فصلنامه جامعه شناسی کاربردی
سال سی و پنجم شماره 4 (پیاپی 96، زمستان 1403)

Patriarchy has systematically marginalized many issues related to women, including their biological experiences, such as menstruation, pregnancy, and childbirth, by relegating them to personal rather than social matters. As a result, women's issues have rarely been addressed in public discourse or socio-political discussions. Historically, in many cultures and religions, menstruation has been viewed as "unclean" and "taboo" (Buckley & Gottlieb, 1989), leading to its characterization as undesirable and shameful. Consequently, many women refrain from sharing their experiences or challenging the taboos surrounding menstruation in public, confining this natural process to the private sphere. Women’s biological experiences are profoundly influenced by power dynamics and cultural contexts. The marginalization of these experiences in private spaces necessitates their reintroduction and emphasis in public, cultural, and academic discussions. Acknowledging this is crucial as menstruation is an inherent part of every woman's life and has significant implications for their physical, mental, and social health. Addressing this issue is vital not only for improving public awareness and acceptance of menstruation, but also for combating gender and bodily discrimination, supporting women’s rights and health, and dismantling cultural taboos. However, due to the lack of proper information and education, as well as  the persistence of cultural taboos, many women experience feelings of shame and isolation during menstruation, resulting in their exclusion from public spaces. Therefore, structural changes in power and culture are essential for redefining women’s issues. Instagram as a social network that offers a free and visual platform plays a crucial role in dismantling socio-cultural taboos. Many social activists, feminists, and health brands leverage this space to share educational content on the menstrual cycle, hygiene products, and menstrual management through posts and stories. These efforts aim to shift negative attitudes and enhance public awareness on the subject. This study examined women’s experiences of menstruation on Instagram and explored how menstruation taboos function as mechanisms for controlling women’s bodies within the existing power structures and daily life. It also investigated the tools and strategies used to increase awareness and acceptance of this natural process within the society. By integrating the theories of Foucault and Kristeva, we gained insight into how this natural phenomenon was influenced by social, cultural, and discursive powers, as well as how the taboos surrounding menstruation shaped women’s lived experiences. Furthermore, these theories allowed us to explore the representation of women’s bodies and menstruation in virtual spaces like Instagram, revealing how socio-cultural powers were exercised through the female body and how menstruation remained marginalized as a shameful and impure topic. However, social media provided a platform for women to challenge these power structures and share their experiences.

This research employed feminist ethnography, utilizing Charmaz Grounded Theory for data analysis. Feminist ethnography is a research approach rooted in feminist principles that not only considers individuals' experiences and perspectives within their social contexts, but also emphasizes power dynamics, gender inequalities, and representation of women and marginalized groups. This approach allowed the researchers to critically examine findings, amplifying the experiences and voices of those on the margins rather than relying solely on dominant societal narratives. It asserted that the everyday experiences of women often overlooked warranted serious study.When the initial idea for this article took shape, we began with non-participatory observation by visiting pages that shared content about menstruation and women's bodies. I actively engaged with these pages through likes and comments, collecting a wealth of information, screenshots, and field notes. Gradually, we transitioned from an observer to an active participant by sharing posts and question boxes related to menstruation on our private Instagram pages. We then selected participants from our followers and those we followed. All participants were women, who had experienced menstruation, were active on Instagram, and were willing to discuss the topic.Participants were initially selected through purposeful and convenience sampling followed by snowball sampling. This process continued until theoretical saturation was reached, ensuring that no new categories emerged and theoretical sufficiency was achieved. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 individuals, who also identified Instagram pages, such as Mahsa Mousavi (a midwifery page), Zagah, Nabat Etemad, Farank Amidi, and Levva.Pharma, as valuable sources of information on menstruation. Additionally, screenshots were randomly collected from posts or stories by popular bloggers discussing the topic.To validate the results, 6 participants were given their interview transcripts for review. After receiving their approval, the analysis process was discussed with two methodology experts. Subsequently, using triangulation, the codes derived from the analysis were reviewed by specialists, yielding consistent results. The interviews were carefully transcribed and incorporated into the text. Given the qualitative nature of this research, the findings were context-specific, while different outcomes might emerge in other settings with different participants.

