نشریه زیست سیاست و توسعه
پیاپی 1 (بهار 1404)

The present article aims to provide a qualitative analysis of the cultural identity of Yarsan followers living in Kermanshah province. Yarsan (Ahl al-Haq) are a religious minority in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, whose main center is Kermanshah province, and in terms of ethnicity, most of them are Kurds, but they also have followers among Turks and Laks. The sociological study of Yarasan and the role of Ahl al-Haq religion in the formation of their cultural identity and how a Yarasan individual considers himself to belong to a specific religious community with a more or less different culture can reveal the importance and function of cultural, linguistic and religious diversity in identity processes. And to show how the less seen and less known cultures and the seemingly faint and unimportant cultural elements play a role in the formation of collective and cultural identities, along with other macro cultural resources such as macro and middle culture. Therefore, the theories of Manuel Castells, Peter Berger, Stewart Hall and Richard Jenkins have been used regarding the issue of identity. According to them, modern identity is not a static and fixed phenomenon, but rather dynamic and fluid and is a process rather than something given in advance. It is social and cultural rather than individual. It is constantly changing and transforming and originates from many sources. In order to achieve this goal and to achieve an introspective understanding of this social issue, qualitative methodology has been chosen as the main method. The technique of data collection in this research is in-depth and semi-structured interview, and data was also obtained from observation. Qualitative content analysis is also used for data analysis. The purposeful sampling method and research field was Kermanshah city. In order to carry out this research and in the interview section, a selection was made from among the youth of Yasaran living in Kermanshah based on the criteria of gender, age, occupation, education and descent. These people include 17 people, 10 men and 7 women, and within the range They are between the ages of 18 and 38 and belong to two language groups, Kurds and Laks. The religious culture of Yarasan and the adherence of people of rights to it in cases such as participation in ceremonies and rituals such as holidays, participation in charity gatherings, making vows and fasting, and ritual music and the ability to play the tambur instrument, going to holy places, reading books and religious books, Belief in Donadon, not cutting the mustache (for men) as well as spreading and passing it on to one's children and emphasizing marriage with one of the followers of Ahl al-Haq has been manifested. According to the information obtained from the interviews, it can be concluded that the followers of Ahl al-Haq adhere to these rituals and religious principles, although the amount is relative and not the same among these followers, and as mentioned, according to the factors of gender, age and style. People's lives are variable. From the point of view of the generation that is the subject of this article, the weakening of religious beliefs among the youth of Yasaran and the new generations is an important issue. According to research data, the most important means of intergenerational transmission of this religious culture and cultural socialization are helpers, families and elders. Family has always been one of the most important means of transmitting cultural elements. Ahl al-Haq elders also have a supporting role for the disciples, who perform the duty of holding ceremonies and rituals as well as training the followers. Participating in ceremonies and conducting various religious rituals among the people of Haqq has several functions, including strengthening belief and adherence, as well as creating a sense of solidarity and strengthening group spirit among them. Therefore, it can be said that the driving force of Yarasan ritual and the subsequent cultural identity is basically an internal force and the external source is either absent or very little. Being in the minority and feeling relative deprivation has created a dual approach among the followers of Yarasani, so that some of them deny their Yarasani identity and do not believe in this religion, in contrast to many Ahl al-Haqq, despite accepting the problems, a kind of "identity of resistance" " and continue to emphasize that they are right people. Finally, the possibility of reproducing this cultural identity is uncertain. It is through such analyzes that Foucault's implications about life, politics, and developmental changes emerge. As Castells said, cultural identity is built from within power relations. In an effort to preserve itself, this ritual and its related cultural identity relies only on the driving force within its own group, and this force has an uncertain future due to the social structure, cultural policies and biosphere of Kermanshah, which are mainly centralized.

This study examines the impact of the socio-economic development of the provinces on the patterns of youth migration in Iran. The issue of youth and specialized forces migration is a result of economic, cultural, social and political social factors where young people live and it will have harmful effects on the processes of economic and social development. While the studies conducted on migration, especially the youth migration in Iran, have emphasized on international migration and the few studies conducted on internal migration have only emphasized on rural-urban migration, this study examines and analyzes youth migration patterns at the provincial level, focusing on individual and provincial factors, emphasizing the level of economic and social development. According to neoclassical economic theories, Raven stein’s pull and push law and dependency theory, the most important reason for youth migration can be economic factors. Unemployment and low income at the origin and the existence of job opportunities and various facilities at the destination are among these reasons. Therefore, the gap in development between regions and the dependence of underdeveloped regions, especially rural regions, on industrial and urban regions causes the youth migration to intensify. According to the theory of relative deprivation, only low income does not cause people to migrate, but individual abilities as well as social factors, including the level of education and the feeling that a person has less income than others, also causes a person's dissatisfaction and attempts to migrate.

