فصلنامه مطالعات تاریخ فرهنگی
پیاپی 61 (پاییز 1403)

Throughout history, historical structures have played a significant role in identifying the culture and customs of various civilizations. Among these structures, bathhouses were spaces with diverse functions that had a profound impact on understanding the culture and architecture of different eras. Therefore, examining the architecture of bathhouses seems to reflect the extent to which popular culture and traditions influenced the formation of these structures, and the significance of the present study lies in exploring this topic. In this regard, it can be stated that since the Safavid period was the most brilliant era in the history of the Iranian architecture, and alongside this grandeur, the design and construction of bathhouses reached their peak, and on the other hand, given that the Ottomans shared many religious and ritual commonalities with the Safavid Iran, the authors of this article, using a historical-interpretive method, examined the bilateral relationship between the architecture of Safavid and Ottoman bathhouses and the influence of popular culture and traditions on them. Accordingly, the following questions were addressed: How did culture and popular traditions influence the architecture of Safavid and Ottoman bathhouses What differences and similarities exist between Safavid and Ottoman bathhouse architectures in terms of the influence of popular culture and traditions The findings indicate that in the Ottoman Empire, the cultural focus was primarily on the spatial arrangement of the men's and women's sections, whereas in the Safavid Empire, religious considerations took precedence over the spatial and structural layout of the bathhouses and the spatial organization and decorations were more aligned with addressing the spiritual needs of humans.

One of the most effective ways to understand various phenomena related to political and economic structures, as well as public and social culture, is to examine the perspectives of individuals who, as external observers, evaluate these phenomena. Therefore, studying the works left behind by travelers and explorers who visited Guilan with different objectives and documented their experiences in travelogues or memoirs is of great significance.This study, conducted using the quantitative content analysis method, is aimed to explore and represent the religious actions and symbols mentioned in European travelogues from the Qajar era, thereby contributing to a deeper understanding of Guilan’s social history. The theoretical framework of the study draws on Stuart Hall’s theory of representation, employing selected indicators and categories to examine Guilan’s geographic domain from the perspectives of 13 European travel writers. These travel writers either resided in Guilan or passed through it at various times.The data collected was categorized into three main components: "Rituals and Symbols," "Religious Rulings," and "Religions." The findings revealed that religious sites, prayers and supplications, and women’s veiling were among the most significant indicators mentioned in the studied travelogues.

The grotesque is an effective tool for conveying contrasting human emotions to the audience. It encompasses concepts such as exaggeration, horror, and the distortion of reality. Among the most prominent contemporary theorists in this field are Mikhail Bakhtin and Harold Bloom. Through their extensive research, innovative and critical interpretations, and creation of well-known literature on the grotesque, they are considered influential figures in this domain. In Iranian dramatic literature, the concepts of the grotesque have been utilized in the works of a few writers, including Bahram Beyzai, who wrote plays with this theme during the 1960s and 1970s. The success of grotesque and critical plays in the West, the unstable social and political conditions in Iran during that period, the trivialization of humor in Iranian theater, and the failure to engage the audience may have provided the impetus for writers like Bahram Beyzai to write plays with a critical and reformative approach under the umbrella of the Western grotesque. Among Beyzai's works in this regard is the play ‘Chahar Sandough’ (Four Boxes) (1967). How the critical concept of the grotesque and its components have been used in Iranian plays such as ‘Chahar Sandough’ is a topic that has received little attention so far. This research, using library resources and relying on a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to examine the theoretical foundations and critical functions of grotesque humor in Bahram Beyzai's ‘Chahar Sandough,’ based on the teachings of Harold Bloom and Mikhail Bakhtin. The findings of the study show that Bakhtin and Bloom's grotesque elements, such as humor, exaggerated laughter, and satire, are employed in ‘Chahar Sandough,’ and through these, Bahram Beyzai has been able to effectively present his critical and reformative ideas about the social structure of Iran during his time.