We analyzed the social experiences of our participants, each of which, while unique, shared commonalities with others. Despite their differences, these experiences were shaped by patriarchal structures. Utilizing feminist ethnography and Charmaz grounded theory, this research provided a critical exploration of women’s experiences related to menstruation. The aim was to amplify the voices of women whose life experiences—such as housework, cooking, menstruation, and breastfeeding—were often dismissed as insignificant. Each woman’s story served as the foundation for this analysis.The central category identified was "menstruation as a social construct", which encompassed 8 main subcategories: menstruation as "becoming a woman", discovery of menstruation, women’s social life during menstruation, digitalization of menstruation awareness, presence or absence of legal support, menstruation as a social taboo, menstruation as a source of social shame, and men's encounters with women’s menstruation. These categories emerged from the contributions of women active on Instagram.The experience, perception, and acceptance of menstruation are influenced not only by biological factors, but also by social, cultural, and historical contexts. Attitudes toward menstruation vary across cultures shaped by social norms and power structures that can evolve over time. Women’s resistance to restrictive discourses manifests in awareness-raising efforts, open discussions about menstruation, participation in social movements that challenge taboos, and advocacy for healthcare rights. Understanding menstruation as a social construct is crucial for addressing related inequalities. By increasing awareness and providing appropriate education, we can enhance women’s understanding and experiences of menstruation, transforming it into a more positive and constructive process.In this study, participants shared how taboos and misconceptions surrounding menstruation had adversely affected women. Religious and traditional beliefs, the role of family, the educational system, and mass media had all contributed to reinforcing these taboos. However, the silence surrounding menstruation was gradually being broken through discussions on platforms like Instagram. In this space, women learned to observe their bodies, ask questions, and engage constructively with their own experiences. As this discursive space evolves, menstruation is continually reconstructed by a new generation of women. Understanding menstruation as a social construct allows us to recognize how women's bodies are shaped by power dynamics, resistance, and gender norms. Instagram serves as a platform for re(constructing) the menstrual experience, enabling individuals to redefine their own narratives, challenge gender taboos, and create an environment conducive to changing negative norms and attitudes.By employing Foucault’s concept of bio-power and Kristeva’s notion of abjection, this study illustrated how social and cultural systems influenced women’s bodies and how their experiences of menstruation were reflected in both social and digital spaces like Instagram. The research revealed the diversity and depth of women’s experiences in confronting menstruation-related taboos and stigmas, offering a more nuanced understanding of the subject. Menstruation was not merely a biological process; it was intertwined with social, cultural, political, and economic structures. Through sharing their experiences, women were transforming the narrative around menstruation, breaking the stigma, and paving the way for a more informed, open, and compassionate society where women could discuss their issues freely, without fear or shame.

Easy access to resources in natural areas serves as a motivating factor for the continued use of these resources by local communities, often leading to resistance against the protection of natural assets. Conversely, the government and environmental organizations, in pursuit of sustainable development for the benefit of current and future generations, are working to regulate exploitation by hunters. Reports from both official and unofficial sources, as well as observations in Iran, indicate a conflict between park wardens and local communities in and around protected areas. To understand this challenge, a review of the relevant literature was conducted. The research aimed to develop theoretical sensitivity by focusing on specific concepts through existing research and theories, which informed the entry into the research field and the design of the interview protocol. The study focused on the communities surrounding Bojaq National Park located in Bandar Kiasher (Gilan Province). Sampling was conducted and the primary data collection method was in-depth interviews. The interview protocol included questions about the causes of resistance among local hunters and their lifestyle, as well as mechanisms of conflict and adaptation. It also explored the advantages and disadvantages of their way of life in relation to the environmental and fisheries organizations, as well as significant social structures. Additionally, the reasons for their cultural solidarity were examined. This approach aimed to understand the underlying factors contributing to the escalating resistance between them and government agents from the locals’ perspective. The interview protocol was designed to address these sensitive concepts comprehensively.

This research was designed using a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. Coding was conducted using the 6-step method outlined by Braun and Clarke (2013). Data were collected from local hunters with samples selected based on specific inclusion criteria. The study involved 10 local hunters as participants. Ethical considerations were strictly observed throughout the research and the necessary criteria to ensure the validity and reliability of the findings were also met.

