نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و پنجم شماره 3 (پیاپی 99، پاییز 1403)

The Al-Aqsa Storm on October 7, 2023, by Hamas in the occupied territories, which resulted in the killing, wounding, and capture of a significant number of Zionists, led to the formation of a new front of confrontation between the axis of resistance against the Zionist regime and the regional compromise movement, which has had many consequences for both sides so far. In the following research, by asking the main question: "What consequences did the Al-Aqsa Storm have on the duality of resistance and compromise?", the answer is as follows: "The Al-Aqsa Storm, which occurred as a result of the accumulation of Palestinian suffering and the world's inaction towards the Palestinian issue over many years, surprised the Zionist regime about Hamas' capabilities, thwarted the Zionist regime's plans to normalize relations with the regional and Palestinian compromise movement, and despite the martyrdom of the resistance leaders, the resistance movement continues to pursue the implementation of the strategy of eroding the Zionist regime's deterrence, rendering the regional compromise agreements ineffective, and presenting the power of resistance in a global discourse by preparing the world's public opinion for the disasters recorded in the public mind by the Zionist regime."
The research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method, and the explanation of the components mentioned in the hypothesis was carried out by examining the media, news agencies, and field events on the Internet due to the ongoing events and the continuation of operational and field conditions up to the moment of writing the research. The most important consequence of the Al-Aqsa storm, which has an important impact on the strategies of the two axes of resistance and compromise, both in the current period and in the coming years in the region, is based on the "erosion of deterrence" of the Zionist regime, which is an important factor used as a description of the theoretical framework of this research.

The operation 7 october is considered an important stage in the politicalstrategic developments in the Middle East and the process of the struggle of Islamist groups against the Zionist regime, especially since the myth of the invincibility of the Israeli army and intelligence and security services was shattered once again. As history has shown, the peace process between the Arabs and Israel has never had any tangible results for the Arab countries and has always ended in favor of Israeli leaders and politicians. This, along with other important and unresolved issues such as the long-term siege of Gaza, the continued settlement process by Israel, the political and economic corruption of the Palestinian Authority, and the failure to determine the status of Palestinian refugees, has led to greater public acceptance of the approach of groups such as Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement. In fact, support for the resistance approach towards Israel is the result of decades of experience with small and large developments in the region and the world. The reality is that although most countries in the region and the world have always emphasized in their declared policies the need to improve the conditions of the Palestinians, especially the residents of Gaza, and sometimes condemned Israel's actions, in practice no action has been taken to truly and continuously improve the existing conditions. For example, Israel's disastrous behavior after the October 7 operation has been repeatedly condemned by global governmental and non-governmental actors, but no effective practical action has been taken to contain Israel and prevent open genocide. The most recent Israeli action was the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, head of the Hamas political bureau, in Tehran (July 31, 2024), which was considered a combative action to continue and intensify the crisis in the region in every respect.

Turkey is particularly important for the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is Iran's neighbor and there is a common land border between the two sides. Turkey is influential in some of Iran's internal issues, including some of the issues of the Azerbaijani provinces. Turkey has the ability to reduce the pressure of Western sanctions against Iran. In addition to being able to be defined as a political, intelligence and security partner for Iran in some regional issues and issues, its regional policies in various regional issues, especially in the case of Syria, Palestine, the Zionist regime and the South Caucasus, can be problematic for the Islamic Republic of Iran. This level of influence makes the issue of power shifts in Türkiye a significant one. In other words, it is natural that the Islamic Republic of Iran should be concerned and concerned about the future political situation in Turkey. The failure of the ruling party and the success of the Republican People's Party in the municipal elections in March 2024 made Iran more sensitive to the above issue than ever before and raised the question of whether the Turkish government will change in the not-so-distant future and power will pass to another person or movement? What are the characteristics of Turkey's political future and what will it look like? An examination of the tools and capabilities, social base, and political and economic performance of parties in Turkey shows that, barring an extraordinary event or development, one of the two parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Republican People's Party, will determine the future political situation in Turkey. In other words, either the ruling party will continue to maintain power in its hands, or it will cede power to its main rival party. In the meantime, the hands of the Kurdish party will continue to be far from government power. Due to the large Kurdish population in Turkey, this party has the ability to maintain its influential role and even beyond that, it may be able to achieve a decisive role through an alliance with one of the competing parties.

West Africa has been the scene of new international developments. With the start of coups against previous governments that were dependent on France since 2010, new developments have taken place in this region. Russia, with the aim of harming French interests in the three countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, fully supported the military coups in these countries. Finally, with Russia playing a key role in the three African countries, France’s withdrawal from these countries occurred in a domino effect. These events paved the way for cooperation between countries such as Russia, China, Turkey, and Iran with the three West African countries. Therefore, before any direct political, economic, and security cooperation, it is necessary and essential to understand the internal developments of these three countries. Since, geopolitically, the three countries share a common border and all three have had common social, political, economic, and security crises, an attempt has been made to analyze and evaluate all three countries in this study. The West African region, especially the countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, is like a powder keg that is exploding every day and at any moment. These countries suffer many human losses due to the activities of extremist groups. In a word, it can be said that this region is one of the most unstable regions in the world. Political, economic and social unrest has dimmed the prospects for peace, stability and development in this region. The countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger are facing multiple crises. These countries suffer from poverty and unemployment, a young population, ethnic and tribal conflicts, fragile states, population growth (within 10 years, the population of this region will double) and food shortages. This painful reality has created a favorable environment for terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS in the region. Takfiri terrorist groups have created terrorist networks throughout this region; so that this region has become one of the most turbulent regions of the African continent in recent years.

Although Afghanistan and Iran share a common civilizational structure and have cultural, linguistic, literary, historical and religious similarities and ties, the cultural relations between the two countries have been held hostage in a way in the last few decades under the influence of political developments and foreign interventions. This issue was clearly evident during the twentyyear rule of the republican system (the liberal democracy of Hamid Karzai- Ashraf Ghani), and now, after nearly three years of the second Taliban government, culture, if not to say hostage to politics, is strongly influenced by the Taliban's political strategies. Whether we like it or not, culture and politics follow and are subordinate to each other. In other words, both culture affects politics and politics affects culture. The collapse of the US-dependent political system and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan are in themselves the most important platform for the expansion of cultural activities in this country. With the coming to power of the second Taliban government, the question has always been on the minds of Iranian policymakers as to what the Taliban's approach to cultural interactions will be? Given the existence of some restrictions in the Ashraf Ghani government for cultural interactions, it seemed that with the conclusion of the intra-Afghan negotiations and the formation of an interim government, more ground would be created for cultural activities. However, the Taliban leaders' disregard for the formation of an inclusive government and the lack of acceptance of other groups and political movements within the country and the prioritization of security issues have practically caused cultural relations to be at their lowest during the nearly 3 years of Taliban rule.