This article focuses on the prostitution of women in Tehran and aims to answer two questions: 1) What was the status of female prostitutes from the Qajar period to the end of the Pahlavi era 2) How did the government address this issue during these periods The study employs a comparative method to examine the quantitative and qualitative changes in the status of female prostitutes and the government's approach to the problem of prostitution during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods (Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah). The findings indicate that prostitutes during these periods had similar conditions based on their social background, age, and reasons for prostitution. However, with the modernization of society during the Pahlavi era, prostitution became more urban, structured, diverse, and quantitatively less prevalent. The government's policies in dealing with this phenomenon were also multifaceted and contradictory. Despite the financial and political exploitation of prostitutes and their criminal punishments, efforts were made during Reza Shah's reign to control and organize this phenomenon through the settlement of prostitutes and the implementation of health regulations. During Mohammad Reza Shah's reign, the approach to prostitution gradually shifted from criminal to somewhat social, with measures taken to support prostitutes and reintegrate them into society. Despite these efforts, the governments were not very successful in controlling and preventing this problem, and macro-structural factors and patriarchal and male-dominated attitudes in society played a significant role in the persistence of prostitution.

Farhad Mirza Mo'tamed al-Dowleh, during his governorship over Fars (1293–1298 AH), paid special attention to the development and prosperity of Shiraz. Among his efforts was the dredging and restoration of the Karim Khani qanats, during which a new qanat was established and named "Farhadabad.". Farhad Mirza endowed a portion of this qanat's water and distributed another portion among the nobles in Fars. Little is known about the Farhadabad qanat in Shiraz, with only a few local sources briefly mentioning it. Therefore, the present study aims to explore the historical dimensions, endowment conditions, and distribution of water shares from the Farhadabad qanat based on the decree issued by Farhad Mirza Mo'tamed al-Dowleh on this matter. This article adopts a historical research method with a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on archival documents and first-hand historical sources. The findings indicate that the Farhadabad qanat was located near the Jowshak spring in the Qasr-e Qomsheh plain. It was discovered in early Sha'ban 1295 AH during Farhad Mirza Mo'tamed al-Dowleh's inspection of the Karim Khani qanats, but its utilization took about a year to start. The water volume of the Farhadabad qanat was approximately one to one-and-a-half sang[1]. The water flowed toward Shiraz via the *Nahr-e A'zam* (Great Canal) and into the main distribution point (*Maqsam-e A'la*) along two river bends (*Band-e Rudkhaneh* and Moqarrab), where it was used. The water from the Farhadabad qanat was divided into fourteen shares: four shares were endowed to the Khan School in Shiraz and its adjacent reservoir, while the remaining ten shares were allocated to ten influential scholars and dignitaries of Fars, with one share per person. It is likely that before his departure from the governorship of Fars (Rabī' al-Thānī 1298 AH), Farhad Mirza modified the endowment terms, redirecting part of the qanat's shares in favor of the Takyeh (mausoleum) of *Esmat al-Saltaneh*, the wife of his son Abdolali Mirza, located in the Hafeziyeh complex. He dedicated the charitable rewards (thawab) of the Farhadabad qanat to the souls of his parents and the parents of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. However, the benefits of this endowment primarily favored a select few nobles of Shiraz. [1] A traditional unit of water measurement

Migration has been a historical phenomenon along the coasts of the Persian Gulf and was a common occurrence, which primarily happened from the south to the north of the region. However, over a period of approximately forty years, the pattern of this population movement changed. Accordingly, the main objective of the present study is to examine the causes of migration and population movement from the north to the south of the Persian Gulf and the shift in migration patterns within this geographical area during the historical period of 1901–1941. This study relies on documentary sources and adopts an analytical explanatory approach. The sources used were selected based on their validity and reliability and were subjected to critical analysis. The findings revealed that various political, economic, social, and natural factors—including social insecurity, ineffective fiscal and economic policies, corruption and lawlessness, social strictures, famine and drought, and the expansion of smuggling—played significant roles in these population movements. Ineffective domestic policies, alongside the attractiveness of southern ports, were key factors in this population shift, leading to a change in the regional balance and the emergence of new migration hubs in the Persian Gulf