The findings revealed 140 subthemes and 7 main themes, which included: employment challenges, feelings of discrimination, inheritance and disinheritance, internal solidarity and resistance, protection and management issues, and effective management practices.Due to seasonal unemployment, villagers heavily rely on income generated from exploiting local resources, including those within Bojaq National Park. The lack of employment opportunities and sufficient sources of income was a primary driver of illegal hunting in the vicinity of the national park as the impoverished could not overlook the available resources.Participants expressed that the environmental organization had struggled to fulfill its protective responsibilities in Bojaq National Park for various reasons. Over the past few decades, the organization's conservative management of existing resources coupled with ineffective monitoring of issues, such as seawater pollution, overharvesting, and decline of spawning fish populations, had significantly diminished local fish stocks. The locals argued that instead of addressing seawater pollution and regulating the Fisheries Organization and military entities that contributed to a challenging natural environment for local wildlife, the environmental organization had focused on controlling hunters, who used to engage in limited harvesting.When regulatory institutions fail to make substantial and foundational decisions, their capacity for environmental protection becomes restricted, often targeting the weakest links in the chain of culpability, thereby further depleting resources. The prevailing approach to conserving natural resources has relied on environmental regulations and the implementation of mandatory, sometimes harsh, measures. These conservative management strategies complicate the situation and fail to alleviate conflicts. Such policies had led to increased resistance against environmental rangers, despite their illegal status in the region. Moreover, stricter governmental measures had tended to escalate conflicts. Over the past two decades, this dynamic had resulted in an uneasy truce between both parties.It could be argued that the conflicts arose not from the natives' greed, but from their struggle for survival and the need for a basic subsistence income. From this perspective, the environmental rangers’ actions had intertwined this resistance with local solidarity, transforming what had begun as individual resistance into collective action.

According to the Entertainment Software Association (ESA, 2022), approximately 76% of adolescents aged 13 to 17 play video games, averaging about 7 hours per week. The Pew Research Center (2021) has observed a significant increase in online multiplayer gaming, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. In Iran, around 75% of adolescents participate in video gaming, amounting to approximately 34 million players. This trend affects various facets of adolescents' digital lives, including entertainment, education, lifestyle, and income generation. This research investigated the interconnected aspects of education and income generation in the digital lives of Iranian adolescents, drawing on interviews with 10 adolescents and 2 parents. The study employed theories from Haraway, Clark, Chalmers, and Latour to analyze these developments, focusing on how this interplay influenced adolescents' creativity and their potential for generating income.

Ethnography is a prominent method in post-human studies and new materialism (Berry, 2019: 48). Scholars, such as Latour (1979) and Lupton (2016, 2018, 2020), have employed this approach, often critiquing its traditional forms. Post-human ethnography encourages researchers to examine "socio-technical networks" and key actors through targeted interview techniques (Latour, 2005: 21-49, in Berry, 2019: 48). This research investigated adolescents' interactions with digital data using a combination of observations, document studies, and interviews and following the methods proposed by Logie and Quinton (2018). A purposive sample of 10 adolescents aged 11 to 19 was selected, along with interviews with their parents, ensuring adherence to ethical considerations. Data collection involved an integrated approach combining observation, document analysis, and semi-structured interviews to explore adolescents' emotional experiences with digital data (Lupton, 2018). The findings were analyzed using "material-discursive" frameworks, which highlighted the interplay between materiality and conceptual understanding.

