نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال چهاردهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 54، پاییز 1403)

Russia-Ukraine interaction in the last decade has been effective in Iran-EU relations. After America's withdrawal from the JCPOA, Russia was Iran's partner in reducing pressure on the international scene. The lack of support from Moscow leaves Tehran without an effective supporter against the West. Revival of the JCPOA is the cornerstone of Iran's relations with the European Union so that the US can be forced to return to the JCPOA. However, Iran's support for Russia has increased the tension in Iran's relations with this union. The article's main question is why Iran's military interactions with Russia in the Ukraine war have removed geo-economics from the EU's relations with Iran. The research hypothesizes that from the point of view of the European Union, Iran seeks to strengthen Russia's hegemonic position in Europe with its support of Russia. This article, using the documentary method and the use of library and internet resources, and using the theoretical model of decentralized globalism, concludes that between the possible economic gains resulting from this war (geoeconomics) and the long-term benefits of convergence with Russia (geopolitics), Iran inevitably chooses the second option. This choice makes the future of Tehran's relations with the European Union challenging.

Determined by the dynamic nature of international relations as well as the concern of peacemaking, the field of international relations has experienced many paradigmatic developments and discourse debates in the theoretical, methodological and epistemological fields. Liberalism can be considered as the first theoretical paradigm of international relations, which emerged under the influence of idealistic ideas in the post-World War I era which marginalized with the start of World War II. The second paradigm shift began with the rise of realism in the post-World War II era. During this period, power became the main keyword in international relations literature. The third paradigmatic shift in the theory of international relations occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the third development can be considered as the most pluralistic theoretical period in the 100-year life of the field of international relations, in this period, the theories of neoliberalism and neuralism, in a relatively balanced way, have dominated the analytical and scientific field of this field. In the present era, new developments such as the emergence of Artificial Intelligence have the potential to affect the paradigm shift in the theory and practice of international relations. The hypothesis of the present study, using the theoretical framework of Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions, is based on the premise that artificial intelligence by empowering non-governmental actors such as holdings and large companies, has led to the further erosion of the sovereignty of states and can bring about the fourth paradigm shift in the field of international relations.

In the last two decades, the South Caucasus has been the focus of the surrounding powers, including Iran and Türkiye, each of which follows and follows itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical point of view. The main question is, how is the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus explained from a critical geopolitical point of view? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Türkiye are trying to realize themselves in power-oriented, spatial and identity structures, away from traditional geopolitics. The competing hypothesis is that the conflicts between the two countries in the South Caucasus are power-oriented in nature and are not influenced by geographical space and identity contexts. The findings show that there are two countries in the South Caucasus in the minds of the officials of the two countries in a cultural, civilizational, historical, geopolitical, communicative and balancing role. On the one hand, this is a conflict in the competition for regional supremacy. Iran considers Azeris living in Iran and the Caucasus to have the ideological potential and time to expand Ankara's influence in the region. Türkiye also expands the space of Shia in the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, to expand the space of Iran. Türkiye also considers Islamic-Shiite religious teachings to be an inseparable part of Iran's politics. While Iran perceives the expansionist role of the former Ottoman Empire, which Turkey considers to be its representative,

The aim is to examine the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of Azerbaijan. This research is a qualitative and phenomenological analysis. The statistical population consists of university professors and specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Participants were selected and answered questions with exploratory interviews in a targeted and data saturated method. This study showed that the scientific, cultural, economic, social and geopolitical cooperation between the two countries has not been sufficiently prosperous and Iran's security policy is based on geopolitical and economic interests and considerations, based on extroverted balancing, active defense and interaction and presence. Effective and powerful and the security strategy is connected to each other. The Islamic Republic of Iran does not have sufficient environmental knowledge and analysis of the new conditions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and due to the involvement of extra-regional countries, it does not have a suitable option for security policymaking, especially in the fields of energy (oil and gas) in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the two countries are moving in opposite directions. They do not agree with each other in international relations, and they do not have military cooperation and agreements with each other. In the field of removing extra-regional forces, especially Israel from the South Caucasus region and the Republic of Azerbaijan, due to the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Armenia, our country has not achieved significant success.

