry and paving the way for its revival in more up-to-date forms. The data of this research were collected through field and library studies and through means of observation, interview, photography, and recording. The statistical population of this research in its field section consists of the Mootabs of Bafruiyeh, local experts and historians, as well as the urban managers of Bafruiyeh. The necessary statistical samples were selected using a non-probability snowball method until the last sample or until theoretical saturation. For this purpose, the informants of the city of Bafruiyeh were first met. After interviews and discussions about the generalities of Mootabi handicrafts, the scholars and practicing activists of this field were asked about, and in this way more people were identified. After that, specialized interview sessions were held with them. In these interviews, researchers asked their own questions and recorded the given answers in form of audio. The next stage was observation, carried out in forms of pure and participatory observation. To observe, researchers went to the available few historic workshops in Bafruiyeh neighborhood. To gain a better and deeper understanding of the ins and outs of Mootabi, one of the researchers spent some time learning Mootabi from a Mootabi master to be able to perform it practically. 

The findings of this study show that since about 1957, with the arrival of electricity, machinery, and automobiles in Bafruiyeh, all aspects of Mootabi have gradually changed, including the ways of obtaining goat hair, its transportation, its production process, its manufactured products, its consuming markets, its employment rates, its place in economy, the social base of the employed ones, and the reputation of the city of Bafruiyeh. After the arrival of machinery (both freight-carrying machines and machines involved in the production process), the profitability and the number of employees in this craft went beyond the usual state and grew rapidly. However, this trend changed since the late 1970s. After 1950s, the profitability of this art and industry was more in the trade sector than in production, so that not only the final products but also the hair that had been cut and combed were sold as intermediate goods to tribes. While before that, the profitability was more in the production sector. The centers for the procurement of raw materials and consumer markets were so expanded and diversified that buyers from Sistan and Baluchistan came to Bafruiyeh and sometimes stayed for several days until the goods they needed were produced. Mootabi products were even exported abroad. This trend began to decline from the late 1970s until it almost disappeared in 2000s. The introduction of machinery into this art and industry reduced the employment of women, because women were mostly engaged in cleaning and combing hair. However, removing lint from hair is still considered a female task to some extent. The introduction of machinery improved production, profitability, employment rates, and the social and economic base of the Mootabi; however, since the late 1970s, this trend has been reversed so much so that many Mootabs have even changed their surnames from ‘Mootabi Bafruiyeh.’

The important point is that, despite access to electricity, Bafruiyeh’s Mootab still performs fortunately the main part, which is braiding hair together, completely manually and traditionally. This has led to the recognition of Mootabi art and craft as a handicraft to the extend that in January 2014, Mootab was included in the list of intangible heritage of Iran. The most important issue, capable of stabilizing and Thriving this art and craft, is that the attitude of producers to consider the concept of "contemporariness" without compromising the authenticity and craftsmanship of Mootabi. By observing this condition, modernity can be welcomed in all stages of raw material procurement, processing, production, and market consumption. Of course, it is first necessary for the Mootabs to be recognized in terms of identity to regain self-confidence. This is the condition that the researchers hope to be realized through such studies.

Mi'raj is recognized as a significant theme within Islamic culture and has been depicted repeatedly by various miniaturists. This study concentrates on the esteemed illustration of Mohammad's Mi'raj based on Nizami’s Khamsa, commissioned by Shah Tahmasp, attributed to Tabriz School during the Safavid period, and created by Sultan Mohammed, a notable miniaturist associated with the Safavid court. This miniature operates as a narrative text that conveys meaningful messages to its viewers. Rather than merely reflecting visual aspects of reality, the miniaturist approaches their work from an elevated perspective to generate deeper meanings. Essentially, before being rendered visually by the miniaturist, a miniature is shaped by his beliefs and convictions, resulting in a unique expression characterized by specific colors and symbols. The individual and societal perspectives of the miniaturist significantly influence their mode of expression.

Iconology serves to reconstruct an entire program or context and includes multiple texts situated within an environment encompassing artistic and cultural contexts (Adams, 2008: 51). Regardless of how superficial or insignificant an image may appear, it inherently contains meanings that are subject to interpretation (Durand, 1992: 19-20). This study examines the miniature in question through an iconological method applied in three distinct stages. The first stage involves a descriptive pre-iconographic analysis that addresses primary meanings, tangible forms, visual details, and a descriptive critique of the miniatures. The second stage focuses on iconographic analysis aimed at uncovering secondary or conventional meanings by aligning the literary text with the corresponding miniatures. Finally, in the iconological stage accompanied by interpretative efforts the themes, concepts, and symbols represented in the miniature are thoroughly analyzed.