 This study is based on quantitative research method with secondary analysis technique. According this, the 2015 census data provided by Iran Statistics Center was analyzed. The statistical population includes all people aged 18 to 34 in the country in the 2015 census, of which the information of 492,853 people was extracted from the raw data (two percent) of the 2015 census. At the individual level, the dependent variable, i.e., migration, has been considered and measured as a two-class nominal variable (migrant and non-migrant). Independent variables also include structural factors or the degree of development of provinces with 13 indicators in different economic, social, health and cultural components, and demographic characteristics.

The results have shown that urban youth, young people with university education, young women and young people aged 15-29 have migrated significantly more than rural youth, other educational degrees, men and other age groups. According to the province, Alborz, Yazd and Qom provinces had the highest net positive migration rate. These provinces are at high levels of economic and social development. While the provinces of Lorestan, South Khorasan and Kermanshah - which are in the last ranks in terms of development level - have had the highest rate of net negative migration. Also, the analysis of the results based on the grouping of the development level of the provinces indicates that the most prosperous region has the highest amount of in-migration (positive migration balance), while the most deprived region with the highest negative net migration rate has experienced the largest decrease in the young population due to migration. Considering the volume of migration, which is composed of in-migration and out-migration, the most prosperous region and then the most deprived region have the highest migration flows. The important point in this regard is that only the most prosperous region has a positive migration balance and its population has increased through migration. Other regions have a negative balance and have lost part of their population due to out-migration. The migration patterns observed in this study can be explained by the theories of pull and push, neoclassical economic theory, and Ravenstein's theory. Ravenstein states that the difference in the level of development between regions will cause people to migrate. Differences in development levels between provinces make young people migrate from provinces with lower levels of development to areas with higher levels of development in search of better opportunities and better life. The theory of pull and push states that factors such as job opportunities, standard of living, social services, and living conditions in different regions attract or repel young people. Provinces with high levels of socioeconomic development, such as Alborz, Yazd, and Qom, usually offer better job and life opportunities that attract young people. On the other hand, provinces such as Lorestan, South Khorasan and Kermanshah, which are facing economic and social problems, may intensify the migration of young people. The neoclassical economic theory also explains youth migration based on people's more determined decisions to take advantage of better economic opportunities and interact with the labor market. Provinces with high levels of socio-economic development can provide the best opportunities for young people and thus encourage youth migration to these areas. Therefore, socio-economic development plays an important role in shaping youth migration patterns and affects both the decision to migrate and the destinations chosen by young migrants.

 The results underscore the profound influence of socio-economic development on youth migration in Iran. To mitigate youth migration and effectively manage population dynamics, substantial policy interventions are imperative. These measures should encompass bolstering the economy and fostering stable employment opportunities in less developed regions, enhancing human development indicators, and conducting precise and efficacious assessments of local needs and challenges.

Adjusted Happiness Inequality Index (IAH) is a new and suitable index to show the Happiness status in different countries or regions, which is obtained from the combination of average and standard deviation statistics, and in addition to Happiness, it also shows its inequality. give The present article tries to combine the approach of egalitarians and utilitarians to present a picture of "vigor" and "adjusted inequality of Happiness" in Tehran based on the level of development of the regions and explain their differences based on the development levels of these regions. For this purpose, the areas of Tehran city have been divided into three clusters with high, medium and low development levels, and one area from each cluster has been selected for study. What is referred to as Happiness in this article is people's overall assessment of their lives. The same individual evaluation when analyzed collectively can give a very good idea for analyzing the development situation and achieving sustainable development in a region.

 The current article is based on research data, the two main indicators of which are the level and inequality of Happiness among the selected areas, which have been carried out with a quantitative survey method in a broad and cross-sectional manner. The statistical population of the study is the population of 18 years and older in Tehran, and the sample size is estimated to be 600 people using Cochran's sampling formula. The sample population was divided based on the ratio of population between different regions in such a way that region 3 was equal to 230 people, region 13 was equal to 177 and region 17 was determined to be 193 people. To collect data, a questionnaire tool was used in a sample size of 600 people from three areas of Tehran with different levels of development, and cluster and systematic random sampling methods were used. Two types of commonly used scales to measure Happiness retrospectively have been used in the current research. The first is the Oxford questionnaire, and its final form is prepared with 29 questions, 4 options, in which a person judges himself from feeling unhappy to feeling extremely happy. spss software was used to analyze the data, and the excel file of this index was used to calculate the IAH index.

