نشریه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 69 (زمستان 1403)

One of the most fundamental philosophical and theological inquiries throughout history has been the relationship between reason and religion. The central question is whether epistemic authority lies with human intellect or divine revelation. In this context, this study examines the relationship between reason and faith in the intellectual framework of Morteza Motahhari and its influence on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The hypothesis suggests that as a leading contemporary scholar, Motahhari engaged deeply with the philosophical aspects of the reason-religion dynamic, articulating a rationalist approach within his works. Given his significant role in shaping the ideological foundations of the Islamic Revolution, his views on this subject inevitably influenced the intellectual discourse of the revolution. This research, employing an interpretive-explanatory approach and utilizing documentary and library sources, finds that Motahhari consistently emphasized a rational interpretation of religion. His approach not only integrated reason into religious exegesis but also extended rationality into his understanding of political Islam.

This study examines legislative policies regarding the adjudication of administrative and disciplinary violations of government employees within Iran’s Administrative Justice Court. The primary research question investigates whether the existing legislative frameworks have effectively contributed to reducing violations and improving administrative order. The study hypothesizes that legal and procedural gaps—such as disproportionate penalties for infractions, lack of free legal assistance, and the absence of specialized administrative courts—have undermined the efficiency of the Administrative Justice Court. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, this research relies on library resources and comparative studies with similar legal systems, particularly France. The findings indicate that, despite its crucial role in overseeing governmental performance and ensuring citizen rights, the Administrative Justice Court faces numerous challenges. These include the frequent annulment of rulings by administrative disciplinary boards, insufficient expertise in general courts to handle administrative cases, and inadequate legal protection for individuals against governmental entities. Ultimately, the study underscores the necessity of legislative reforms to enhance the effectiveness of administrative justice. It offers policy recommendations aimed at strengthening the role of the Administrative Justice Court in fostering transparency and efficiency in governance.

The Islamic Revolution in Iran, unlike the general trend of Western modernity, did not succeed by advocating the separation of religion and politics. Rather, it triumphed under the banner of their collaboration. Consequently, one of the major issues in post-revolutionary Iran has been the capacity of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) to govern public affairs. In this context, the present study investigates the relationship between Islamic jurisprudence and the concept of political parties in contemporary Iran. The hypothesis of the research suggests that political fiqh, through its ongoing engagement with the modern state, has developed broad capacities to absorb and manage modern institutions such as political parties. The findings reveal that not only is there no essential contradiction between Islamic jurisprudence and political partisanship, but also that juristic sources contain conceptual models that can legitimize and guide political party activity. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is based on library and documentary sources.

In the discussion of the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries, the United States and Europe are two important and influential regions in world politics. However, the policies of these two regions regarding the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries differ from each other due to their different attitudes and influences. The United States, due to its great influence in the Middle Eastern region and also in preventing potential threats to national security, seeks to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. The United States seeks to prevent these countries from going nuclear by imposing economic sanctions and military threats. The United States also seeks to protect human rights and international law in this regard and, considering potential threats to national security, uses a military approach to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. On the other hand, Europe, due to its geographical proximity and the direct effects of this issue on the region, seeks a diplomatic and cooperative approach with Middle Eastern countries. Europe seeks peaceful nuclear agreements with Middle Eastern countries and tries to prevent these countries from going nuclear through negotiations and agreements. Also, Europe seeks to protect human rights and international law in this regard and does not use a military approach and military threats to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. Therefore, the policies of the United States and Europe regarding the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries are different from each other. The United States seeks to prevent possible threats to national security and uses a military approach to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear, while Europe seeks a diplomatic and cooperative approach with Middle Eastern countries and seeks to prevent these countries from going nuclear through peaceful nuclear agreements. The necessity and importance of the present study is in the comparative and comparative study of the approaches of the United States and the European Union in facing the nuclearization of these countries in the sensitive and turbulent Middle Eastern region.