Nizami’s The Khamsa, commissioned by Shah Tahmasp and compiled within the Tabriz school, is cataloged under number "or.2265" at the British Library. This manuscript comprises 808 pages made from small royal-sized paper and encompasses all five poetic works by Nizami. The Tabriz miniaturist school during the Safavid era is influenced by three artistic traditions: the Turkmen school in Tabriz, the Herat school (associated with Turkmen commerce in Shiraz), and lesser-known schools from Samarkand across the Seyhun River (Robinson, 2011: 50). A century after this miniature was created by Sultan Mohammed, it underwent restoration by Mohammad Zaman during the reign of Suleiman I in Persia; this restoration reveals deeper meanings inherent within the miniature (Sims, 2002: 82). Sultan Mohammed employed minimal gilding in this artwork; his restrained decoration allowed ample space for depicting gestures and movements. Conversely, swirling white clouds and abundant wild golden flames serve as striking decorative elements within the composition. The miniaturist incorporated visual elements absent from the literary text itself, namely a crown (attributed to Mohammad Zaman), a fiery cup, fruits, clouds, and golden vessels.The analysis of the interplay between the literary text and Mohammad's Mi'raj miniature indicates that both Sultan Mohammed and the restorer, Mohammad Zaman, were not entirely faithful to Nizami's original text; they frequently omitted descriptions concerning the Prophet's presence within divine realms and related events while neglecting certain themes as well as animate and inanimate elements. It can be concluded that non-living themes and elements were integrated into the miniature to fulfill specific objectives set by the miniaturist. Notably, an angel is depicted offering a ring to Mohammad the Prophet within this miniature; this ring, in a critict’s view, may symbolize succession or Imamate. The ring held by the angel serves as one of the several visual and thematic symbols associated with Shia’ culture. Additionally, depicting a crown in an angel’s hands as it approaches Mohammad who gazes back at viewers with a subtly ironic smile underscores both royal sanctity and divine favor bestowed upon him through this crown. Furthermore, this portrayal reflects Mohammad Zaman's critical perspective on the governance of Suleiman I; he regarded Suleiman as unworthy of royal authority while bestowing it instead upon a prophet characterized by true meritocracy, justice, and piety. Thus, within this miniature context, the crown emerges as a symbol of rightful kingship.

The iconological analysis of Mi'raj miniature depicting Mohammad the Prophet indicates that it does not adhere strictly to Nizami's literary text; instead, it significantly omits various descriptions related to the Prophet's presence in the celestial realm and associated events. It can be concluded that Sultan Mohammed concentrated on spiritual themes, whereas Mohammad Zaman articulated a critical viewpoint regarding prevailing social, political, cultural, and religious conditions. A closer examination of Mohammad Zaman's restoration efforts, including his addition of an angel who gazed intently at viewers while presenting a crown to the Prophet, occured during the rule of Suleiman I in Persia; a time characterized by social injustice, corruption, and courtly betrayal.This context is reflected in Mohammad Zaman's work; among all the angels surrounding Mohammad, one specifically gazes knowingly at the audience with a smile. This portrayal suggests that Mohammad Zaman may have represented himself holding a crown, an added inanimate element within the artwork. Notably, this angel is depicted in motion as it presents the crown to Mohammad. The implication is that the miniaturist consider Mohammad’s character as the one who deserves kingship as wll as taking refuge in, a suitable model for governance during the reign of Suleiman I. The results of this study demonstrate that this miniature emerges from spiritual and religious perspectives prevalent at its time of creation and is deeply rooted in Islamic wisdom traditions. Additionally, cultural influences and social customs from the Safavid period as well as prevalent visual elements within miniature art concerning clothing and character depictions have significantly shaped its creation. Sultan Mohammed was influenced by this mystical perspective when crafting his work; concurrently, Mohammad Zaman’s restoration was informed by tumultuous political and social circumstances. Ultimately, this miniature reflects a confluence of its creator’s political, social, spiritual, and religious viewpoints that stem from both societal conditions and philosophical beliefs characteristic of that era.

The nature of the religion and rituals of the Bronze Age Luristan metalworkers has always been met with conflicting interpretations. Among these artifacts is a bronze bowl dating back to the 8th century BC, featuring eleven celestial depictions and seven Aramaic inscriptions arranged in a meaningful configuration. Most researchers attribute the production of Luristan bronzes to Indo-Aryan groups such as the Scythians, Kassites, Medes, and Cimmerians. However, despite the universal acknowledgment of this artifact's origin within the Luristan Iron Age culture, previous studies have failed to interpret the cryptic motifs and concepts on the bowl within the mythological and symbolic framework of Indo-Aryan beliefs. This research hypothesizes that analyzing the celestial depictions on this artifact can shed light on the existing ambiguities surrounding the religion of these people. Therefore, for the first time, the celestial motifs of sections two and six of this bowl are analyzed based on the narrative and mythological concepts of Indo-Aryan religions and in relation to other Luristan bronze motifs.

