Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs
Volume:14 Issue: 1, Winter-Spring 2023

Iranian exceptionalism has been a major factor in preventing rapprochement between the US and Iran. There are two major factions within the foreign policy establishment of the Islamic Republic representing “reconciliation discourse” and “resistance discourse”. These two can be seen as sub-discourses within the Islamic Revolution discourse engaged in a struggle over its “correct” interpretation. The reconciliation discourse emphasizes on “prudence”, while the resistance discourse emphasizes upon “conscientiousness”, both signifiers within the Islamic Revolution discourse. Both movements agree that these signifiers exist within the discourse, but they disagree about the primacy and centrality of one over the other. The “reconciliation discourse” seeks development as the main goal of Iran’s foreign policy, and, hence, considers reconciliation with the US to be a precondition to that goal. Its arguments imply that Iran is not an exceptional country. The resistance discourse, on the other hand, is deeply exceptionalist and deems resistance against the US and maximalist independence to be the main objectives of Iran’s foreign policy. This discourse strongly opposes mending ties with the US because such a move would be understood as a threat to Iran’s exceptionalism. These sub-discourses also perceive the US differently; the reconciliation discourse considers US to be dynamic and heterogenous, while the resistance discourse considers US to be unchanging and monolithic, and this disagreement also contributes to their policy toward the US, and this understanding is also closely intertwined with exceptionalism. Overall, the dispute over Iranian exceptionalism has made relationship with the US the main issue of contention within Iranian foreign policy discourses.

Iraqi Kurdistan has adopted an independent foreign policy from the Iraqi central government in the past two decades; This foreign policy is based on a different model and strategy that aims at independence. In this regard, considering the importance and determinant nature of Iran’s regional policy in the face of regional developments such as the disintegration of neighboring countries along with Tehran’s position on the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan, Erbil is leveraging a strategic model of balance of threat towards the confrontation between Tehran and Tel Aviv. Accordingly, the present study seeks to explain why and how this strategy is adopted by the Iraqi Kurdistan towards the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Zionist regime. Therefore, the main question is "what is the rationale for Iraqi Kurdistan to understand Iranian threat?" The hypothesis is that due to its historical components, different organizational and social identities, differences in power levels and personal factors (mindsets of the leaders), The Iraqi Kurdistan sees the Islamic Republic of Iran as an obstacle in the way of realization of the its independence. Therefore, Iraqi Kurdistan in the Zionism-Iranian confrontation pursues a unique strategy based on the balance of threat. This essay is an analytical-explanatory study that has been done through using a combination of theoretical frameworks of balance of threat and constructivism. Furthermore, the research method in this essay is based on trend analysis.

Iran and Russia have some common issues due to their geographical proximity; on other hand, these two countries have nearly identical perspectives on some regional and global political and security issues, and they can use their capacities to create a model of complementary cooperation between the two countries.Yet, political-security concerns on the regional and global levels, particularly with regard to US policy towards the two nations, have always impacted these collaborations. Examining the history of relations between Iran and Russia over the last four decades reveals that the United States of America has consistently played the most important and influential role in Tehran-Moscow relations.However, an examination of America's influence on the ups and downs of Iran-Russia relations reveals that this factor has established milestones in increasing Iran and Russia's common understanding of being on the same axis.The existing assumptions also show that, as a result of regional and international trends, cybernetic logic has emerged in the development of Iran-Russia relations with the goal of balancing the threat against America, which may lead to the realization of the Iran-Russia strategic alliance scenario.In this study, the trend effect analysis method is used to identify the role of the United States in the process of Iran-Russia relations, and the new and potential dimensions of Tehran-Moscow relations are identified as a result of the American component.

Afghanistan, as a landlocked buffer state, has endured over four decades of instability and continuous military conflicts, driven by both foreign military interventions and internal strife. The primary focus of these conflicts has been the seizure of power and the expansion of influence within the country. Over this period, two of the world’s leading military powers have attempted direct military intervention, only to be met with failure due to a combination of external rivalries-both regional and global-and internal resistance. These factors have perpetuated the crisis and hindered stability in Afghanistan.As a buffer state, Afghanistan’s survival depends on maintaining a balanced position among rival powers and avoiding entanglement in their spheres of influence. This requires a carefully crafted foreign policy that acknowledges the unique geopolitical demands imposed by its buffer state status. The hypothesis of this study suggests that one of the key reasons for the persistence of the crisis in Afghanistan is the country’s failure to fully consider these geopolitical imperatives in its foreign policy. This oversight has heightened tensions and encouraged external intervention.This article aims to first provide a comprehensive understanding of buffer states, drawing on the perspectives of prominent scholars. It then evaluates the foreign policy variables that shape Afghanistan's geopolitical environment, with a focus on the requirements specific to its buffer state role. The research is conducted using a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data sourced from a wide range of library materials, credible domestic and international publications, reports, and electronic sources.

