نشریه تعاملات دیپلماتیک
پیاپی 5 (بهار 1403)

International developments indicate the formation of a new world order in the form of creating economic alliances. States follow the membership in alliances and connection to international corridors for the transfer of goods and energy in line with economic diplomacy, and on the other hand, by connecting to corridors, they are seeking to gain power and a privileged position in the future of the global economy, which is the future economic war of the superpowers. The North-South, East-West, Zangezur, One Belt-one Road, Trasica, Basra-Turkey, India-Arab-Mediterranean, Lapis Lazuli and CPEC corridors, etc., indicate the emergence of a war of corridors, and despite the geoeconomics position of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a link between the trade corridors of China, India, and Russia, which can play the role of a corridor heartland in the region. The present study aims to study the economic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in connection with international corridors and to obtain a precise understanding of the position of the sea-based economy in the policy and economic and political governance system of Iran, and the possibility of utilizing the economic potential of the transit corridors of goods and energy adjacent to Iran is also one of the main objectives of this study.

A review of domestic and foreign studies related to the research topic indicates that none of the studies in the field of corridors have addressed the position of the economic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the competition of important international corridors, but indirectly, articles have been published that can be referred to the study; Political-Legal Evaluation of the Unilateral Economic Sanctions of the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran (Qaedi et al., 1400), which has examined the legal nature of the US sanctions system against Iran. Another study entitled; US Foreign Policy and New Sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran (Simber, 2010) has examined the factors that have been effective in the formation and continuation of sanctions on Iran in US foreign policy. The research; Strategies for Developing a Maritime Economy to Achieve the Goals of the Resistance Economy (Karbkandi article, 2010) has tried to present strategies for developing a maritime economy in two areas: the development of maritime trade and the development of maritime industries, considering the opportunities and threats of Iran, the experiences of selected countries, and the opinions of experts. Other articles can also be found such as; Analyzing Iran's geopolitical role in international corridors and presenting the Iranian model, Heartland Corridor of the World (Noor Ali, 2021), Evaluating Central Asia-Europe International Corridors and Examining Obstacles to the Expansion of Iranian Transit (Arab Amiri, 2009), Weakening Iran's Position in International Corridors (Moshfegh, 2021), Economic Diplomacy and Foreign Policy (Chatterjee, 2021), and India's Arab-Mediterranean Corridor: A Paradigm Shift in Strategic Connectivity to Europe (Michaël Tanchum, 2021) was mentioned.

This research was developed with a descriptive-analytical approach and used documentary and library methods to collect data. An analytical model based on the status of international corridors in the region was designed to analyze the data.

The most important international corridors active or under construction in the field of transit of goods and energy in the region are as follows:

Middle Skop Corridor (TSC)

Southern Skop Corridor (Southern branch of Trans-Asian Rail Corridor)

East-West Corridor (Silk Road)

China’s One Belt, One Road Corridor (BRI)

north-south Corridor

Europe-Asia Corridor

Altid Corridor

The Eastern Caspian Sea Rail Corridor

Ashgabat Agreement Corridor

Islamabad-Tehran-Istanbul Corridor (ITI)

