نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 11 (بهار و تابستان 1403)

One of the significant and influential factors affecting many political and social events and developments in contemporary Iran is the activities of parties and organizations. Therefore, identifying these parties and their political processes is essential for those who contemplate and delve into Iran's political conditions. The Laristan Reform Organization was established in 1951 during the nationalization of the oil industry, through the efforts and collaboration of prominent national-religious figures. This research, adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizing library documents and sources, seeks to answer the question: What factors led to the formation and dissolution of the Laristan Reform Organization? The findings indicate that the Laristan Reform Organization was formed to support the nationalization of the oil industry, Dr. Mosaddegh's administration, and to implement local social reforms, and it was dissolved following the coup d'état of August 19, 1953. The significance of this research lies in its ability to provide valuable information regarding the formation and activities of political organizations in the regional history of Iran during the second Pahlavi era.

An examination of the 37-year reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi reveals that, among the dimensions of the ancient-oriented ideology of his government, attention, interest, and attachment to Achaemenid culture and civilization held a prominent position. This phenomenon, which can be referred to as Achaemenidism, significantly influenced many of the policies and strategies of the second Pahlavi era. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this article seeks to answer the question: What approach did Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi take toward Achaemenid history and civilization in his cultural policymaking? The findings of this study indicate that Mohammad Reza Shah and his cultural agents allocated a significant portion of the cultural policies and programs of the second Pahlavi government to the revival and promotion of Achaemenid culture and civilization, both domestically and internationally. The most prominent manifestations of cultural Achaemenidism appeared in areas such as performing arts, music, the creation and design of Achaemenid artifacts and symbols, the naming of places, events, and years after Achaemenid themes, the organization of exhibitions, congresses, competitions, and celebrations to commemorate the Achaemenids, the composition, translation, and publication of books and articles about the Achaemenids, and the establishment of the Imperial Calendar with an Achaemenid starting point. It can be said that Mohammad Reza Shah's emphasis on Achaemenid civilization and his particular interest in the Achaemenids among Iran's ancient dynasties stemmed from the dynamic and flourishing legacy of this well-regarded and celebrated empire in contemporary cultural, religious, political, and artistic spheres. By promoting and propagating these aspects, the Pahlavi government sought to enhance Iran's status and its own monarchy both domestically and in global relations.

Elections in the 1340s took place at the same time as various developments in Iran. These reforms were proposed under the title of "White Revolution" and many conflicts between the government, the nation and especially the scholars followed. Kermanshah province, located in the west of the country, also participated in the elections under the influence of these developments, and because it was one of the large cities with vast lands, it was considered a very suitable place for government propaganda. The current research has a new look at the outlook of the parliamentary elections in Kermanshah city, considering the situation and the main activists of this city, which is the subject of this article. Using the descriptive-analytical method and referring to authentic documents, this article analyzes the political and social situation of the elections in Kermanshah and tries to answer the nature of the factors involved in the holding of the National Assembly elections in the decade of reforms? The findings show that, at this time, a significant reform and revolution in the matter of holding elections not only in Kermanshah district, which was not established in other districts of the country, and parallel to the economic and social transformation of the society, affiliated representatives and A certain party entered the parliament from this constituency.

Torbat-e Heydarieh, a city located in Khorasan Razavi province, is one of the few cities that, due to its geographical and strategic location, has witnessed numerous and significant events throughout history. Notably, 43 days before the victory of the Islamic Revolution, due to the leadership of scholars and the support of the masses, the city's affairs fell into the hands of revolutionary forces, and military and security organizations were forced to leave the city. The research question is: How were the foundations of the Ninth of Dey 1978 uprising laid, and what impact did it have on the course of the revolution's victory in Torbat-e Heydarieh? In this study, using archival documents, library resources, and oral memoirs, and employing a descriptive and analytical method, the Ninth of Dey uprising is examined. The results of the research indicate that the rapid course of events on the ninth of Dey, which resulted in the martyrdom of at least nine people, directed the revolutionary movement in a way that enabled revolutionary forces to gain control of affairs. The swift victory of the revolution in Torbat-e Heydarieh had a widespread impact at the provincial level and even in other cities, and it strengthened the spirit of revolutionary fervor, at least in the cities of Khorasan province.