Each social system, relying on the principles and values ​​of that society and in the light of cultural, religious beliefs, traditions and social customs, tries to create a suitable framework for improving social cooperation. This issue is also very important in the eyes of Islam, and considering the importance of cooperation and participation between people on the one hand and people with the political system with each other and vice versa, some jurisprudential rules such as cooperation come to mind. In other words, the rule of cooperation shows us the importance of social, economic, political and civil cooperation, in the light of which the political system can also be influenced and organized based on the principles and ideals of Islam such as justice, freedom, human dignity and happiness. Therefore, establishing a link between the social and political arenas in the establishment of an Islamic system or achieving a desirable society is part of the effort of the people (and not just politicians) who can establish the social and cultural system as a support for the political system and benefit from its results. The necessity felt for writing the present text is to find a solution from religious texts and jurisprudential rules in Islamic society that can be operationalized in the political and social arena and transform social cooperation as a tool for solving political and social problems. Specifically, the outbreak of war, insecurity, social and political uprisings, even economic problems such as high prices, inflation and the pressures resulting from them, if they are without the element of social cooperation, become a political and security crisis for the Islamic system. Therefore, the effort to make social cooperation effective in realizing the desired Islamic society is an effort to help confront threats against the Islamic system that can be achieved based on the principle of cooperation.

The transformation of labor parties in Iran following the 1979 Islamic Revolution has been a subject of significant political and economic analysis. This study explores the historical development of labor parties in post-revolutionary Iran, examining their role in shaping policy and their influence within the framework of the Islamic Republic. The primary research question is: How have labor parties evolved in Iran since the Islamic Revolution, and what role do they play in policymaking Using a historical-analytical method, this study investigates the structural and ideological shifts in Iranian labor movements, particularly in relation to state-society relations and economic policymaking. The findings indicate that while labor parties have historically played a minor role in Iran’s political landscape due to state restrictions and ideological constraints, they have influenced social welfare policies and labor legislation indirectly. The research also highlights the challenges faced by labor parties, including legal barriers, governmental control over unions, and economic shifts that have altered labor dynamics. Despite these obstacles, labor movements remain a key player in advocating for workers' rights, albeit within a constrained political environment.

States, as entities within the international political order, possess both rights and obligations but may also be subjected to violations of these rights, effectively becoming victims. One of the longstanding transgressions against states has been maritime piracy. This study examines the contrasting approaches of Iran and the West in addressing piracy, focusing on the underlying strategic differences. The research hypothesis suggests that Iran's approach is shaped by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy, whereas the West, adhering to neoliberal ideology, has commodified maritime security, using it as a tool to reinforce its global dominance. While the West integrates maritime security into its hegemonic strategies, Iran pursues an independent deterrence model, resisting reliance on the prevailing international system. The findings reveal that Iran encounters two types of piracy: conventional piracy, carried out by armed groups in international waters, and state-sponsored piracy, involving the politically and economically motivated seizure of ships under a façade of legal legitimacy through sanctions and detentions. In response to conventional piracy, Iran employs conventional defense and security mechanisms, while in dealing with state-sponsored piracy, it adopts a counter-deterrent strategy that has somewhat mitigated the damages incurred by such actions.

This study examines the role of digital media in the structural transformation of power in Iran and its transition from centralization to decentralization. The primary research question explores how digital media have functioned as tools for reducing power concentration and enhancing social participation. The study employs a qualitative approach using thematic analysis. The research sample comprises scholarly articles in both Persian and English relevant to the topic, with eight studies selected through purposive sampling. The findings indicate that social media platforms, including Telegram, Instagram, and Twitter, have played a significant role in altering power dynamics, organizing protests, redefining social identities, and strengthening oversight of governmental institutions. Furthermore, the study reveals that digital media have created new public spaces where citizens engage in social and political activities without mediation from formal institutions. However, challenges such as the spread of misinformation, government-imposed filtering, and regulatory restrictions have also been identified, which may impact the dynamism of these digital spaces. The study underscores the importance of effective policymaking in managing the digital sphere and demonstrates that digital media, beyond being mere communication tools, have become a pivotal factor in the structural transformation of power in Iran.