KTAI-China Corridor

Chabahar Agreement Corridor

Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor

Zangezur Corridor

CPEC Corridor

India-Arab-Mediterranean Corridor IMEC

Corridor Lapis Lazuli

Basra-Turkey Corridor

Kazakhstan-Turkmenistan-Afghanistan Rail Corridor

NSR North Sea Corridor

Uzbekistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan Corridor

Caspian Sea-Black Sea Maritime Corridor

Iran borders the world's two main fossil cores, the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea, and connects both as the only land bridge (Fathollah Nejad, 2021: 12). The geoeconomic position of Iran allows energy pipelines to continue from these regions to the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman. In addition, Iran not only has the shortest, safest, and most economical route to export oil and gas from these regions, but also has features such as; Suitable energy transmission lines in the north-south and east-west directions, ninety years of experience in the oil and gas industry, oil and gas installations, port facilities, and suitable refineries that can be connected to the energy consumption market of the Eurasian region and European and Asian countries (Mojtahedzadeh, 2000: 11). Map: Iran's Position in Important Corridors in the Region DiscussionTransportation is one of the fundamental issues that, in the domestic economy, is the link between industries and consumers, and in the foreign trade sector, is the link between the domestic economy and the global economy (Ng & Wilmsmeier, 2012: 127). Transport corridors are divided into 4 categories: national trade corridor, bilateral trade corridor, multilateral trade corridor, and multimodal and reciprocal corridor (Arnold, 2018). On the other hand, transport is divided into four sectors from the perspective of the method of transporting goods or passengers: air, road, rail, and sea transport, the first three of which are relevant for all countries in the world, but sea transport requires the existence of a water border and waterways (Sletmo, 2001: 333). The ocean-based economy, which is called the blue economy in global terminology, is the sustainable use of water resources and areas, including oceans, seas, lakes, coasts, and islands, for economic growth, improving livelihoods, and creating jobs. According to global statistics, the value of the main assets of the water areas is estimated at more than 24 trillion dollars and currently, fisheries are used more than other fields, so aquaculture, supplying 58% of fish to global markets, is the fastest and most vital part of the exploitation of these areas.

Despite being located at the world's transit crossroads, the Islamic Republic of Iran, for various reasons such as; The imposition of cruel sanctions by the United States and its allies, the lack of development of necessary infrastructure, especially in the field of ports and combined transportation, the lack of active economic diplomacy, the vague understanding of the high potential of the sea-based economy and the reliance on the land-based economy, are witnessing the gradual removal of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the international corridors for the transfer of goods and energy. Iran can only interact with other major economic countries when it defines itself within their economic puzzles and equations, but in the current situation, the designers of the corridors are seeking to replace the new route and bypass Iran, including the CPEC corridor, which China will bypass Iran by investing in the Gwadar port of Pakistan, as the main competitor of the Chabahar ocean port, to challenge India's maritime power in the region and bypass the Malacca port route on the New Silk Road or the One Belt, One Road doctrine, and Pakistan, with the support of China, is completing the alternative route of the North-South Corridor.

Unity among Islamic countries refers to the collective effort and the cause of Muslim nations to strengthen solidarity, cooperation, and mutual support in various political, cultural, and economic fields which aims to increase the collective power of the Islamic Ummah. Economic unity, which is clarified in the statements of the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic, refers to the joint efforts of Islamic countries to achieve economic convergence. Also, Economic diplomacy is the common pillar of economic interests and foreign policy of every country, which is considered one of the development strategies of emerging powers nowadays. The current research aims to assess the feasibility of utilizing economic diplomacy in the fulfillment of economic convergence among Islamic countries.

Studies on the opportunities and requirements of economic diplomacy in strengthening the convergence of Islamic countries reveal that this research area has received limited attention from research institutions and policy-making centers within the country. A review of available sources indicates that most published works focus on theoretical discussions and conceptual analyses of economic diplomacy. However, there has been little specialized research examining the relationship between economic diplomacy and convergence among Islamic countries. Consequently, only a few articles on this specific subject have been published:Veisi (2023) conducted a study titled Foresight of Islamic Countries’ Convergence Using Scenario Planning, employing a foresight framework and scenario planning methodology to present four scenarios for the future of Islamic countries. The first scenario envisions the establishment of a unified government leading to full convergence among Islamic countries. The second scenario suggests convergence in the form of an Islamic confederation as the preferred future. The third and fourth scenarios discuss the formation of an Islamic Union and an Organization of Islamic Cooperation framework, respectively, as pathways toward convergence. However, this research does not address economic unity as a fundamental and necessary element for Islamic countries (Veisi, 2023, p. 123). Izadi and Mousaei (2022) examined the causes and factors of economic divergence among Islamic countries in their study titled The Impact of Economic Divergence of Islamic Countries on the Convergence of the Islamic World. While the research provides an in-depth analysis of the roots of economic divergence among Islamic countries, it does not address the impact of economic diplomacy models in strengthening convergence among these nations. The study primarily focuses on identifying the causes of economic divergence rather than the potential role of economic diplomacy in fostering unity (Izadi & Mousaei, 2022, p. 35-56). Ezati, Ejabi, and Mokhtari (2021), in their study titled Geopolitical Analysis of the Convergence and Divergence Components in the Islamic World, with a foresight approach, argue that the realization of convergence among Islamic countries depends on reducing the involvement of extra-regional powers and addressing ethnic and religious challenges within the Islamic world. As a result, this would lead these countries toward development and sustainable security. However, the study overlooks the role of economic factors in creating political and social stability. Economic growth indicators and the improvement and reform of infrastructure play a critical role in strengthening convergence among Islamic countries (Ezati, Ejabi, & Mokhtari, 2021, p. 209-231).