Donna Haraway highlights the essential relationship between humans and technology. The concept of the "cyborg" (Bhavnani, Haraway, 1994) illustrates that humans are deeply interconnected with their environment, including technology and digital data (1991). This perspective suggests that contemporary adolescents, who are intimately linked with digital data, can be referred to as the digital generation (Baldiņš, 2016). They embody Haraway's cyborg concept as their cognitive processes are intertwined with technology, resulting in what is known as an "extended mind" (Clark and Chalmers, 1998). Interviews revealed that adolescents frequently learned through digital platforms, such as YouTube. For instance, Arman discovered how to change his laptop's operating system by following online tutorials, demonstrating that knowledge could exist outside the individual mind (Menary, 2010). Similarly, Mona enhanced her gaming skills by utilizing online resources. Participants noted that familiarity with various tools boosted their confidence and problem-solving abilities, supporting Menary's assertion that knowledge emerges from engagement with technology, thus emphasizing the connection between practice and external knowledge.Menary further posits that learning occurs through practice (Menary, 2012). Participants underscored the significance of being familiar with game environments, such as Minecraft, asserting that theoretical knowledge alone is inadequate. They compared this to navigation apps, where practical experience was essential for fully understanding their features. Anderson (2010) argues that the interactions among actors occur in a cyclical process of action. Much of this knowledge is acquired unintentionally through digital data, contributing to both basic everyday understanding and more complex explorations.Today's adolescents increasingly seek to generate income from their digital experiences. Their desire for independence, particularly economic independence, drives them to focus on income generation through their skills and knowledge. As Nguyn (2023) observes, key characteristics of the digital economy are closely linked to adolescent life, including the shift from analog to digital technology, evolving concepts of ownership, and the removal of age, time, and location constraints. This creates enticing opportunities for teens to engage economically without traditional ownership models. Economic interactions often occur without intermediaries, transforming social structures. Arman emphasized the necessity of engaging with the digital world for economic activity, asserting that failure to do so risked obsolescence. This perspective aligns with Latour's concept of inevitability, wherein technologies like smartphones are deemed essential. Today’s youth understand that participation in the digital economy is crucial for future success, a realization that has yet to be fully embraced by older generations.New actors have emerged in this space, including game developers, online game sales platforms, peripheral sales websites, e-commerce shops, and exchange offices. These actors influence one another and reach consensus within a dynamic economic cycle. Adolescents are increasingly aware of the various pathways, laws, principles, and stakeholders involved in this landscape. They critically evaluate how to leverage these opportunities for income generation, leading to the emergence of new actors and networks that diverge from traditional economic models.The intertwining of adolescents with digital data has multiple dimensions, impacting various aspects of their personal and social lives. Our study focused on two key dimensions of this interaction: education and income generation. While adolescents initially engage with video games and digital data primarily for entertainment, they ultimately develop additional motivations and dimensions that affect different areas of their lives.Our research revealed that adolescents' learning methods and interests evolved alongside digital data. These data provided a pathway for learning and fostered new opportunities for creativity. Today’s adolescents are less interested in conventional learning methods; instead, they prefer data-driven approaches that utilize digital tools. They expand their knowledge beyond merely accumulating information to learning about the effective use of tools and data.Conversely, in terms of income generation, adolescents cultivate creative ideas by recognizing the various actors and stakeholders within the digital economy. Their creativity in this domain stems from an understanding of these actors and networks, leading them to adapt their goals or strategies to align with data-driven objectives. For instance, they may aim to generate income through educational content on platforms like YouTube or others.Our research findings aligned with previous empirical studies indicating that the interaction between adolescents and digital data significantly influenced their career choices and income generation preferences. Furthermore, adolescents' values and preferences underwent substantial transformations as they engaged with digital data. This study closely related to the research conducted by Milesi (2022), which highlighted the reciprocal influence between gaming and adolescents, the blurring of boundaries between humans and non-humans, and the diminishing focus on human-centered perspectives.

Social justice refers to the equitable distribution of societal resources among all individuals, emphasizing fairness and equality across social, economic, and political domains. This concept focuses on the mechanisms by which societies allocate resources, including material goods, as well as social benefits, rights, and protections (Chapin, 2017). Nadiry and Shakoori (2011) highlight that generational differences significantly influence perceptions of social justice, overshadowing factors, such as gender, class, and education. An Ipsos survey conducted across 29 countries reveals that young people are more likely than previous generations to view inequality as a pressing issue in their nations. They also perceive their gender as one of the most discriminated groups today. Moreover, the belief that personal success relies on merit and effort is more prevalent among older generations, whereas Generation Z exhibits the least faith in this notion. This generation places a heightened focus on discrimination against women compared to earlier cohorts (Taylor, 2024). The present study examined Generation Z's experiences with social justice, explored their interpretation of the concept, and investigated their proposed solutions for achieving social justice on a societal level.