Despite the existence of international institutions and legal mechanisms in the form of collective security,international security has always faced challenges and threats, mainly military,as one of the most important concerns of governments and international organizations.Meanwhile, with the emergence of the globalization process,new concepts such as international socialization It has been formed in the international relations literature that,as a new variable, has challenged the traditional studies of security from the perspective of rationalists.Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of how the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments leads to stability.Will security become international?Using the theoretical and meta-theoretical approach of constructivism and in the form of an explanatory method, the upcoming research is based on the hypothesis that the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments can stabilize the international security through the consolidation of the collective security mechanism. So that from the point of view of constructivism, international socialization is considered as a process that by internalizing international values ​​and norms, and as a result, the formation of global common knowledge,norms and ideas and its transfer from one actor to another,ultimately leads to the construction of a collective identity.This leads to the promotion of the status of international norms and shared values ​​as well as increasing the functioning of international institutions.So that during this process, with the realization of the security community,the stability of international security is achieved through the consolidation of the mechanism of the collective security model.

With the formation of political developments inYemenregional and extraregional actors based on their interests and self-interests have adopted different orientationinrelation to this country, which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the MiddleEast, which tries to study the complexity of the country's situation, considering the positionThe strategic importance of Yemen and its importance for two regional rivals and the formation of intra-regional and international competition should answer the question of what effect Iran's role in the Yemen crisis has on the security of Saudi ArabiaThe research is based on the fact that Iran's foreign policy towards the crisis in Yemen is as a regional power against the former dependent system and the supporter of the people's movement to get rid of foreign domination and dependencies in this countryThe fall of the Saudi dependent system in Yemen and the role of the Shiitesand the revolutionariesrole in weakening Saudi Arabia and strengthening resistance and changing the balance of power to the detriment of this country and in favor of Iran to assert itself as the first power in the Middle East

Access to water resources is necessary to preserve the ecosystem, biodiversity, food security and sustainable development. Therefore, with the water crisis, competition between governments will arise and cause a security problem, and since no one can be sure that others will sustainably use water resources, everyone will start doing water supply projects for themselves. Therefore, the water crisis leads to economic, social and security problems. The current research raises this question: "How can we analyze the impact of the water crisis on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Iraq in the years 2000-2023?". It is hypothesized that "Regardless of the downstream countries, Turkey is trying to make these countries depend on its policies in this field through hydro-hegemony and controlling the upstream water resources". On the other hand, Iran and Iraq will also try to manage the effects of the water crisis by cooperating and forming a balancing action. This research uses the Neorealism approach because, from this point of view, the relationships of research variables can be better analyzed. The current research uses a descriptive-analytical method and the research data has been provided by referring to library and internet sources and specialized publications. The findings of the research show that Turkey has become a hegemonic actor in the common basin with its water policies and has faced Iraq and Iran with serious environmental and security issues.

Peace and security in the national and international dimensions had different meanings for states and the world community in successive periods, and due to this reason there are different approaches to them. With the arrival of new areas such as cyberspace and today artificial intelligence, these classic definitions have undergone changes. Terrorism is known as disrupting international order, peace and security. Considering the characteristics of the cyber space, cyber terrorism raises the need to recreate concepts such as digital security, regularizing the use of artificial intelligence technology, and most importantly, human security.This research was written using library documents and sources on descriptive-analytical method.Cyber threat is one of the most serious threats against national interests and international security. Due to the serious destruction of vital infrastructure, some countries have declared that they consider it as a military attack and will respond to it militarily. Cyber space and artificial intelligence have questioned all common and traditional understandings of the concept of national security. Therefore, these concepts need to be redefined in the light of international custom resulting from the decisions of organizations such as the United Nations and NATO.The technological opportunities created by cyberspace and artificial intelligence shape the future, but do not determine it. In order to manage the challenges ahead, states should put a national strategy on how to use the benefits of cyberspace and artificial intelligence while reducing its harmful effects by adopting measures based on international cooperation.

The study aims to evaluate the role of emerging technologies over the global political economy developments. The authors' concerns is “what are the impact of the emerging technologies resulting from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, would have on the global political economy order, the flow of global power and wealth, the position of power, and the interests of its actors? The study hypothesis claims that the global political economy has undergone fundamental changes under the influence of the rapid development of emerging technologies at the beginning of the 21st century. It is seen that a gradually transition is going on from a state-centered to a network-centered order with the role of diverse Governmental and Non-governmental actors in which their interests feed regarding their level of participation in the networked world. In this regard, first, the evolution of technologies and their various fields mentioned, especially artificial intelligence. Then, the effects of these technologies studied on the global political economy governance system, competition between great powers, and the standardization of emerging technologies. Finally, the emergence of a global network economy and the transformation in the rules and institutions governing the global political economy has discussed. The methodology used for the research was descriptive-explanatory. Findings revealed that, influenced by the wave of emerging technologies, new resources and characteristics of "power" such as information, data, and networking capabilities have been added to traditional tools, and its concept is mutating.