Due to different interests, ideologies, and geopolitical goals, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have long been in competition, which occasionally got severe. After a seven-year rupture, on March 10, 2023, the two states agreed to restore diplomatic relations to reduce tensions. This research examines the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia and tries to answer this question: what are the future scenarios of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rapprochement? To tackle the question, this research tends to analyze the Iranian-Saudi relationship and shed light on the future scenarios of the deal from an Iranian perspective. Three scenarios are presented: the first one is the cynical one and pays attention to challenges and the driving forces that can deteriorate the present de-escalated relations. The second scenario considers the positive potentialities of the deal and the situation it can make for more stability and peace. The third one regards both elements of tension and compatibility. Ultimately, the third scenario is considered the most logical one based on the framework presented as the Balance of Interests.

By the advent of various political currents in the realm of power, the Islamic Republic of Iran has witnessed the emergence of sub-discourses that preserve the principles and propositions of the Islamic Revolution's discourse but differ in the subordinate propositions and inter-discourse developments. The latest is a "Moderationist sub-discourse" that has overcome other sub-discourses as the eleventh state started working in Iran. An important aspect of these sub-discourses is the impacts on foreign policy, especially toward the neighboring countries. In this way, Georgia gets significant importance due to its geopolitical features and the great deal of historical, cultural, and civilizational commonalities to Iran. However, due to regional and international changing conditions along with coming up various foreign policy sub-discourses, the relations between the two countries have had lots of ups and downs. On the other hand, after the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, the Russian Federation has exerted great influence on Georgian foreign policy, including relations with Iran. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer the question that, regarding the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, how has the Moderationist foreign policy discourse affected Iranian-Georgian relations? Findings of the study show that the presence of the Moderationist subdiscourse of Hassan Rouhani affected Iranian foreign policy and the pessimistic subjective impressions of the Georgian leaders toward the previous Iranian government regarding Russia's 2008 invasion of Georgia. As a result, we have witnessed a relative improvement in the relations between two countries in 2013–2017 compared to the relationships of the 2008–2013 period. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method.

The concept of power has consistently been a focal point in international relations and political theories, particularly within the realist school of thought. Traditionally, power discussions centered primarily on military capabilities; however, the dimensions of power have evolved, with economic power emerging as a critical factor in international politics. In recent years, China has experienced unprecedented economic growth, demonstrating resilience in the face of global financial crises and the COVID-19 pandemic. This research investigates the impact of China's economic power on its standing within international organizations. It first outlines key indicators of economic power-such as GDP based on purchasing power parity, current account balance, foreign currency reserves, patents, and oil trade balance-and examines their influence on policy. Subsequently, the study analyzes China's increasing presence and influence in major international institutions, including the United Nations and its specialized agencies (e.g., the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization). The findings indicate that China's economic power has significantly enhanced its position within these institutions, thereby strengthening its role in the international system.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Karabakh conflict remains the longest and most significant conflict in the Caucasus region. This study examines the role of mediation, a key method in international conflict resolution, within international law, focusing particularly on the Karabakh conflict. The hypothesis suggests that mediation, a fundamental necessity for resolving international disputes, plays a crucial role in mitigating territorial conflicts, including Karabakh. Our findings highlight diverse perspectives regarding Iran's role in Central Asia, particularly in the Southern Caucasus during the conflict. Despite attempts by major powers like Russia, the USA, and Turkey to diminish its influence, Iran has maintained a stance of neutrality, asserting its significance as a neighboring state. Mediation, deeply rooted in various cultural traditions, including Islamic culture, has been strategically employed by Iran based on religious doctrines and national interests. Iran's mediation efforts, supported by cultural and historical commonalities, were conditional on the readiness of the conflicting parties and the appropriateness of the geopolitical context. The complexity of the Karabakh conflict is underscored by its multi-layered nature, the continued crisis, the geopolitical agendas of the mediators, and the number of involved actors. Iran's mediation aims to prevent a tripartite alliance among Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey, stave off the conflict's expansion towards its borders, and curb the involvement of external actors like Israel and the USA. Russia, although geographically distant from Karabakh, plays a pivotal role in the region, amplified by its recent diplomatic maneuvers in response to the USA's attempts to reduce Russian influence in the Southern Caucasus.