A new understanding of religion within the Qom seminary led to the emergence of actors with distinct intellectual and practical approaches, diverging from traditional clerical paradigms. This trend gained new dimensions from the 1940s onward and, by the late 1950s and 1960s, evolved into a confrontational stance against the Pahlavi regime, embodied in the struggle led by Ayatollah Khomeini and the younger, reformist faction of the seminary. This article seeks to establish a connection between socio-political contexts and the conceptual and ideological developments of the time, addressing the central research question: “How did political and social contexts and factors influence the formation of the discourse of struggle in Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani’s views?” The hypothesis posits that the emergence of any social phenomenon is shaped by a series of contextual factors, social conditions, and political events, and the discourse of struggle in Rafsanjani’s thought was likewise the product of such historical and structural influences, which this study aims to elucidate.  The findings indicate that Rafsanjani, operating within the epistemic framework of his time, sought to transform unequal power relations. This objective was articulated through the discourse of struggle in two distinct phases—1959-1965 and 1965-1979—manifested in written and spoken texts framed as political struggle, cultural struggle, and armed struggle.

During the period of the people of Bushehr Province's struggle against the Pahlavi tyranny, the organization and formation of the "Combatant Clergy Front of Bushehr Province" was the most fundamental strategy of the local combatant scholars in advancing Imam Khomeini's movement and making it widespread in the province. This research, with the aim of introducing the structure of this front, examines its organizational composition and how they interacted with each other in mobilizing the people against the Pahlavi regime. In this regard, the main issue of the research is: "How did the local combatant scholars of Bushehr organize the members of the province's clergy front, despite their different geographical origins, and lead the people step by step to the victory of the Islamic Revolution?" The research is of a qualitative type and is carried out in a "descriptive-analytical" manner. Also, data collection is based on documentary sources – SAVAK documents, etc. – and oral interviews. The findings obtained also clarify the pillars of the province's clergy front in four groups or pillars: "local combatant clerics," "sent-out missionary combatant clerics," "returned combatant clerics," and "exiled combatant clerics," and show that this front was the most effective factor in awakening the people to the leadership's guidelines of the movement and their lasting solidarity in the various stages of the Islamic Revolution in Bushehr Province.

The active presence of tribes and nomads in Iran’s political, social, and economic developments is one of the most significant issues in Iranian history. Their role during the Pahlavi era, particularly under Reza Shah’s policies, faced challenges that disrupted the livelihood of tribes and nomads, placing them in a unique predicament. The Pahlavi government engaged with tribes in three major projects: state-building, nation-building, and modernization, aiming to shape a specific form of national identity based on Western models. Conscription and mandatory military service were part of Reza Shah’s broader efforts to centralize power and promote nationalism. However, this policy faced resistance from various segments of society, including the Bakhtiari tribe, who viewed it as a violation of their rights and conflicting with their interests.  Accordingly, this study seeks to answer the following question: “What were the challenges and consequences of conscription and mandatory military service in the Bakhtiari tribe during the Pahlavi era?” The findings indicate that the implementation of mandatory military service in the Bakhtiari tribe posed significant human and cultural, natural and geographical, as well as administrative and even financial challenges. Although these issues slowed down and prolonged the enforcement of the law among the Bakhtiari, the policy remained a priority for the government until the end of Reza Shah’s reign. This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on historical sources, newspapers, and archival documents.

Iranians first became aware of their society's backwardness during the Iran-Russia wars. In other words, Iran's armed forces were the first sector of the country to exhibit signs of this backwardness. Since then, the efforts of Iranian statesmen during the Qajar and later Pahlavi governments were focused on enhancing the capabilities of Iran's military forces. Despite these efforts, Iran's military defeats, the occupation of the country, and foreign interventions during this period indicate that these endeavors did not yield auspicious outcomes. However, this issue took a different trajectory in post-Islamic Revolution Iran. This article aims to examine the impact of the presence or absence of political independence on the increase or decrease of military power, using a realist analysis framework. The central question of the article is: What is the relationship between political independence and the decline and revival of military power in contemporary Iranian history? The findings, based on historical documents and credible sources, demonstrate that political independence in post-Islamic Revolution Iran, compared to previous periods, has led to the strengthening and development of Iran's military power. This military power, in turn, has contributed to the preservation and continuity of political independence.

