نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 12 (پاییز و زمستان 1403)

Despite the multivariate nature of the revolution as a social and political phenomenon, what is considered the central point is how the identity of the revolution was formed and expanded. For example, the Islamic nature of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 was also the product of the process of identity formation based on political Islam led by Imam Khomeini (RA).This article attempts to analyze the experience of expanding the identity of the Islamic Revolution in different provinces. The method used in this article will be qualitative with a meta-synthesis strategy. The article seeks to answer the question of how the formation and expansion of Islamic identity in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 took place in different cities? The findings of this research show that following the drawing of a broad identity in the form of political Islam for the revolutionary movement by Imam Khomeini, gradually other activists influenced by different ideas and intellectual tendencies and the general public in the geographical area of Iran have advanced the orientation of their revolutionary activism based on the identity of political Islam.

An examination of the history of the tourism industry in Iran necessitates a thorough investigation into the roles and functions of organizations responsible for tourism, particularly in Iran’s contemporary history, drawing upon the archival records of these organizations. Among these entities is the Organization for the Attraction of Tourists (Sāzmān-e Jalb-e Sayyāhān), which served as the steward of tourism in Iran from 1964 to 1974. Possessing its own structure and organization, this entity undertook numerous activities in provinces such as Mazandaran, which boasted considerable tourism potential. Accordingly, this research endeavors, through the application of historical research methods and the utilization of archival documents and materials, to formulate and address the question; What was the role and function of the Organization for the Attraction of Tourists in the construction and development of tourism-related infrastructural projects in Mazandaran during the Pahlavi II era?The research findings indicate that the establishment of the Organization for the Attraction of Tourists as a department within the Prime Ministry in Iran in May 1963 led to the formation of provincial and Sub-provincial level branches of this organization in various provinces across the country, including Mazandaran. In the province of Mazandaran, with the objective of fostering the growth and development of tourism this organization undertook numerous measures. Prominent among these endeavors was the construction and expansion of tourism-related infrastructural projects. The construction of Seaside resort (plāzh) in coastal cities, the development of road networks to facilitate tourist access to tourism areas—including roads perpendicular to the sea and forest roads—and, ultimately, the establishment of Forest Recreation Areas (park-hā-ye jangali) constituted the most significant actions of the Organization for the Attraction of Tourists in the construction and development of tourism infrastructure in Mazandaran during the Pahlavi II era, spanning the years 1963 to 1974.

The present study examines the position and importance of Iran in the Persian Gulf region during the Cold War era in 1958-1968, which had become a campaign of confrontation between the East and the West. In this campaign, the newly established SAVAK organization monitored the activities of Soviet agents in the region and implemented the policies of the central government of Iran, and Iraq had become the most important arena of this campaign. After the coup of Abdul Karim Qasim in 1958, Iraq changed from an ally of the Western bloc to a base for expanding Soviet influence, so SAVAK played an important role in monitoring, neutralizing, and reacting to these threats. This study first examines the activities of SAVAK's foreign intelligence based on existing documents and analyzes the rapid developments in Iraq in the First Republic (Abdul Karim Qasim) and the Second Republic (Abdul Salam and Abdul Rahman Aref) on this basis. These rapid developments, which were a complete reflection of the changing power relations in the Cold War era in the Persian Gulf and West Asia,The present study next analyzes Iran's regional policies regarding Iraq and evaluates their success or failure, and examines the role of SAVAK in this. Understanding the strategy of containment without military conflict and using the Kurdish element in Iraq's internal relations with the cooperation of Mossadare all different aspects that the relationship between the compilation of information and the implementation of policies by SAVAK will be examined in each of these topics.

This article, focusing on the actions of a right-wing group in contemporary Iran, namely the Rashidian family, seeks to analyze their political performance with the aim of explaining their conservative nature in the field of domestic politics. Therefore, the research was developed around the following question: What is the level and extent of the Rashidian conservatism in the field of domestic politics and based on what actions can it be evaluated?In this regard, using library resources based on collecting data from documents, press, and historical books, and the analytical research method based on the theory of social stratification with an emphasis on the policy of the comprador bourgeoisie in the field of domestic politics, the authors of these lines found that the Rashidian family, attempted to adopt approaches in the political sphere that naturally led them towards extreme and extreme conservatism. Actions such as interacting with parts of the marginalized and urban thugs who were traditionally conservative and opposed to reforms in the political arena, collaborating with right-wing political figures and groups, who not only had a reactionary nature in the political sphere, and on the other hand, confronting nationalist figures such as Mosaddeq, trying to keep the main core of power, the Shah, away from the arrowhead of society's criticism, fighting the Tudeh Party who wanted radical changes, and even seriously challenging the technocratic reformists, all indicated the extremely right-wing and conservative nature of the Rashidians and their gang in the field of domestic politics.