This research employed a qualitative phenomenological approach and was conducted in Khomeinishahr, Isfahan, in 2023. The city was chosen due to the researcher's familiarity with the area, which was anticipated to facilitate data collection by minimizing participant resistance. The inclusion criterion was based on the Cambridge Dictionary's definition of Generation Z, encompassing individuals born between 1998 and 2008.To ensure a diverse sample, a purposive sampling strategy with maximum variation was implemented. Participants were selected from various socioeconomic backgrounds and neighborhoods throughout the city to capture a wide range of cultural and economic perspectives. Additionally, individuals from all birth years within the specified range and from different genders were included. Data collection continued until saturation was achieved with a total of 16 in-depth interviews conducted.

The findings revealed that Generation Z faced a wide range of discriminatory experiences across various contexts. In the economic sphere, they encountered discriminatory practices that resulted in disparities related to livelihood, employment, and socioeconomic status. Within families, common experiences of discrimination included parental favoritism among siblings or grandchildren, as well as restrictions placed on daughters. However, the most significant instances of discrimination occurred within educational systems, spanning from primary to tertiary education. Participants particularly highlighted university entrance examinations and the national university entrance exam, viewing the quota system and special privileges granted to certain individuals in these contexts as discriminatory and unjust.Generation Z advocated for a dual approach to social justice, which encompassed both primary equality and secondary entitlement. This perspective formed the foundation of a "dual-aspect social justice" framework. They asserted that all individuals should possess equal intrinsic value, have access to a minimum standard of living, enjoy equality before the law, and be afforded equal opportunities for growth. Furthermore, they emphasized the importance of supporting those in greater need to create a more level-playing field. In addition, Generation Z believed that merit and effort were essential for achieving valuable positions and outcomes. They argued that individuals should receive equal pay for equal work, regardless of gender, provided they possess similar skills and exert equivalent effort. However, to encourage growth and competition, rewards should reflect varying levels of competence. They advocated for a minimum wage and a narrow wage gap, insisting that competencies should be the primary determinants of rewards and resources, free from special privileges, such as nepotism or quotas.In summary, Generation Z's understanding of social justice primarily aligned with the principles of need-based and equal distribution. However, when it came to achieving outcomes, their perspective shifted towards fairness and merit-based distribution. As a result, the existing paradigms and theories of social justice failed to fully encapsulate Generation Z's unique viewpoint. This research introduced the concept of "dual-aspect social justice" to better reflect their beliefs.Participants proposed a variety of strategies to promote social justice within society. These strategies included reforming governance through legal changes, adopting practices from countries that had effectively addressed social justice issues, removing certain officials, and implementing a merit-based system for appointing competent and just leaders. Additionally, some participants advocated for broader systemic changes within the political framework, suggesting that revolution and a change in the political regime might be necessary to achieve justice. This perspective was particularly pronounced among the male participants in this generation.Another essential change was democratization. It was necessary that rulers and those in power acknowledge the people's right to protest, ensure that laws were enacted by the people without coercion, and take the public's desires into account when making decisions. Individuals could also promote social justice through civil actions, such as civil disobedience, assisting the disadvantaged, and organizing demonstrations. In addition to these points, cultural transformation was crucial for fostering social justice. By prioritizing education and cultivating a culture rooted in justice and anti-discrimination, the society could work towards achieving social justice. Furthermore, individuals had to commit to personal change and uphold principles of justice in their daily lives.In conclusion, Generation Z informed by their experiences with discrimination and existing definitions of social justice presented a novel and eclectic interpretation that blended elements of equality and meritocracy. This generation had faced inequities in various aspects of their lives, experiencing discrimination within families, schools, and society. To address these injustices and realize their vision of "dual-aspect social justice", they advocated for reforms in governance and public culture, expansion of democracy, and active civic engagement.