The approach of this research is qualitative and exploratory, with data collection primarily conducted through library research. It involves reviewing key terms and concepts by examining sources, particularly from the past decade, to establish a conceptual framework. Ultimately, the study conducts an in-depth analysis of the subject and offers policy recommendations. Data collection focuses on reviewing relevant documents and literature, including scholarly articles, specialized books, statistical resources, and primary internal and external documents.

The findings of the research indicate that economic convergence among Islamic countries can be achieved by designing a conceptual model based on the principles of economic diplomacy. This can be realized through the creation of common markets, a joint export guarantee fund, an Islamic financial messaging system, the signing of trade agreements, bilateral or multilateral monetary agreements, economic diversification, and the establishment of an institutional framework.
 

 Islamic countries have faced significant challenges on the global stage, including poverty, underdevelopment, and backwardness. Today, the Islamic world is striving to overcome these obstacles by emphasizing its strategic role and position. The path to addressing these problems requires extensive collaboration, solidarity, order, and cohesion within the Islamic world. Given their shared principles, goals, interests, and aspirations, Islamic countries have the potential to establish common economic blocs to achieve sustainable economic stability. One of the most effective ways to strengthen integration among Islamic nations is through economic unity. Economic diplomacy, as a strategic tool for countries seeking to enhance their economic interests through international cooperation and negotiation, presents unique opportunities for collaboration and convergence. This research focuses on the role of economic integration in empowering the Islamic world. Economic convergence among Islamic countries is vital for several reasons. Firstly, given the rich natural and human resources present in these nations, economic cooperation can foster sustainable development and reduce poverty. Secondly, considering the commonalities shared among Islamic nations, integration across various sectors provides a solution to existing challenges. Additionally, the creation of a strong economic bloc can enhance both national and regional security.

Islamic countries, with their rich resources and high economic potential, can play a role as effective actors in the international system. In particular, the existence of vast markets, abundant natural resources, and a common culture among these countries pave the way for creating exceptional opportunities for economic cooperation and synergy. Economic diplomacy plays an important role as a tool for strengthening international cooperation in the fields of trade, investment, and sustainable development. Islamic countries, given their shared historical and cultural experiences, can implement effective strategies to strengthen their economic relations. In addition, economic interactions can help improve security and stability in different regions and improve the general situation of these countries. On the other hand, existing challenges such as political and economic disputes, internal inconsistencies, and external pressures can be serious obstacles to achieving these goals; therefore, the feeling of the need for synergy and coordination in economic policies and programs among Islamic countries is of particular importance. Ultimately, economic diplomacy can play a pivotal role in strengthening the position of Islamic countries in the international system and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, so that these countries can be recognized as strategic partners in the global arena.

