فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 77 (تابستان 1403)

In the discourse approach, social formations are identified in the form of a meaningful wholeness in which social agents and actors present a meaning of their world. In this regard, the Islamic Revolution of Iran led to the birth of a new discourse in the sphere of Iranian politics, which was reconstructed and re-adapted by the leaders of the revolution. The present article seeks to examine the question of how the discourse of school-based political Islam has been constructed from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei? And it is based on the assumption that the discourse of school-based Islam considered by Ayatollah Khamenei is articulated around the axis of six signifiers: mobilization, conspiracy, media, anti-arrogance, independence, and the clergy. This research is organized based on the discourse method of Laclau and Mouffe. According to the research findings, the Supreme Leader's discourse of Islamic school led to the deepening of the fundamental values of the revolution and the orientation of the system towards the ideals of  the late Imam Khomeini. In this regard, we also witnessed the prominence of the self and the marginalization of other discourses.

The issue that this research seeks to answer is the study of some characteristics of English historiography in the way it narrates contemporary Iranian history. The English have written history for different periods of Iran, whether pre-Islamic Iran, Islamic Iran, or contemporary Iranian history, to the extent that they were able to. Studying the works and writings of English historians leads us to characteristics that are repeated in most of these works and, overall, indicate a style of historiography that we call "English historiography." This historiographical method has several important criteria and characteristics: “the dominance of a self-interested and colonialist perspective”, “recording the smallest details with the aim of increasing the circle of information”, “careful not to reveal the role of England in the events”, “denoting the servants of the nation as traitors and vice versa” and other cases that include more than ten cases. In the present article, we will discuss two of the most important of these characteristics, namely “colonial perspective” and “intelligence aristocracy”, along with numerous examples from English sources and reports about contemporary Iran.

The aim of this research is to analyze the military approach of the representatives of the first period of the Islamic Consultative Assembly towards the imposed war of Iraq against Iran, which was carried out using the method of content analysis based on documentary studies. The research, based on the detailed discussions of the first period of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, seeks to answer the question of what were the cultural positions of the representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly towards the imposed war of Iraq against Iran? The findings of the article show that with the start of the imposed war of Iraq against Iran, the representatives spoke in order to strengthen the country's military forces, pay attention to infrastructure, correct war management and self-sufficiency in the military dimension of the war.

History has a high capacity for identity and pattern-making due to involving deep layers of human existence, which is why it has been the focus of attention of media inside and outside Iran. Studying the trends and methods of narrating history on websites, Telegram, and Instagram will have noteworthy results for researchers in the field of history because in addition to becoming familiar with the capacities of the Internet in strengthening historical memory, existing threats will also be identified. In particular, there are various capacities and threats in the Telegram messenger that will be examined in this article. This research is based on a systematic study of historical channels and analysis of existing information using the content analysis method. This research has yielded noteworthy results, including the identification of four trends: explanation, popularization, distortion, and enemy, along with an analysis of the media strategies and techniques of these trends.

Politics and politicians are among the most widely used words in the world, and each political school has a definition of them. The best source for understanding the precise concept and structure of politics is the Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Infallibles. The aim of this research is to revive and explain this religious politics. In this article, politics was expressed in terms of words and in terms of liberalism and Marxism, and then Islamic hadith politics was presented through hadith studies in a descriptive-analytical manner. The definition of politics and its characteristics were inferred from religious sacred texts, and the best politicians in the Islamic world were shown to the general public. According to hadiths, there is no deceit, fraud, lies, oppression, and violence in Islamic politics. These are the characteristics of satanic politics and are alien to religiously revealed politics.

The main issue of the research is to examine and criticize the compatibility of the Crane Brinton theory with the Islamic Revolution. One of the topics that has importance and research potential in the study of the history of revolutions, and especially in the history of the Islamic Revolution, and is worthy of research, is the subject of Thermidor. The aim of the present research is to examine the compatibility and criticism of the aforementioned theory in the history of the Islamic Revolution (the era of the Islamic Republic). The research is of the qualitative type, relying on the historical method (in terms of using sources and data) and applying Brinton's theory of revolution. The findings indicate that Thermidor's theory is not compatible with the Islamic Revolution and the nature of Brinton's theory, although it has been considered natural in many revolutions (France, Russia, England and America), is incompatible with the Islamic Revolution and its cause is not reaction; rather, it lies in the progressive nature of the Islamic Revolution and the innate approach (justice, independence, freedom) of the revolution and the system that emerged from it. As a result, a serious warning to emphasis and adherence to revolutionary values will prevent Thermidor.

The function of values, norms, and culture in constructing the mentality, identity, and behavior of societies has led to the role of such matters as soft power in public diplomacy being considered by scholars in the field of foreign policy. In the meantime, hijab, as a prominent symbol of Islamic discourse, has been able to play a special role in producing discursive soft power in the international arena in the past few decades to such an extent that it has led to a serious reaction from the great powers in confronting and marginalizing its supportors. This fact indicates the capacity of hijab as a cultural element and an effective tool for promoting soft power and the goals of public diplomacy of Islamic discourse. In response to the question of how the Islamic hijab strengthens public diplomacy and the soft power of Islamic discourse in the international system, this article examines the idea that the Islamic hijab, as a discursive symbol and communication medium, through identity formation, nonverbal communication, and collective action, expands the discursive system against competing discourses, thereby strengthening public diplomacy and the soft power of Islamic discourse. Rereading the capacity of the hijab in institutionalizing cultural values of discourse, promoting soft power, and strengthening public diplomacy is one of the most important achievements of this article. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, using documentary data.

In recent years, almost all existing writings have referred to the new middle class as a class that promotes Western culture and values, and the writings have tried to convince the authorities not to insist on the religious values ​​of the system. Therefore, it was decided to accurately portray the revolutionary part of the new middle class in this article. The method of this research is a combination of the author's participatory observation and historical analysis using existing documents and evidence. This research has shown that in parallel with the quantitative growth of the new middle class, the revolutionary part of this class has also grown, so that our academic community is faced with a new middle class that is revolutionary. Factors such as the revolutionary nature of the religious, the imposed war, criticism of the West, observing the progress after the revolution, continuous meetings with the leadership, the rationalist culture of the Shiites, the manifestation of nationalism in the religious, and the observation of the identitylessness of the Westerners are among the main factors in the creation of the religious middle class.