The period of 1320s is considered as an important era of Iran's contemporary history with lots of turbulence. Plentiful number of remarkable national and international events distinguishes this time section. During this decade some parts of the country witnessed the formation and evolution of several separatist, sectarian and tribal armed risings and unions. Consequently these groups could successfully take a few vast territories under their control for a while. Therefore investigating the entity, objectives and agents of the mentioned challenging movements can light up some unknown angles of Iran's contemporary history and especially the era of Mohammad Reza Shah. Accordingly this research tries to find out the intentions and activities of minor union of southern landlords led by Fath Allah Khan Hayat Davoudi in 1325. Finding out the reasons, factors and backgrounds of the formation of the union makes up the main question of the survey. Study findings which are achieved by the newly found documents approve that this armed rising was not a real nationalist movement and basically was designed by the central government in order to confront the separatist manoeuvres by the Toudeh Party and Democrat Communion supported by Soviet Union in north west of country. When the other sects were suppressed and the occupied territories were evacuated, the southern unions in cooperation with Qavam's cabinet, retreated and after delivering the weapons, the lords were forgiven. This research follows descriptive_ analytic method and library resources and archived documents of SAVAK were applied to accomplish the survey.

Some experts and even war commanders believe that Iran should have accepted something like Resolution 598 after conquering Khorramshahr in 1982 and ended the war; Because with the conquest of Khorramshahr and the retreat of Iraq to the original borders, this possibility was realized and Iran could end the war with a political maneuver. . But why does this not happen and the war continues? It is a question that will be addressed in this research based on the discourse analysis of the governance system of the two countries of Iran and Iraq. The claim raised in the current research emphasizes the failure to achieve the ideal goals of the warring countries. The research method will be descriptive-analytical and with the approach of discourse analysis and drawing and interpreting the discourse space that dominates the two countries of Iran and Iraq in the period of the war after the conquest of Khorramshahr. Certainly, by drawing and knowing such a space, the reasons and not the reasons for the continuation of the war, which are ideological and religious issues, will be revealed to the audience as research findings. The method of collecting information is in the form of library and documents.

Raza Shah began purchasing properties and real estate in various regions of the country, including Kermanshah, during his years as Prime Minister. Although there is no precise information about the details of his properties and real estate during his tenure, they had expanded to such an extent that immediately after the change of dynasty, an organization was established to manage them under the Office of the Imperial Accounting. Two branches were set up, titled "Coastal Private Properties" centered in Sari and "Royal Western Properties" based in Harunabad. The ambiguity and issue of this research are the structure and function of the organization and how these properties were managed. The aim is to provide answers using a descriptive-analytical method and archival documents. The research results indicate that the management of private properties and the associated offices and institutions had a purposeful and planned organization that operated in a coordinated manner with the goal of both quantitative and qualitative development of the properties within its scope.

Despite the importance of cultural policies in shaping the flow of Iranian fiction during the Pahlavi era, this issue has been less analyzed. Most previous studies have focused on the analysis of literary texts and have not paid sufficient attention to the role of cultural policies in changes in the production and content of literary works. This research aims to examine the impact of the cultural policies of the Pahlavi government (first and second) on the flow of Iranian fiction and analyze the changes in the production and content of literary works under the influence of these policies. Also, a detailed comparison has been made between the cultural policies of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and their impact on fiction. One of the innovative aspects of this research is its focus on cultural policy rather than the mere analysis of literary texts. The analysis of this research is conducted within the theoretical framework of cultural policy. The analysis of this research is conducted within the theoretical framework of cultural policy-making. The research question is how the cultural policies of the era of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi affected the flow of Iranian fiction and what changes they created in the production and content of these works. The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that the cultural policies of the Pahlavi era, focusing on nationalism, modernization, and control of cultural institutions, led to the formation of new literary movements while limiting social and political criticism in Iranian fiction. The method of the article is historical-analytical. In this method, archival sources, historical documents, and reliable secondary sources such as books and scientific articles have been used as primary data.