The relationship between religion and poverty has long captivated sociological researchers; yet the answers offered remain inconclusive and resist simple generalizations. Sociological findings indicate that religion can both facilitate social and economic changes that benefit the poor and perpetuate social and economic inequalities that negatively impact their lives. On the positive side, religion often provides essential structural support to the impoverished, helping them navigate their daily challenges. This support includes various goods and services offered by religious institutions and individuals. However, religion can also uphold and even exacerbate class divisions and inequalities, which contradict the values espoused by many religious traditions. For instance, religion may maintain the status quo by legitimizing social inequalities, reflecting societal power dynamics within religious contexts, or reinforcing behaviors and ideologies that control the poor (Rogers & Konieczny, 2018). When examining Iranian society, a critical issue to explore was the relationship between poverty and religion. Given the diversity of followers of major world religions like Islam whose class compositions encompass a wide range of social strata, we could frame a research question: To what extent are poverty and religion related within Iranian society? Is there evidence of systematic covariation between poverty and religion at the empirical level in this context?

This study employed a Durkheimian methodological approach to explanatory sociology. From Durkheim’s perspective, both the explanandum and the explanans should reflect characteristics of collective units or social systems. This implies that even when individual-level data is utilized to measure sociological concepts, the primary aim is to aggregate individual information to describe communities or social systems. In technical terms, the unit of analysis in sociological research is consistently collective units or social systems even if the unit of observation is at the individual level. To empirically test the main hypothesis of this study, we designated the unit of analysis as "province", representing a macro-social unit within Iran. Given this choice, the study employed a within-country comparative method, utilizing collective data to quantitatively compare the provinces of Iran. In summary, the "unit of analysis" was defined as the "province", while the "level of analysis" was set at the national level of "Iran". Secondary data from the most recent census in Iran were used for the final analysis.

This research paper presented an empirical examination of the relationship between poverty and religion at the macro-sociological level, focusing on the provinces of Iran as the unit of analysis. A review of the literature on the sociology of religion revealed that studies exploring the connection between poverty and religion were often guided by "deprivation theory". This theory posits that poverty has a positive impact on individuals' religious commitment.From a systemic perspective, the implication of this theoretical framework suggests that as one moves across social systems—specifically from provinces with lower poverty rates to those with higher poverty rates—levels of religious commitment are expected to rise. However, it is important to note that changes in the unit of analysis can yield new insights. In this study, we evaluated the empirical validity of the hypothesis derived from deprivation theory using a within-country comparative method, specifically employing "province" as the unit of analysis. To validate this theory, we tested the hypothesis against secondary data from 31 provinces of Iran, assessing the degree to which the predictions of deprivation theory aligned with empirical evidence. The findings from this analysis indicated that, after controlling for the effects of social development and economic inequality, poverty continued to exert a statistically significant positive effect on religious commitment.This finding aligned with the predictions of deprivation theory in the sociology of religion, suggesting confirmatory support for the theory. Thus, we concluded that there was a significant relationship between poverty and religious commitment in Iran, reinforcing the relevance of deprivation theory in understanding this dynamic.

Deviant behavior among adolescents is a complex phenomenon shaped by a variety of individual, familial, peer, and societal influences. Psychological theories, including attachment theory, social control theory, and social learning theory, offer valuable frameworks for analyzing and understanding these behaviors. Previous research has largely concentrated on the impact of family dynamics, peer relationships, and school experiences in influencing adolescent deviance. However, despite significant advancements in this area, a comprehensive understanding of the underlying mechanisms and the interactions among these factors remains elusive. This study aimed to develop a holistic model that clarified the antecedents, processes, and consequences of deviant behavior in adolescents. By deepening our understanding of this issue, we could create and implement more effective prevention and intervention strategies to reduce the prevalence of such behaviors among young people.