Iran has been subjected to numerous and diverse sanctions in recent years, aiming to reduce its level of international trade. On the other hand, France has a historical record of trade relations with Iran and has consistently been considered one of its partners. The trade relationship between Iran and France dates back centuries, to the 17th and 18th centuries during the Safaviye era. At that time, France was recognized as a key trading destination for Iran and a gateway for commerce with Europe.
During the Qajar period, particularly under Fath Ali Shah, efforts were made to strengthen relations with France. Napoleon Bonaparte sought an alliance with Iran to counter the Russian and British empires. However, due to political shifts and agreements between France and other powers, these collaborations did not achieve their intended outcomes.
In the 20th century, both during the Pahlavi dynasty and after the Islamic Revolution, France remained one of Iran's key partners. Given the economic capacities of both countries, especially in various sectors, numerous opportunities for collaboration have existed. However, the current level of trade between the two nations has significantly declined, reaching its lowest point in history.
Research

The present study aims to examine the trends in trade relations between France and Iran, focusing on the following research question:What has been the trend of Iran-France trade relations, and how have sanctions affected it?
To answer this question, the study hypothesizes that sanctions have caused a decline in the upward trend of France-Iran trade relations.

This study adopts a quantitative research approach. Time series techniques have been employed to analyze the trends in trade relations between Iran and France, while the impact of sanctions on these trade relations has been evaluated using the difference-in-means statistic.
Time series data consist of observations ordered chronologically, derived from long-term monitoring of a phenomenon. Analyzing time series can be considered a form of longitudinal study, which helps researchers understand natural processes and patterns of change over time.
The difference-in-means test is used to assess the impact of sanctions by comparing the mean values of trade during different periods. This test determines whether the observed mean values across groups are significantly different from one another. Only if the means are distinct across groups is the presence of a difference confirmed.

While France has historically been one of Iran's major trading partners during most of the observed time series, accounting for at least 4% of Iran's imports and exports until 2006, subsequent developments have led to a decline in France's share of trade with Iran. By the end of the time series, France's share had reached a minimum.
Comparing the positions of the two countries based on the time series:Iran has not been a significant trading partner for France throughout the time series and has experienced a decline in trade. However, the volume of France's trade with Iran has witnessed a relatively smaller decrease.
In contrast, France held a favorable position in Iran's trade before the initial sanctions. However, following the imposition of sanctions, France's trade with Iran experienced a consistent decline, approaching its lowest levels by the end of the time series. Consequently, France's negative trade balance with Iran has sharply increased, and it has been excluded from the group of Iran's main trading partners.
These findings suggest that the imposition of sanctions has profoundly affected the trade dynamics between Iran and France, with a more significant impact observed on France's role as a trading partner of Iran.

The findings indicate that sanctions have specifically impacted France's exports to Iran in the later period, particularly after 2018. Although the level of trade declined during the "maximum pressure" phase, the export values did not show a statistically significant difference compared to non-sanctioned periods (pre-sanction and JCPOA eras). Additionally, the initial sanction period was identified as the best phase in terms of export value, attributed to certain sanction exemptions. Once these exemptions were lifted during the maximum pressure phase, export values drastically decreased, showing a reduction of approximately 70% compared to the initial sanction period. Thus, sanctions from 2018 onward have had a direct and pronounced impact on France's exports to Iran.
Similarly, the findings reveal that sanctions imposed during the "maximum pressure" phase and subsequent re-sanctions significantly affected France's imports from Iran. However, the initial sanction period stood out as the most favorable in terms of import value, again due to specific exemptions. Following the removal of these exemptions, the value of imports during the maximum pressure phase sharply declined. A comparison between the two sanction phases shows a 95% reduction in import values during the maximum pressure period. Consequently, sanctions have had a direct and profound impact on France's imports from Iran in both examined phases.