The special position of Iran in the Second World War, made this country a bridge of victory for the Allies. The neighborhood with the communist Soviet Union exposed Iran to the influence of communism and threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. There was a two-way desire in the Western-oriented government of Pahlavi II and America after the World War, to provide American economic and political aid to Iran and capitalist influence in Iran and the region, to counter the communist Soviet Union. American foundations, including the Ford Foundation, entered the countries under the influence of communism as soldiers of the combined and cultural wars in the Cold War to propose various economic and social plans for the development of third world countries and to prevent the influence of communism in them. and implement. The problem of this research is to investigate the activities of the Ford Foundation in Iran, the goals and results of the activities of this foundation in Iran, as well as to investigate the relationship between the policies and activities of this foundation and the foreign policy of the American government in Iran, which with the descriptive-Analytical method and based on documentary sources.Based on the findings of this research, the plans and goals of the Ford Foundation for the development of Iran in the economic dimension were centered around social and rural development and self-sufficiency and the development of Iran's agrarian economy, and in the political dimension, stability through the expansion of democracy; If the main goal of the American government in continuous financial aid to the Pahlavi regime is to rely on the implementation of flashy and superficial projects, to transition from crises and to attract the attention of the modern urban middle class to the Pahlavi regime and to create stability from every It was a possible way and finally this contradiction in the official policy of the American government and the goals of the Ford Foundation in Iran resulted in the withdrawal of this foundation from Iran.

Neil Smelser's theory of collective behavior specifically analyzes the factors that influence the formation of revolutions in different societies. During the Iranian Islamic Revolution, some important social institutions, such as Tehran's clergy, played a prominent role in the developments of this great event of the next century. Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi, by pursuing modernization policies, created the necessary structural conditions for the movement of Tehran's clergy. The approval of the state and provincial associations bill was one of the key measures that started the clergy's campaign activities and as a result, structural pressure was created on the regime. The clergy of Tehran also started the stage of expanding public beliefs and activating the society by expanding their combative thinking and generalizing their beliefs. With the occurrence of tension-causing events such as the confrontation between the government and the clerical institution, these institutions activated the stage of mobilization and charismatic leadership, especially after the election of Imam Khomeini (RA) as the leader of the revolution. The formation of the leadership and the expansion of the Tehran clergy's struggles, especially under the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA), caused the ever-increasing expansion of the revolution. As a result, conditions were created where the regime could not maintain social control and apply more repression. In this space, the collective behavior that can be analyzed according to Neil Smelser's theory, emerged dramatically and ultimately led to the Islamic Revolution.   The findings of this research show that Smelser's theory of collective behavior is fully compatible with the formation process of Iran's Islamic Revolution and the essential role of Tehran's clergy in it. This research was done with descriptive-analytical method and using documents, newspapers, diaries and library resources.

After a long period of stagnation in political activity, the forces of the Freedom Movement began to change their course of struggle in the months leading up to the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The behavior, the analysis of which has attracted the attention of researchers in the field of studies of the history of the Islamic Revolution. This topic and the performance of the freedom movement at this important juncture have been examined in this research, using library and documentary sources, a historical approach, and a descriptive method. Now, the present article seeks to evaluate the performance of the freedom movement forces at the height of revolutionary developments and answer this question: Why did national-religious forces, at the height of revolutionary developments, join forces with religious revolutionaries led by Imam Khomeini, despite their past parliamentary struggles? The research findings show that in the course of events of those days, these forces, contrary to their past struggle, chose a policy of convergence with the religious revolutionaries for the reasons of: awareness of the ineffectiveness of their own struggle approach in the new environment and Imam Khomeini's intransigence in opposing the Pahlavi government and its destruction.

The Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) was one of the most critical military conflicts in the contemporary history of the Middle East, rooted in a complex interplay of historical, political, and economic factors. Long-standing border disputes between the two countries had consistently fueled tensions and territorial/political conflicts. The Algiers Agreement of 1975, though intended to reduce tensions, failed to resolve the underlying issues, and its implementation problems exacerbated the situation. The Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 brought fundamental changes to the region. Saddam Hussein, aiming to consolidate his power and prevent the spread of the Islamic Revolution, initiated the invasion of Iran. This article argues that border disputes, combined with internal and external political developments, were pivotal in the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War.