The findings show that, just as at the macro level and among countries, the level of Happiness and inequality of Happiness varies according to the level of development, this is also true at the level of urban areas; This means that in the areas that have higher development, they have a better state of Happiness. A better situation is also measured by the amount and distribution of Happiness; That is, where the level of Happiness is higher and inequality is lower, its situation is better than other areas. To show the level and extent of inequality of Happiness, adjusted index of inequality of Happiness was used. Areas with a higher IAH score have a better state of Happiness and this will be different based on the level of development. The Happiness inequality score, calculated in a range of 0 to 100 points, is equal to 57.52 in region 3, 52.55 in region 13, and 42.45 in region 17, and in Tehran, in general, it is equal to 50.32. Comparing these numbers with each other fully confirms the relationship between the inequality of Happiness and the level of development of the regions. Among the studied regions, region 3 with an average of 6.85 is higher than other regions, and regions 13 and 17 have an average of 6.33 and 5.59, respectively. It is noteworthy that in all three regions, the average Happiness is higher than the average (i.e. 5). On the other hand, the examination of the standard deviation shows that the level of Happiness inequality (or people's overall assessment of their life situation) in region 17 is higher than other regions, and region 3 has less inequality than regions 13 and 17. In this way, region 3 with the highest average and the lowest level of inequality of Happiness has a better state of Happiness than other regions. As in many researches conducted between countries, the countries that have a higher rank in terms of the level of development have better conditions in terms of inequality of Happiness.

 The results underscore the profound influence of socio-economic development on youth migration in Iran. To mitigate youth migration and effectively manage population dynamics, substantial policy interventions are imperative. These measures should encompass bolstering the economy and fostering stable employment opportunities in less developed regions, enhancing human development indicators, and conducting precise and efficacious assessments of local needs and challenges.

The main goal of this research is to know the level of religiosity and its relationship with the lifestyle of young people. Iranian society can be considered as having a religious culture due to the dominance of the institution of religion over other social institutions. It is clear that in such a society, people are expected to be influenced by religion to a large extent in choosing their lifestyle and to use religious teachings in determining their lifestyle. Of course, one cannot ignore the role of other factors, especially the flow of modernity and many characteristics of modern lifestyle, including luxury, clothing, makeup, the importance of the body, fun, pleasure, etc. The increase in Iran's population over the last half century and the occurrence of large-scale internal migrations have led to the creation of new settlements around Tehran and other major cities of the country. Among these, we can mention Fardis city, which has become a place for immigrants to live in recent years and has accommodated a part of the overflow population of Tehran and other parts of the country. The results of the preliminary studies about this city indicate that due to the social structure and cultural diversity, the people, especially the young generation, have considerable diversity in their lifestyles, but what is important in this regard is not the diversity of lifestyles, but The prevalence of social harms in this city, especially among young people, is a proof of their inattention to society's norms in choosing their lifestyle. The theoretical foundation of the research is based on the theory of some sociologists including Weber, Simmel and Bourdieu. By reviewing the mentioned theories, we can see that the institution of religion is one of the most important social institutions that has a significant impact on people's behaviors, priorities and values. The research method, according to the goals and questions, is a quantitative methodology. The statistical population consists of young people aged 18-35 years in Fardis city of Alborz province, 384 of whom were studied using the quota method as a sample population. Survey method and questionnaire tool were used to collect data and statistical methods were used to analyze it. The data analysis of this research was done using spss software version 26 in two parts: in the first part, frequency distribution tables, statistical charts and central and dispersion characteristics were used to classify and display the data. And in the second part, the non-parametric test of Spearman's correlation coefficient was used to test the research hypotheses (due to the non-normality of the data distribution). The findings of the research show that among the components of lifestyle, the correct observance of the consumption pattern is at the highest rank, followed by social and cultural harmony, interpersonal relationships, attention to body health and optimal spending of leisure time. Also, these findings show that among the components of religiosity, the belief dimension is at the highest rank, followed by emotional dimensions, awareness, rituals and consequences. The results of the sub-hypotheses test indicate that there is a weak correlation between the components of religiosity and the enjoyment of the lifestyle. This relationship is inverse in the case of attention to body health, so that the more the level of religiosity of people increases, the less attention is paid to it. They reduce the health of the body. Regarding the correlation between the use of religiosity and observing the consumption pattern, there is a correlation. This correlation is direct and its intensity is weak. There is a correlation between religiosity and good interpersonal relationships. This correlation is direct and its intensity is weak. There is a correlation between the level of religiosity and the way of spending leisure time. This correlation is direct and its intensity is weak. There is a correlation between people's religiosity and social and cultural conformity. This correlation is direct and its intensity is moderate. Correlation between lifestyle and religiosity (main hypothesis) According to Table 3, it can be seen that the Spearman statistic is 0.091 and the significance level is 0.74. Therefore, with a 5% error, we can say that there is no correlation between the two variables of religiosity and lifestyle. In any case, the test of the main hypothesis of the research indicates that there is no significant correlation between the level of religiosity and lifestyle. therefore, one can conclude. Unlike the traditional society, today, religiosity is not considered as the only factor influencing the lifestyle, and its effect is not the same on all the components of the lifestyle.