The analysis of trade trends between France and Iran indicates that, while trade relations were not significantly affected during the initial sanction period, the periods of "maximum pressure" and subsequent re-sanctions have considerably impacted bilateral trade. Despite France's historical ties with Iran and its occasional diplomatic efforts to address Iran's challenges, sanctions have undeniably influenced trade relations between the two countries.
The United States’ withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and the re-imposition of sanctions created a challenging environment for France-Iran trade. Post-2018, violating sanctions against Iran has been met with stringent U.S. measures, increasing the political risk associated with trading with Iran. This led many French companies to reassess or terminate their agreements with Iran. For instance, Total abandoned its plans to develop the South Pars gas field, a potentially lucrative project for both parties, due to fears of U.S. sanctions. Such developments have significantly constrained France's ability to capitalize on its economic interests in Iran.
Comparisons between the periods of re-sanctions and maximum pressure reveal steep declines in trade: export values decreased by over 54%, while import values dropped by over 72%.
It is important to note that France continues to recognize the JCPOA as a viable solution to the Iranian issue and considers its revival a key tool for resolving existing disputes. France seeks to restore diplomatic engagement with Iran to revitalize economic relations. France's considerations for maintaining the JCPOA or forging agreements with Iran go beyond historical and geopolitical ties, as they promise substantial economic benefits. This underlines France's potential capability and willingness to leverage diplomatic interactions to resolve the Iranian issue.

Over the past decade, Qatar, leveraging its geopolitical position and vast energy resources, has sought to balance its relations with major powers, particularly the United States. Since 1992, Qatar has fostered closer ties with the United States through a bilateral security agreement, which was renewed for a third ten-year term in 2013. The country solidified its relationship with the US by hosting the US military at Al Udeid Air Base in 2003. Since then, maintaining and expanding relations with the United States has been the most important goal of Qatar's foreign and security policy. This research analyzes the economic relations between Qatar and the United States within the framework of economic diplomacy. Given recent developments in international politics and Qatar's active role in global markets, examining these relations can provide valuable insights into economic interactions and foreign policy decisions. Using qualitative and quantitative analysis methods, this study investigates the economic and political impacts of cooperation between the two countries and examines the opportunities and challenges in this area from 2011 to 2023. The results of this research demonstrate that economic diplomacy plays a key role in strengthening bilateral relations and increasing foreign investment between Qatar and the United States.

Analysis of Bilateral Relations: Many previous studies have examined various dimensions of Qatar-US relations, including political, security, and economic relations. By focusing on common interests and existing challenges in these relations, these studies have contributed to a deeper understanding of the dynamics governing them. For further study in this area, you can refer to David Roberts's book Qatar and the United States: Changing Relations in the Middle East.
The Role of Economic Diplomacy: Numerous studies have addressed the role of economic diplomacy in shaping and developing relations between countries, including Qatar and the United States. These studies have shown that economic diplomacy can serve as an effective tool to strengthen economic cooperation, attract foreign investment, and increase trade exchanges. The article "Qatar's Economic Diplomacy: A Foreign Policy Tool in Globalization" by Mohammed bin Hamad Al Thani can be a useful source in this regard. Bilateral Investments: A significant portion of previous studies has been devoted to examining bilateral investments between Qatar and the United States, particularly in the energy, real estate and technology sectors. By analyzing the amount and manner of investments, these studies have assessed their economic and political impacts on the relations of the two countries.
The report "Qatar's Investments in the United States: Opportunities and Challenges" published by the US-Qatar Business Council can provide comprehensive information in this regard. Trade and Energy: Other studies have examined trade exchanges between Qatar and the United States, particularly in the field of energy. These studies have shown that Qatar, as one of the largest exporters of liquefied natural gas (LNG) to the world, plays an important role in supplying energy to the United States. The article "The Impact of Qatar's LNG on US Energy Security" by John Smith can help to better understand this issue.

This research employs a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative methods, such as interviews, content analysis, and case studies, are utilized to explore the political and economic relations between Qatar and the United States in greater depth. Quantitative methods, including economic statistics, investment and trade data, and economic indicators, are employed to more precisely analyze the economic impacts of cooperation between the two countries
Population Given the research topic, the population includes the following:Government documents: including economic agreements, official reports, policy statements, etc.
Economic statistics: including data on bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, gross domestic product, etc. Case studies: examining specific instances of economic cooperation between Qatar and the United States. Research Type: This research is a descriptive-analytical study, as it describes and analyzes the economic and political relations between the two countries.
Research Method: To gather the necessary information, the following methods were used:Library research: including the study of relevant books, articles, documents, and reports. Internet search: for access to economic statistics, news, and current analyses.
Data Collection Method: Based on the research methods, the data collection is as follows:Documents: collecting and studying official documents, reports, agreements, etc. Statistical data: collecting and analyzing economic statistics from reliable sources.