The victory of the Islamic revolution was due to the efforts and efforts of the scholars and Muslim people of Iran during the period of the Islamic movement from 1341 to 1357.In the meantime, in 1357, due to the speed of developments and the impact of events, some events could drastically change the fate of the revolution.The incident of "scholars' sit-in at Tehran University" in February 1357 both in terms of the type of activism (sit-in), both in terms of the type of agent (scholars), both in terms of time (8 February 1357) and in terms of location (Tehran University) , has a set of unique features and characteristics that can be considered as an "effective event" in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.The main question is, "What effect did the sit-in of scholars at the University of Tehran on the eighth of Bahman, 1357, have had on the victory of the Islamic Revolution?"According to the studies in documents and oral history, the result of the effectiveness of that political-social action can be seen in different components, "reflection of the sit-in in the press", "reflection of the sit-in in oral history", "reflection in the cities" and "the impact of the sit-in on developments" After that" he observed.The present article tries to use the document analysis method to deal with the impact of the Ulama sit-in incident at the University of Tehran in the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The approach of the article is descriptive and analytical.

The Holy Quran discusses certain traditions whose observance or neglect has had and continues to have a direct and significant impact on the progress or decline of nations and human societies. Given that the Quran is a guiding book for humanity across all eras, the traditions mentioned within it are not limited to any specific time period. Therefore, based on these traditions, the progress or downfall of a society and its political system can be defined, analyzed, or even predicted. According to these Quranic traditions, the fall of the Pahlavi political system, or any other political system, can also be analyzed. Moreover, paying attention to the Quranic factors behind the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty can help prevent the deviation and collapse of the Islamic Republic system. With this goal in mind, the present study, using a descriptive-analytical and explanatory approach, seeks to answer the question: From the perspective of Quranic traditions, what were the causes of the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty? The results indicate that the Quranic traditions mention certain political, economic, and cultural deviations as factors leading to the destruction of past nations. Drawing on these traditions, the research hypothesis posits that "the emergence of the same political, economic, and cultural deviations observed in past nations during the Pahlavi era also led to their downfall." These deviations include hedonism, neglect of God and the afterlife, blind imitation of past traditions, oppression and tyranny, arrogance, indulgence in desires, ignorance and foolishness, despotism, alliance with infidels and enemies of God's religion, the presence of unqualified individuals in governments, extravagance and wastefulness, bribery, and the accumulation of wealth.

After the exile of Imam Khomeini, the pressure on the opponents of the Pahlavi government and the revolutionaries increased. Religious councils, including in Shahrari, were exploited by the revolutionaries as one of the gathering bases of fighters, exchange of news and decisions, and played an important role in the victory of the Islamic movement. The method used in this research is qualitative and of the type of historical and documental studies, and interviews were also conducted with some of the religious representatives involved in the study. By examining the activities of urban religious councils, the present research aims to answer the question whether urban religious councils had political and revolutionary functions in addition to their traditional role during the Islamic movement. The findings of the research in answering this question are based on the fact that after the June 15 uprising and the politicization of some members of the delegations, new changes emerged in the traditional model of the delegations. So that these changes became the basis for creating a circle and gradually a political organization. Knowing about this, the intelligence service (SAVAK) of the Shah's regime also tried to collect news and prevent their actions by assigning its agents to these centers, but these delegations and religious assemblies became one of the most important bases for propagating the teachings of the Islamic Movement, and as one of the organizational networks, along with other organizations, in the process of the formation and victory of the Islamic Revolution, it had important and diverse roles and functions.

Yazd has been a manifestation of original culture and civilization with a brilliant background in all historical periods. Preservation of old culture and traditions along with adherence to religious values is one of the salient and praiseworthy characteristics of the people of this land. After recognizing the meaning of culture, this research has investigated various aspects of the social culture of the people of Yazd during Pahlavi II, such as elections, social classes, means of mass communication, and the like. The results of the research show that some elements entered into the social culture of the people of Yazd, although they had negative effects on the religious culture of the people, but never severed the deep bond of the people of Yazd with the religious culture. This research, the collection of which information is library and the method of its processing is descriptive and analytical, aims to show some of the most important social factors of Yazd during the second Pahlavi period and show their impact on the religious culture of the people of Yazd.