The development of commercial-industrial free zones on the border with the aim of creating bottom-up development and empowering border areas is on the agenda of governments; Therefore, by giving priority to this issue, the governments saw the development of the border areas in the promotion of cross-border trade from the path of the prosperity of commercial-industrial free zones. Kurdistan province has always experienced marginalization and underdevelopment in most of the development indicators during recent decades. This is despite the fact that due to its strategic location, Kurdistan has the appropriate capacity to invest in various commercial, commercial and industrial sectors, and correct and strategic management in this area could prevent problems and issues that affected by the current situation in the province and even in the west of the country. The unfavorable situation of economic development indicators in Kurdistan province, such as low economic welfare and per capita income, high unemployment rate, low employment in the industrial sector and the weakness of the industrial sector of the province have led to informal activities such as peddling and Kolberi in Kurdistan. Therefore, the development of cross-border trade through the realization of the commercial-industrial free zone can play an important role in solving the underdevelopment of Kurdistan. Therefore, emphasizing Harvey's theoretical concepts about trade and international trade and Weiner's analysis of the functions of the free trade zone, the purpose of this research is to analyze the narrative of the elites' view of the development of the free trade-industrial zone in border cities of Kurdistan province. In the current research, a qualitative approach has been adopted in order to deeply understand the topic. The method used in this approach is narrative analysis. Narrative analysis was chosen because the interviewees were mostly people who, despite having an academic background in related fields, were often residents of the target border cities or served as employees of government bodies in the mentioned cities. The technique of data collection is interviews with relevant experts as key informants (university professors and experts in the field of economics) in Kurdistan province until theoretical saturation is reached, which in the end is 12 people. Thematic narrative analysis method was used to analyze the interviews. In this method, based on the expertise of experts in the field of research, the necessary interviews were conducted and the topics obtained were coded in three categories, open concepts, selective themes, and key themes, referring to the Strauss and Corbin analysis method. The findings indicate the following key themes: the development of business relations, the development of economic infrastructure and capital circulation under the theme of selective economic/commercial opportunities and the themes of increasing economic dependence, market monopoly and intensifying the bubble; financial under the theme of selective economic/commercial threats; the themes of strengthening cultural commonality, strengthening regional cohesion and strengthening regional tourism under the selective theme of social/cultural opportunities and finally, the themes of influencing lifestyle, changing ethnic-ethical patterns and changing the population context of the regions under the selective theme of social/cultural threats. The development of commercial-industrial free zones is in line with the decentralization of development and development from below, during which governments try to empower local areas (especially border and marginal areas) and by considering the ability Native capacities and capabilities have been developed productively so that they can help alleviate poverty in these target areas while meeting the needs of the first residents of these areas. Using border capacities in Kurdistan province is also in line with these assumed plans in order to create sustainable employment for border residents, prevent their tendency to smuggling and help economic, commercial and industrial growth and development in the border cities of the province. The results show that the realization of a commercial-industrial free zone in the cities of Baneh and Marivan requires, first of all, a serious modification of the related key infrastructures, proper supervision and the integration of the border dwellers. However, the realization of the activities of these areas is associated with opportunities and threats in various economic/commercial and social/cultural fields, which along with economic growth and development of employment and welfare in the border areas, as well as the development of cultural and social relations, it can be associated with potential threats such as integration into the global capitalist economy and lifestyle changes. But in general, it can be acknowledged that the operational realization of the free trade zone in Kurdistan province can be accompanied by a kind of rethinking in the social, cultural, economic and even political and security relations at the level of the province and even in the west and northwest of Iran. During it, the previous and traditional patterns and views of this region have been transformed and Kurdistan (especially the border cities), will enter a new phase of multiple relations and interactions.