This research, which examines the economic relations between Qatar and the United States within the framework of economic diplomacy, has yielded significant results, some of which are highlighted below:Economic diplomacy plays a key role in strengthening bilateral relations: The research demonstrates that economic diplomacy has served as an effective tool in reinforcing political and economic ties between Qatar and the United States. The exchange of trade delegations, joint investments, and economic cooperation in various projects have contributed to deepening relations and building trust between the two countries.
Reciprocal investments are an important factor in the development of economic relations: Bilateral investments between Qatar and the United States have increased dramatically. Qatar, by investing in various economic sectors of the United States, including real estate, energy, and technology, has contributed to the economic development of this country, and in return, American companies have also invested in major projects in Qatar. These reciprocal investments have created common interests for both countries and helped to strengthen their economic relations. Diverse and extensive trade cooperation: Trade relations between Qatar and the United States include a wide range of goods and services. Qatar mainly imports aircraft, machinery, and information technology from the United States, while its exports to the United States mainly include petroleum products and liquefied natural gas. This diversity in trade exchanges has increased mutual dependence and contributed to the sustainability of economic relations between the two countries. The role of large companies in the development of economic relations: Major American companies such as ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Boeing have played an important role in the development of economic relations between the two countries. By investing in large projects in Qatar, these companies have contributed to the development of infrastructure and various industries in this country, and in return, they have benefited from commercial and investment opportunities in Qatar. Cultural and educational cooperation complements economic relations: In addition to economic relations, cultural and educational cooperation has also expanded between Qatar and the United States. The establishment of American universities in Qatar, the exchange of students and professors, and the holding of joint cultural programs have helped to strengthen human and cultural ties between the two countries and have provided a basis for further development of economic relations. Challenges and opportunities ahead: Despite the remarkable development of economic relations between Qatar and the United States, there are also challenges. Regional rivalries, changes in international politics, and fluctuations in global markets can affect the economic relations of the two countries. However, given the common interests and strong relations between the two countries, there are also many opportunities for further development of economic cooperation.
In conclusion, the present research shows that economic relations between Qatar and the United States of America, within the framework of economic diplomacy, have developed significantly and have helped to strengthen bilateral relations between the two countries. Reciprocal investments, extensive trade cooperation, and cultural and educational cooperation have been among the important factors in this development. However, to maintain and expand these relations, it is necessary to pay attention to the challenges and take advantage of the opportunities ahead.

This research examines the economic relations between Qatar and the United States of America from 1992 to 2024, analyzing the impact of economic diplomacy on these relations. It explores how these economic ties have evolved, considering Qatar's geopolitical position and its energy resources. The research also investigates the role of security agreements and the US military presence in Qatar in shaping the economic dynamics between the two nations. Employing both qualitative and quantitative analytical methods, the study identifies opportunities, challenges, and areas of economic cooperation between Qatar and the US. Ultimately, the research demonstrates that economic diplomacy plays a crucial role in strengthening bilateral relations and attracting foreign investment between Qatar and the United States of America.
 

The analysis of economic relations between Qatar and the United States within the framework of economic diplomacy shows that bilateral economic cooperation has significantly contributed to the strengthening of the political and economic relations of both countries. Qatar, using its economic capacities and natural resources, has been able to establish stable economic relations with the United States and thereby contribute to its economic development and progress. On the other hand, the United States, by taking advantage of investment and trade opportunities with Qatar, has been able to strengthen its role in the Persian Gulf region. These economic relations have not only led to the improvement of economic conditions and increased foreign investment but have also contributed to political stability and regional security. Economic diplomacy, as an efficient tool, has played a key role in these interactions and has shown that economic cooperation can serve as a bridge between nations and lead to the strengthening of bilateral relations at various levels. However, various challenges in this path require attention and proper management. Improving economic infrastructure, strengthening financial and economic institutions, and creating appropriate legal and commercial frameworks can help to overcome these challenges and further strengthen economic relations between Qatar and the United States.

