نشریه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 70 (بهار 1404)

One of the important goals of Article 100 of Chapter 7 of the Seventh Plan Law is to increase the share of public diplomacy in the foreign policy macro-basis. Parliamentary diplomacy is one of the pillars of public diplomacy and a complement to official diplomacy. It seems that making the diplomatic capacities of the legislature power more efficient in order to enhance the added value of public diplomacy and assist official diplomats in strategic negotiations requires the amending of the structure and internal regulations of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and familiarization of the diplomatic delegations of the legislature power with the techniques and skills of diplomacy. The main question of the present research is what solutions are needed to enhance the capacity of parliamentary diplomacy with the priorities of Chapters 21 and 22 of the Seventh Plan Law. This research also refers to the role of people and emerging technologies in empowering and popularizing the diplomatic activities of representatives. The present research is strategic-applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive-explanatory in terms of its nature and method. The innovation of this research is that, through the synergy of the capacities of parliamentary and official diplomacy and a strategic view of the Seventh Plan Law, it prioritizes the transition from traditional parliamentary diplomacy to the new parliamentary diplomacy of the Islamic Revolution level. Due to its transformational view of structures and the empowerment of representative-diplomats, the structure-agent theory can be effective in the formation of efficient parliamentary diplomacy.

The issue of political parties and their relationship with elections, as well as the role of both in the realm of policy-making in the Islamic Republic of Iran, is a topic that has been less explored as an interconnected system. Since the beginning of the Constitutional Revolution in 1906, when the subjects of elections and parliament were introduced as two essential pillars of democracy from the West into Iranian political literature, the issue of political parties and their relation to governance has always faced challenges. This article aims to examine the lack of institutional and systematic connection between political parties and the policy-making system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this context, we seek to answer the question: What is the role of political parties and the party system in Iran’s policy-making The theoretical framework of this article is an institutional analysis that attempts to examine the impact of the political party institution on the policy-making institution. The course of this article is exploratory and focuses on the study of a relationship, rather than causal analysis. The conclusion we reached in response to the research question is that in the absence of party governance, alternative processes for the role of parties in Iran’s policy-making include social groundwork and discourse creation, which can compensate for the lack of party authenticity, the passivity of parties, negative beliefs, and their inefficiency and legitimacy through elections due to national solidarity and the neutralization of conspiracies. 

Housework remains the dominant activity among over 60% of married women in Iran, yet its recognition as formal employment remains highly contested in both legal and policy frameworks. This study explores the following research question: What is the legal and policy status of housework in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and can housewives be considered employed The central hypothesis posits that housework, as a fundamental contributor to household management and social reproduction, constitutes a productive activity and thus should be formally recognized and supported. Drawing on Islamic jurisprudence and feminist theories, the study argues that while Islamic legal thought acknowledges the economic value of domestic labor—entitling women to compensation such as Ojrat al-Mithl—post-revolutionary policymaking has failed to provide institutional support for housewives. Using qualitative content analysis of laws, religious texts, national development plans, and scholarly literature, the findings reveal a significant disconnect between theoretical endorsement and practical implementation. The study concludes that redefining housework as legitimate employment is a critical step toward gender justice and recommends integrating legal protections, social insurance schemes, and policy mechanisms to formally support housewives.

The present study is devoted to examining the process of institution building and good governance in the governance system of the Islamic Republic in post-revolutionary governments. It is believed that the Islamic Revolution, with its expansionist goals and institutional capacities, could have achieved an open society and good governance. While the method of institution building and governance structures in the Islamic Republic progressed slowly. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to answer the question of how the institution building process in post-revolutionary governments has progressed in terms of achieving good governance. The hypothesis is that this process of institutional organization in post-revolutionary governments within the framework of a limited access system created three types of orders: fragile, basic, and immature. In the first stage of institutionalization, the institutional and structural power of the religious coalition was established in the creation of revolutionary-religious and quasi-state institutions as a step of limited institutional development. In the second stage, developmental institutions were established that were not sustainable and inclusive, and even if they remained in the governance structure, they had functional weaknesses and did not have the ability to transition and access indicators of good governance and sustainable development. The present article, based on the views of new institutionalists, especially Douglas North, and the theories of good governance, has used the qualitative method of document analysis and library resources.