The Iran Petroleum Contract (IPC) framework represents a significant shift in Iran's approach to attracting foreign investment in its oil sector while advancing its foreign policy interests. Drawing upon resource nationalism theory, foreign direct investment theory, and economic statecraft theory, this study addresses the central research question: How does the IPC framework aim to balance attracting foreign investment in Iran's oil sector with advancing its foreign policy objectives? Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the research utilizes qualitative analysis, comparative analysis, and scenario planning to assess the IPC's implications. The findings highlight the IPC's potential to enhance technology transfer, boost oil production capacity, and foster regional cooperation. However, challenges arising from political risks, international sanctions, and domestic opposition must be addressed with targeted policy measures. The study offers recommendations to enhance the IPC's effectiveness, including streamlining bureaucratic processes, offering competitive fiscal terms, strengthening legal frameworks, enhancing transparency, and developing local capabilities. Moreover, aligning the IPC with Iran's foreign policy goals requires diversifying investment partnerships, leveraging the framework for regional cooperation, and integrating it with national development objectives. The insights provided contribute to understanding the complex interplay between contractual frameworks, foreign investment, and strategic interests in Iran's oil sector, informing policymakers, industry stakeholders, and researchers in their decision-making processes. The IPC's successful implementation will be crucial in shaping Iran's economic development and foreign policy trajectory in the years to come.

The Islamic Awakening and the power vacuum after 2012 have been key factors motivating Arab states to invest in sport as a soft power tool to assert regional dominance. While Qatar hosted the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Saudi Arabia is set to host the 2029 Asian Winter Games and the 2034 FIFA World Cup for the first time. This study aims to explore the role of sport in governance within West Asia. In recent years, an expanding body of literature has deepened our understanding of sports in the Middle East. Under the leadership of Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS), Saudi Arabia has entered a new era of sports investment but has faced accusations of 'sportswashing.' Meanwhile, Qatar and the UAE, two smaller states in the region, have played pivotal roles in supporting high-profile sporting events. This study employs qualitative content analysis to assess the achievements of the Persian Gulf States-namely the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar-in soccer. The analysis draws from articles and reports published between 2000 and 2024, sourced from scientific databases such as Google Scholar, ScienceDirect, DOAJ, and Web of Science. While sport plays a crucial role in enhancing the international prestige of the Persian Gulf States, soccer has emerged as the primary focus. Unlike Saudi Arabia, which has sought to dominate the region through soft power initiatives, particularly in soccer, Qatar has pursued a distinct strategy, positioning itself as a peacemaker and friendly nation in the Middle East.

Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. The corruption of the government, the marginalization of the Houthis, and the inability of the government to meet the economic needs of the citizens of this poor Arab country have been burning in the fire of instability for more than a decade. This instability is such that the transfer of power in 2011 could not be a message of peace for this country, and finally, in 2015, the country entered into a devastating civil war. This research, using the descriptive-analytical method, has tried to investigate the roots of the crisis in Yemen and the constructive role of Iran in ending this conflict. The results of the research show that the Islamic Republic of Iran evaluates the developments in Yemen in the form of Islamic awakening, which reduces the influence of the West in the region. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran is concerned about the efforts of Saudi Arabia to manage the developments in Yemen and to empower the affiliated currents and demands that all religious and political currents play a role in the future of this country. What is important for Iran is, firstly, to play a constructive role in the developments of this country to solve the existing challenges towards the understanding of political groups, and secondly, to support its allies to prevent their forced exit from the power scene.

Political training strengthens and deepens a person's insight and attitude and integrates him into an authentic person, capable of gaining independent political insight, knowledgeable, and influential in local, regional, and global political stances. Since political training is one of the essential and basic concepts and determinant mechanisms involved in the political behavior of the citizens of a society, addressing this issue is vital. Martyr Soleimani's school, now considered a model, takes inspiration from influential models and prototypes like Islamic figures, the Quran, Nahj al-Balagheh, and certainly Imam Khomeini and Imam Khamenei's school, while maintaining its' own identity and distinctiveness. Therefore, the purpose of the present study is to identify the model that Martyr Soleimani followed for his political training and to answer the question of what model Martyr Soleimani pursued in the course of his political training. The present article has investigated and explained the model of political training in Martyr Soleimani School in four levels of litany, experiential, discourse, and mythological analysis by descriptive and analytical methods using library sources and the model of layered analysis of causes. The results of the study, which was carried out with careful investigation of martyr Soleimani's speeches and testament besides his views, indicate that the most explicit and most comprehensive issues in the field of ideological, cultural, and political areas, especially the subject of his political training, was influenced by the Imam Ali's (PBUH) great work,Nahj al-Balagheh, in his sermons, letters, and words.