Relations between China and Africa have a long and complex history, dating back over three thousand years. Initially characterized by intermittent contact, these relations fluctuated until the communist revolution in 1949, which reignited China's interest in Africa. The new Chinese government viewed African nations as significant players in global politics and sought alliances to counter colonialism and exploitation. However, ideological rifts with the Soviet Union and pressure from Western nations led several African countries to sever ties with China by the end of 1967. China-Africa relations have seen unprecedented growth in the past three decades, particularly in economic cooperation and lending, drawing considerable international attention. Today, China is regarded as a primary economic partner for many countries across Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe. By 2009, African nations transitioned from being former colonies to becoming China's largest trading partners, with China emerging as the leading lender to the African public sector. Despite the significance of Chinese diplomacy and economic imperialism in the current era, there is a notable lack of academic research on this topic. Articles published in Persian have not addressed China's diplomatic objectives in Africa or their implications; instead, they have concentrated on China's emergence as a superpower and various aspects of its hard and soft power in the African context. In contrast, English-language articles emphasize the need to understand China's intentions in fostering relationships with African nations. However, these articles often adopt a pessimistic view of China's goals, seemingly exaggerating the risks associated with the development of China-Africa relations.

The main research question revolves around the objectives of China's diplomacy in Africa and whether this economic cooperation can be classified as a form of new economic imperialism or a mutually beneficial partnership.

The hypothesis posits that China's diplomacy in Africa represent a long-term investment aimed at achieving developmental goals for both parties rather than exploitation.

The study employs a qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach, utilizing both primary and secondary sources gathered through library research.

The research aims to analyze the principles underlying China's diplomatic strategies in Africa and their political-economic implications.

The findings indicate that while China's foreign policy exhibits neo-colonial tendencies rooted in economic imperialism, it is premature to definitively classify its actions as colonial. Contrary to narratives presented in Western media, many African leaders and citizens view cooperation with China positively, considering it beneficial.

Currently, Beijing is attuned to the historical concerns of African nations regarding colonialism and has adjusted its policies to mitigate these apprehensions. This includes emphasizing "sustainability" in economic relations. Key measures taken by China involve enhancing its soft power, fostering cultural exchanges, investing in education, and contributing to security efforts in conflict-prone regions. These initiatives have yielded favorable outcomes, such as reducing negative perceptions of China within Africa. China remains cautious in its engagements on the continent and continues to strengthen its partnerships with African nations. Despite existing trade imbalances favoring China, Beijing has demonstrated commitment to supporting Africa's development goals for 2063. Overall, there is no widespread concern among African populations or leaders regarding their relationship with China. The complexities of this relationship necessitate a nuanced understanding; while some neo-colonial tendencies exist, African countries retain agency and have benefitted from economic advancements facilitated by Chinese investments. In conclusion, although China's actions may suggest imperialistic inclinations, the evolving dynamics of Sino-African relations reveal a multifaceted partnership that offers significant opportunities for development while also posing challenges that require careful management by both parties. For Africans, China presents four primary attractions for future cooperation:Avoiding Pressure from Global Financial Institutions: China's loans have allowed many African governments to evade the stringent conditions imposed by global financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. These institutions often require compliance with Western norms, including political and economic reforms that can feel burdensome to African nations.
Rapid Response to Development Needs: China has empowered African governments to swiftly address the increasing demands of their populations for improved services and infrastructure. There is a growing interest among Africans in the quick provision of services such as transportation, education, health, and communication by Chinese companies, as well as access to affordable goods. This has fostered a stronger appetite for trade with China across the continent.
Involvement in Peace and Security Projects: China is actively participating in peace and security initiatives within Africa. Notably, Chinese soldiers are involved in eight United Nations peacekeeping missions globally, five of which are located in Africa.
Economic Growth Model: The history of China's rapid and successful economic growth serves as a potential model for African nations. As China's influence continues to grow on the continent, it appears that these countries may increasingly find themselves aligned with China as their primary partner for development and cooperation. Although negative western propaganda can have a negative impact on the public opinion of African citizens and the speed of their governments' cooperation with China, it does not seem to be able to stop these relations.