This study employed a meta-synthesis approach based on the 7-stage Finkelstein-Kant model (2018) to collect data and develop a model for understanding deviant behaviors among secondary school students. Initially, we formulated research questions aimed at creating a comprehensive model that explained these behaviors. In the second stage, we conducted a systematic literature review using 9 databases: Emerald, Science Direct, Springer, Taylor & Francis, Sage, Wiley, Google Scholar, Magiran, NoorMagz, and the Comprehensive Humanities Science Portal and Scientific Information Center. This review utilized both Persian and English keywords. After gathering a substantial number of sources, we applied screening criteria to eliminate less relevant materials, narrowing our focus. As a result, 32 articles were discarded from an initial pool of 177 studies. Next, we reviewed the abstracts of the remaining articles, leading to the removal of 27 additional irrelevant articles. We then analyzed the content of the remaining studies, ultimately selecting 118 articles for final analysis. In the fourth stage, we meticulously examined these selected articles multiple times to identify recurring themes and concepts within their implicit content. Purposeful data extraction was conducted from qualitative discussions. Using qualitative content analysis, we aimed to identify open, axial, and selective codes related to the deviant behaviors of students within the education system. The analyzed data were further refined through categorization techniques and quantitative meta-synthesis, culminating in a structured framework for our findings. Alongside the categorization technique, meta-synthesis involved a systematic process of extracting, separating, editing, grouping, and summarizing textual findings related to deviant behaviors. This approach enabled the research team to achieve consensus before the final meta-synthesis stage, allowing for a focused analysis of similarities, differences, intensity, gender distribution, participant numbers, countries of study, and research methodologies. During the classification phase, we specified the hierarchical relationships among the findings within each behavioral category. The findings were interpreted and synthesized through a non-linear thinking process, which ultimately led to the development of a model of deviant behaviors among students in the education system. In the sixth stage, the researchers investigated whether the findings related to deviant behaviors among secondary school students possessed adequate validity. By revisiting earlier steps, they ensured the reliability of their results. After analyzing the qualitative data and extracting components of the model organized into open codes, axial codes, and selective codes, a robust model was designed. The pragmatic validity of the findings was confirmed through thorough documentation of all processes, procedures, and workflow changes, as well as through team meetings that utilized think-aloud protocols.

The findings from our qualitative analysis and data coding revealed that the antecedents of deviant behaviors among secondary school students could be categorized into 48 open codes and 5 axial codes: individual, familial, educational, socio-political, and technology-related factors. The components of deviant behaviors identified among students included open codes, such as toxic emotions, destructive behaviors, harmful interpersonal behaviors, web-based deviant activities, and illegal actions. Additionally, the consequences of these deviant behaviors were organized into 1 axial code and 4 open codes: impacts on teachers, effects on students' families, repercussions for the students themselves, and consequences for schools. The causes and antecedents of deviant behaviors were interconnected, which were shaped by the individuals’ interactions with their environment and social context. These interactions occurred in both real and virtual spaces. Individual factors contributing to deviant behaviors in students were linked to cognitive, psychological, and physiological elements. A lack of understanding of right and wrong, along with an inability to empathize with others' feelings and motivations, could lead to poor decision-making and unethical behavior. Adolescence often characterized by a crisis of puberty, could prompt students to view deviant behaviors as means to attract attention or exert influence. Furthermore, when peers endorsed deviant behaviors, adolescents might shape their identities based on the perceptions of others or peer groups, resulting in actions, such as substance abuse, risky sexual activities, or involvement in deviant groups or cults. Additionally, feelings of hopelessness about the future and a lack of control over one's life could lead adolescents to believe they had little chance of success, prompting them to engage in risky behaviors. One of the most significant environments shaping an adolescent's personality was the family setting. The family served as the first social and educational influence a child encountered, instilling fundamental values, behavioral norms, and emotional foundations that shaped their psyche. The behaviors and characteristics of the family environment could positively or negatively impact a youth's development. Peer groups also played a crucial role during adolescence, exerting pressure on individuals to modify their attitudes, values, or behaviors to conform to group norms. Socio-political factors, such as lawlessness and societal chaos, further predisposed students to deviant behaviors. As society grew more complex, these social factors could contribute to the emergence of such behaviors among students. Moreover, technology and the nature of students' access to it could expose them to unethical behaviors. The deviant traits exhibited by students and influenced by these various factors could manifest in a wide range of actions, from minor offenses to serious crimes that violated social and moral norms. These behaviors might serve as a form of protest against specific actions or directives encountered in family, school, and peer interactions. The consequences of deviant behavior, particularly in the school context, affected teachers, students, families, and the overall school environment. Besides internal impacts, these behaviors could create broader crises in the learning and teaching processes. Students exhibiting deviant behavior often threatened teachers, school officials, and even their parents, disrupted the school environment, and damaged school property.