This research is qualitative in nature and employs a descriptive-analytical approach. Data were gathered from library resources and museums. As a first step, the visual patterns of the celestial motifs in sections 2 and 6 were described. Since the pattern connecting the stars in section 2 of the bowl had been lost and this motif lacked a direct equivalent among modern constellations, it was necessary to reconstruct the overall celestial map at the time of the bowl's creation (800 BC) using the following methods 1) Utilizing the Stellarium astronomy software; 2) Aligning the constellations around the bowl with the modern zodiac and cardinal axes of the sky in 800 BC; 3) Consulting visual sources containing ancient constellations. After identifying the astral identities of the motifs, several sources were used to interpret the cryptic meanings of the celestial motifs: 1) Consulting astronomical themes and narratives embedded in ancient Iranian texts; 2) Consulting textual sources containing technical specifications and imagery of ancient sky maps, such as the MUL.APIN; 3) Consulting the cosmology of Indo-Aryan religions.

The primary challenge of this research was identifying the celestial body represented by section two of the bowl (a monkey-like figure within an arch). Through visual comparison, aligning the bowl's constellations with the modern zodiac, and referencing representations on the Bali drinking vessel, section two was identified as Gemini. While other scholars interpret this monkey-like figure (section two) as the god Thoth, its proximity to a solar disc on the bowl suggests a solar connection. Similar depictions of monkeys on other Luristan bronzes—brooches, spearheads, and seals—also relate to solar discs, lion heads, and solar motifs (a female figure surrounded by solar rays). This reinforces the association of the monkey constellation with solar themes.Furthermore, significant similarities between sections two and six (the monkey and Pleiades constellations) indicate an axial relationship. Therefore, from the diverse and heterogeneous semantic interpretations of Gemini and the Pleiades in various cultural sources, themes connecting these constellations to the sun and moon were selected. In Iranian tradition, Gemini represents the head of gōzihr Dragon, the beginning of the zodiac and the Milky Way—a serpent causing eclipses by its movement and consumption of the sun and moon. Section six, the Pleiades, in Elam, signified the Sibitti and lunar eclipses. Thus, these constellations seem connected to solar and lunar eclipses.Mesopotamian texts reveal that in Elam, eclipses symbolized a king's death and the decline of his reign. The "Kāvusan’s Path," another name for the Milky Way in Pahlavi literature, reinforces this axis's connection to royal legitimacy. However, how is this axis represented on other Luristan bronzes? Ancient Iranian astronomical texts, like “The Kitāb al-Bulhān of Abu Mashar”, depict animal constellations alongside these planetary deities in a visual representation like the master of animals. Conversely, a Luristan fibula shows a central human figure within a star, symmetrically holding two star-marked serpents. This imagery of a man holding two serpents symmetrically appears to represent the Hunter constellation and the axis between these two sections of the bowl.

According to research findings on the Luristan celestial bowl, sections two and six represent the constellations Gemini and Pleiades, respectively. Gemini symbolizes the head of gōzihr Dragon – the Milky Way serpent and lunar nodes. The Pleiades in section six are linked to the Sibitti, a constellation associated in Mesopotamian texts with Elam, the goddess Narundi, and lunar eclipses. Therefore, sections two and six of the bowl appear to represent solar and lunar eclipses.In ancient Iran, kings with divine authority, like Kayumars and Jamshid, whose earthly power was bestowed by the gods, were likened to the sun. Thus, in the ancient world, eclipses signified divine disapproval of the king's rule. Following the prediction of these celestial events, or upon their occurrence, ceremonies for the replacement king were held to avert the resulting ill omen from affecting the king and the kingdom. Supporting this interpretation, the Bundahishn refers to the Milky Way as the "Kāvusan’s Path." Kaveh was a king who, due to his arrogance and misguided ambition, sought dominion over the heavens in addition to the earth. He ascended to the heavens on four eagles, but his divine authority was subsequently removed. Therefore, solar and lunar eclipses were visualized as a serpent-dragon, through which the gods exerted their will in controlling the fate of kings and kingdoms.Alternatively, the "Kāvusan’s Path" represented the path of tyrannical kings who misused their divine authority for their own selfish ends and were thus cursed and punished by the gods. On certain brooches and seals from Luristan, Giyan, and Susa cultures, a goat-man controls two serpents flanking his body. In most instances, the serpents' bodies are adorned with star patterns. Therefore, this imagery seems to represent a combination of the human and goat constellations at the bowl's center, with gōzihr symbolizing the axis of sections two and six, representing the gods' power to alter destiny and punish tyrannical kings.