The criminal liability of legal entities in various legal systems, particularly in the context of money laundering, is one of the significant and challenging issues. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the legislator has taken notable steps by recognizing the criminal liability of legal entities in the Islamic Penal Code of 2013 and its subsequent amendments, especially regarding the fight against money laundering. The primary question of this study is: How is the criminal liability of legal entities for the crime of money laundering defined and enforced under Iranian law The research hypothesis is that, although the criminal liability of legal entities for this crime has been recognized, it faces challenges such as the difficulty in proving the criminal responsibility of the representatives of legal entities and the proportionality of the punishments. The research method is descriptive and analytical, focusing on examining and analyzing the legal provisions related to money laundering in the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly the Anti-Money Laundering Law of 2007 and its 2018 amendments. The findings of the study indicate that, while Iranian legislation has made effective efforts to identify and punish money laundering, there is a need for reforms to address legal deficiencies, facilitate the proof of criminal liability, and enhance the deterrent effect of punishments.

Following the encounter of Islamic civilization with modernity, various questions and doubts have arisen regarding how modern political requirements can be reflected in Islamic civilization while adhering to its principles. A spectrum of theories, ranging from rejection to renewal, has emerged in response. Among these, the theory of Wilayat al-Faqih represents an attempt to reconcile modernity with traditional Islamic thought. In this regard, this study explores the political theory of Wilayat (Guardianship) in the Quran. The central research question is whether a political theory of Wilayat can be derived from Quranic verses. This study focuses on a specific aspect of this theory: the identification of the ruler of the society and their primary characteristics. The research hypothesis asserts that the civic dimensions of the Quran and the legal verses it contains possess the necessary conceptual potential for formulating a political theory. The findings indicate that, firstly, it is possible to develop a political theory of Wilayat based on Quranic verses. Secondly, this political theory can describe political behaviors, interpret related laws, and prescribe necessary norms. The research approach is interpretative, relying on library and documentary sources for data collection.

The nature of the state, with regard to human nature, from the perspective of some sociologists and political scientists, is in some ways intertwined with coercion and violence (albeit legitimate and legal), to the point that Max Weber believed that the state means a monopoly on the use of force; on the other hand, some thinkers, such as Foucault, consider the institutions of coercion (such as prisons) to be in fact devices for disciplining subjects and have a critical and negative view of them. Therefore, criminal policy and how to punish offending citizens is one of the functions of the state that needs to be considered and re-examined. In this regard, the main question of this article has been whether social approaches have been used in criminal policy in Iran or not. The hypothesis of the article, with reference to Gabriel Tarde's theory of imitation, is that some recent criminal policies, such as the reduction of punishments and alternative punishments, have been adopted or at least can be justified by relying on a social approach. The research findings have shown that not only can part of the criminal policy in the legal system of Iran be theoretically supported by Tarde's theory of imitation, but also, based on the strength of this theory, it is better to re-examine criminal policies in other cases as much as possible by relying on the results of this theory. The approach of the article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection has been documentary and library-based.

The Abraham Accord, as a historic treaty in the Middle East, primarily focuses on normalizing relations between the Zionist regime and Arab states such as the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, thereby having far-reaching implications for Iran’s national security. This study seeks to answer the question: What consequences will the Abraham Accord have for Iran’s national security Utilizing Stephen Walt’s defensive realism framework, this research analyzes various dimensions of the accord. The hypothesis suggests that the Abraham Accord poses new threats to Iran’s national security through Israel’s increasing proximity to Iran’s borders, the militarization of Arab states, and the disruption of the regional balance of power. The study employs an analytical-descriptive approach to assess the economic, military, and political consequences of this accord for Iran. The findings indicate that the Abraham Accord has directly contributed to weakening sustainable security arrangements in the Middle East, pressuring Iran’s nuclear program, and introducing new economic and military threats. Simultaneously, the agreement provides opportunities for Iran to enhance diplomacy and forge regional alliances. Overall, the Abraham Accord presents both serious challenges and opportunities for Iran’s regional strategic positioning.

After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used.

The issue of drug-related crimes is a critical challenge for societies worldwide, requiring comprehensive prevention strategies beyond punitive measures. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, traditional criminal justice approaches have proven insufficient in curbing drug-related offenses, necessitating the adoption of advanced predictive and preventive methodologies. This study explores the application of data mining techniques in forecasting and preventing drug-related crimes. By analyzing 1,885 judicial cases from Shahriar’s criminal records, this research assesses the effectiveness of machine learning algorithms in identifying criminal patterns and enabling law enforcement agencies to make data-driven decisions.