The Mehr Housing Plan was one of the measures taken by the Ninth Government in the field of providing housing for low-income groups. In the meantime, Sanandaj city has been one of the cities where Mehr Housing has been implemented in its two urban areas - Degran and Baharan - due to reasons such as population growth, migration and increasing marginalization. In this research, considering spatial justice approaches, we tried to provide an analysis of the situation in these areas. China's main assumption is that spatial justice has not been realized and bio-urbanism has been marginalized in these areas. Investigating the housing situation in Sanandaj city is considered one of the most important issues of this city and this has created challenges for managers and urban planners, residents and owners. Mehr Sanandaj housing with a capacity of 7,600 units (built in Baharan, 5.43 hectares, and the total length of 20 and 14 meter streets is 6410 meters, and the street density in this project is 3.147 meters) was trying to create a space for the citizens to be able to solve problems and solve urban problems, especially housing. This project has created a situation that cannot be looked at from a statistical and quantitative point of view. Looking at this project from the perspective of stakeholders is one of the most important ways to look at the performance of managers and planners, contractors and stakeholders and evaluate the achievements of this project. This shows that the residents have had perceptions and encounters with the adopted policies and strategies. Their opinion about access to facilities, type of construction, space, etc. determines how spatial justice in Sanandaj city affects the living conditions of its residents. The basic assumption of this research is that sufficient and appropriate space has been one of the most important points that have been neglected in the Mehr Sanandaj housing plan. The way of architecture and constructions in these areas has indicated inappropriate space, lack of attention to infrastructure, and focus on the maximum use of land, and this is unequal compared to other urban areas. With this assumption, the current research aims to establish the institutional conflict of the residents with the policies and strategies adopted in the Mehr housing in Sanandaj. The research method is institutional ethnography. The data of this research are extracted from the experiences that have been formed in the struggle of institutional relations and institutional texts as the implementation of policies from above. Purposive sampling was used to select the people to be interviewed, and theoretical sampling was used to determine the number of people, determine the location of the required data, and find the direction of the research. Thematic analysis and emic model were used to interpret the experiences of the interviewees in order to achieve a critical reading of the formed experiences based on them and by placing them in the local context and situation. Interviews were conducted with 30 inhabitants living in Mehr housing located in Baharan town of Sanandaj. Also, the institutional documents related to the Mehr housing project (plans, statistics and information, the website of these involved institutions, etc.) have been examined, analyzed and criticized. The results show that the diversity and cultural contradictions of the population caused by excessive immigration and overcrowding of apartments created problems that put this urban life at risk. Many floors and crowded units have caused this crowding and created an uneasy environment. In the social and cultural dimension, we can also point to the existence of group conflicts and the lack of place belonging and the reduction of social trust in these areas. The results in the form of secondary categories of residents' social conflicts and overcrowding, lack of social and psychological security, lack of participation and institutional trust, and weak facilities and neglect of the spatial context show that the spatial nobility is not only not realized, but also creates instability for the residents. It has been determined. The analysis of the interviews in this dimension shows a window of issues that can be discussed with the secondary category of reducing social and psychological security in these areas. Due to many reasons, such as the existence of single people, drug addicts, busy families, etc., these areas have become unsafe and this has had the greatest impact on the lives of women and children. However, in relation to the related institutions, including the municipality, the analysis of the categories from the interviews shows that there is cooperation and trust between the residents and the institutions. burden What was discussed more about spatial justice is related to the weakness of facilities and neglect of the spatial context of these areas. Distance from health and treatment centers, disproportionate public transportation, lack of sports use, lack of green space and recreational use, and lack of waste management are the most important categories that show that the facilities of these areas are not sufficient to be able to have bio-sustainability in these areas. It is possible to affirm the existence of spatial justice and, to a greater extent, social justice. urban services in its general sense can compensate for many service and public activities needed to manage urban affairs in these areas and reduce social and economic injustices. Therefore, institutional attention and participation of relevant institutions in this field is the most important solution to promote spatial justice and increase urban ecology in these areas.