Iran's orientation towards the East has always been one of the most important elements of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, which has been of great importance due to the prevailing political requirements in international relations, hence, with the emergence of China as a world power, The high economic strength of this country and Iran's identity and political contradictions with the west of the new Arsa in Iran's foreign policy and orientation towards the east in this country began, on the other hand, the nature of China's foreign policy and efforts to establish bilateral relations with different regions, including the Middle East, It has provided more scope for such a platform. The basic question that this research aims to answer is, what are the causes of Iran's orientation towards the East and Iran's position as one of the most important countries in the Middle East in China's foreign policy? In response to these questions, confrontation with the influence of the West and the maximum pressure and sanctions of the United States of America is one of the main reasons for Iran's orientation towards the East, which itself has led to the promotion of Iran's position in China's Middle East regional policy in the field of energy, and China's Middle East policy is also based on the approach Evolution is on a pragmatic path, and China seeks balanced development with all countries in the region, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, and avoids any conflict and non-constructive reaction from other countries in the region and world powers.

In this research, the theoretical issues raised in the threat balance theory of Stephen M. Walt is considered as a suitable framework for explaining the problem. Balance of threat theory by Stephen M. Walt proposed in his article "Alliance Formation and the Balance of World Power" published in the Journal of International Security in 1985. This theory was later elaborated in his book The Origin of Alliances (1987). This theory modifies the general balance of power theory in the neorealist school of international relations. This theory is placed in the general framework of defensive realism theory. In this theory, the balance is formed by the necessity of fear and is to replace the superior power it should be said that based on the theory of threat balance, the unity of states is determined by the actions and creation of threats by other states. Walt believes that states generally counterbalance a perceived threat by uniting. In another interpretation, it should be stated that merely increasing the challenger's power alone does not create a balance of power, but the nature of the power of the rising country requires balance, hence, this balance includes the power and intentions of those in power. He cites the example of European alliance patterns before and during the First and Second World Wars when countries of considerable combined power united against the recognized threat of German expansionism. In fact, according to Walt, governments balance the greatest threats to their security.

According to the main question of the research that was raised, the hypothesis that will be investigated in response to it, the confrontation with the influence of the West and the maximum pressures and sanctions of the United States of America is one of the main reasons for Iran's orientation towards the East, which itself leads to the improvement of Iran's position in China's Middle Eastern regional policy has been in the field of energy. The identity and ideological conflicts of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the West, as well as the economic pressures of the West on Iran on the one hand, as well as China as one of the world powers, especially in the field of economy, can be seen as the reasons for Iran's tendency towards the East, on the other hand, due to The pragmatic principles and foundations of the balanced development of China's Middle East policy with all countries, far from arousing the sensitivities of the United States, Iran as one of the important countries of the Middle East is of great importance. With Tehran, it is a function of this country's macro-Middle East policy, which does not have attributes and characteristics such as strategies or unity. The author tries to investigate the answer given to the main question of this research with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on this, this research gathers information based on internet scientific resources, a review of published upstream documents and reports, and finally data analysis.

In general, I use Stephen Walt's theory of Iran's tendency towards the East, which was based on the balance of threats, he believes that any kind of tendency and alliance needs regional cooperation or a sense of common threat, as a result of the strategy of countries to prevent From the increase in the power of its rival, it is balancing, in general, Iran's tendency towards the east based on Walt's theory, due to the immediate threat caused by sanctions, which has caused the existence or survival of Iran to be endangered, and on the other hand, Iran's interests are balanced with an alliance with China. The relations between Iran and China have a long way to a strategic direction.