پژوهشنامه ایرانی روابط بین الملل
سال سوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 6، زمستان 1403)

China has been able to establish an effective network in the Middle East through the Digital Silk Road. The competition between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates plays a significant role in China's economic and geopolitical strategies. This research examines how the rivalry between these two countries influences China's position as the main actor in the Digital Silk Road and seeks to analyze China's behavioral patterns within this framework. The research question is: How does the competition between Saudi Arabia and the UAE in exploiting the opportunities of China's Digital Silk Road redefine the balance of power in their bilateral relations and in the Gulf region? According to the results, China's behavioral model is primarily economic, based on three key principles: sustainable mutual benefits, inclusivity, and networking. By applying these principles, China has aligned its internal economic needs with the conditions of host countries through the development of advanced technologies such as 5G, artificial intelligence, and digital infrastructure. In this context, the competition between Saudi Arabia and the UAE has created an opportunity for China to more effectively utilize regional capacities to strengthen its position. In addition to economic goals, this competition has allowed China to pursue political objectives, such as reducing the unilateral influence of the United States and promoting multilateralism. As a result, the Digital Silk Road has become a platform for complex economic and political interactions, where China has established its role as the main partner. This rivalry has also had profound effects on shaping a new regional order and enhancing technological cooperation between China and the Gulf countries.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia, as two influential actors in the current international system, seek to enhance their roles and standings in global affairs. The United States, as a superpower since World War II and especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly expanded its influence globally. As a global power, the U.S. aims to achieve greater interests and promote global processes in line with its objectives and needs, maintaining presence and influence in various regions and fields. The Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as key focal points, have attracted significant attention from the U.S. Iran, with its critical geopolitical and strategic position in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, has played the most influential role in interactions with the U.S., a power beyond the region. Meanwhile, it is observed that while Iran-U.S. relations are characterized by tensions and conflicting policies, Russia has sought interaction and cooperation with the U.S. at various stages. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method and gathers information through library research, with the primary objective of conducting a "comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Russia and Iran towards the United States from 2011 to 2020." The main research question is: How have the foreign policies of Iran and Russia towards the U.S. been, comparatively, from 2011 to 2020? The research results and findings indicate that Russia has maintained a more balanced foreign policy towards the U.S. compared to Iran. Russia is willing to engage and cooperate with the U.S. when its interests are at stake, whereas Iran has pursued an aggressive foreign policy towards the U.S., perceiving the issues between the two countries as insurmountable.

In this article, the application of the theory of the charismatic leader in the political personality of Imam Khomeini (RA) as a charismatic leader during the emergence of the revolutionary movement in three periods, namely before the revolution from 1963 to January 2013 as the first period, from January 2013 to the victory of the revolution in 1978 as the second period, and the period of consolidation of the Islamic Republic system from April 1979 to June 1981 and the dismissal of Bani Sadr and the exit of the People's Mojahedin from the political power structure of the revolutionary system as the third period was studied. The findings of the study showed that Imam Khomeini's (RA) personal charisma in the pre-revolutionary period had a traditional-religious nature, and he was able to lead the Islamic-revolutionary movement by relying on religious legitimacy. His charisma in the second period, that is, in the early years of the revolution (1979-1981), was of the type of "personal and emotional charisma." By leading the masses of the people and shaping mass participation, he replaced bureaucratic legitimacy with his post-revolutionary charismatic legitimacy, while stabilizing the system. Perhaps if the role of his charismatic leadership had not been sensitive at that time, the nascent Islamic system would not have been able to overcome the crises related to the stabilization of its rule, given the institutional weakness of the revolutionary forces in not having experience in dealing with the crises of stabilizing the nascent revolutionary system.

With the end of decolonization, an important issue in international law was raised, which was the formulation of separatist demands of minorities in light of the right to self-determination, which was mainly accompanied by violent reactions from states, which could be said to be a threat to international peace and security and involved gross violations of human rights. The end of the Cold War revealed a new approach to the concept of the right to self-determination, which was able to provide a solution to these conflicts by establishing a compromise between this right and the principles of international law such as territorial integrity. In the new perspective, the right to self-determination has been oriented from the right to form a state to the right to organize a state by the people and minorities. With this explanation, the right to self-determination is used as a basis and support for the establishment of democracy and the development of human rights, as well as guaranteeing the rights of minorities. If we want to examine the independence of the Catalan region of Spain as a case, it should be noted that the Spanish legal system has many ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic diversities. This country can be considered a simple state because it is governed by an open, decentralized system and in the form of a regional system with autonomy granted to 17 regions. The purpose of this article is to research the future of these conflicts in a descriptive and analytical way. At the same time, this article intends to examine the background and concept of the right to self-determination and introduce its new dimensions.

The unprecedented growth of greenhouse gases and the transformation of climate change into a global crisis have faced all subjects of international law with devastating consequences. Meanwhile, in international relations, the concept of cooperation as a principle in international environmental law has not been successful in confronting climate change by subjects of international law, especially developed countries. The lack of interest of developed countries in the 29th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change or COP29 in November 2024 confirms the lack of urgency to address climate change in international relations and the widespread exacerbation of climate injustice. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the continuity of the commitment to the right to a sustainable climate in the sustainability of international relations to mitigate the global risks of climate change. In organizing this research were used a review of legal documents and texts and a survey of experts. The study findings conclude that focusing the global community on the right to a sustainable climate through the acquisition of a sustainable economy, a sustainable society, and a sustainable environment will have a meaningful and deepened relationship in strengthening international relations in reducing climate crisis of risks.

The purpose of this research was to evaluate the tools and mechanisms of the United Nations in the protection of human rights. International mechanisms can never replace national mechanisms and measures to implement human rights standards. First of all, human rights should be implemented at the national and local levels. The first responsibility of governments to realize human rights is about the people who live in the territory of those governments. However, with the internationalization of human rights and the recognition of this, the protection and excellence of human rights is not in the exclusive domain of governments. The international community can play its legitimate role regarding the compliance of the accepted international standards with any of the states or powerful agents. Therefore, although the methods of international control cannot replace the national facilities and methods of implementing human rights, but the facilities have a complementary role, the international mechanisms show the general desire of the international community to provide the conditions that the Universal Declaration and Covenants of Civil Rights and economic, social and cultural have stated: "Recognizing the inherent dignity and equal and inseparable rights of family members is human-based, freedom, justice and peace in the world". Both types of mechanisms have positive features as well as criticisms of their way of working. In the case of the Human Rights Commission, the main debates are about the political nature of the decisions, the main debates are about the "Commission and the influence of the political environment and the greater attention of Western countries to the issue of civil and political rights."