The concept of justice and ethics in warfare has been a prominent topic in Islamic thought, and numerous Muslim thinkers have explored this subject. One of the most notable among them is Al-Farabi, a leading Islamic philosopher and a founder of Islamic political philosophy. Through his theory of the Virtuous City, Al-Farabi outlined foundational principles for human societies in which goodness, justice, and virtue stand as core values. This paper aims to examine Al-Farabi's perspective on "just war" through the lens of his political philosophy. The primary question of this research is: How does Al-Farabi justify the concept of just war Does his acceptance of the concept imply the existence of unjust wars

From Al-Farabi’s perspective, what qualifies a war as justWhat are Al-Farabi’s criteria for distinguishing just from unjust warsDoes Al-Farabi view war as a legitimate tool for expanding political power and influenceThe main hypothesis of this study is that Al-Farabi considers war justifiable only under certain conditions, as a means to achieve good and justice. Any war aimed at personal gain, conquest, or the expansion of power, however, is deemed unjust by Al-Farabi.

This study is based on a library-based examination of primary and secondary sources, focusing on Al-Farabi’s works such as The Opinions of the People of the Virtuous City and various interpretations of his thought. The approach employed here is descriptive-analytical, supported by hermeneutic interpretation of Al-Farabi’s texts to elucidate his foundational principles on the just and unjust nature of war.

 The Concept of Justice and Goodness in Al-Farabi’s ThoughtAl-Farabi holds that justice is one of the foundational values necessary to create an ideal society. In his view, the "Virtuous City" is a society in which justice and goodness reign supreme, and citizens strive toward achieving virtue and perfection. For this reason, Al-Farabi views any action, including war, as justifiable only if it serves to establish justice and promote the common good. War in Islamic Thought and Al-Farabi’s PerspectiveIn Islamic thought, war has consistently been seen as a last resort, acceptable only for resisting oppression and tyranny. Islam’s ethical principles endorse war solely under circumstances that defend human rights and eradicate sedition and aggression. In Al-Farabi’s view, war is considered just only if it aims to protect individuals from oppression and to secure public good. He categorically rejects any war waged for revenge, territorial conquest, or material gain. In other words, Al-Farabi holds that war must be a means to create a better and more just society rather than a tool for personal or group advantage. Criteria for Just and Unjust Wars in Al-Farabi’s ThoughtAl-Farabi provides clear criteria for distinguishing just wars from unjust ones. According to him, war is only justified if it is aimed at achieving goodness and justice. These criteria include respecting the lives of citizens, preventing cruelty, and establishing justice in society. Al-Farabi insists that war must solely be waged against oppression and corruption and should ultimately foster peace and security for all citizens. War as a Tool for Advancing Virtue in SocietyAl-Farabi views war not only as a defensive measure but also as a potential tool for advancing virtue and the public good. He argues that if a society is at risk of losing justice and virtue, then a war aimed at restoring these values can be deemed necessary and beneficial. For this reason, Al-Farabi differentiates between just and unjust wars, supporting only those that benefit the general public and uphold justice and virtue.

Al-Farabi’s theory of just war presents a moral and philosophical framework wherein war is permissible only as a means to establish justice, eliminate oppression, and secure the common good. According to Al-Farabi, any war conducted for the sake of personal gain, expansion of power, or ambition is inherently unjust. He introduces this theory as part of his philosophy of the Virtuous City, where he emphasizes the importance of the goal and purpose of war in determining its moral validity. In Al-Farabi's thought, a just war must be directed toward promoting, distributing, and ensuring virtue and welfare; otherwise, it devolves into an unjust war.

Human rights, as one of the central issues in Islamic jurisprudence, reveals fundamental differences in the perspectives of various jurisprudential schools. This research examines the legal rulings related to human rights from the viewpoint of Mohammad Reza Mozaffar, a prominent Shia jurist, and Muhammad bin Salih Ibn Uthaymeen, a notable thinker in Wahhabism. Legal rulings define the conditions and statuses that enable or prevent the realization of obligatory rulings. The main question of the research is how the differences between Mozaffar and Ibn Uthaymeen’s views on legal rulings affect the interpretation and implementation of human rights. The hypothesis of the research states that Mozaffar, by utilizing reason and consensus, provides a dynamic and comparative approach, while Ibn Uthaymeen adopts a more limited and traditional view, adhering strictly to religious texts. This descriptive-analytical study demonstrates that Mozaffar’s greater flexibility allows for the alignment of legal rulings with human rights issues and social justice, whereas Ibn Uthaymeen’s view, with its limitations in interpreting religious texts, creates challenges in adapting to contemporary needs.

This study explores the relationship between hijab as a religious and divine obligation and its institutional representation within the constitutional and legal frameworks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The primary research question addresses how the Islamic jurisprudential understanding of hijab has been transformed into legal, cultural, and executive policies, and what implications this transformation has for the broader discursive and social landscape. The core hypothesis posits that the Islamic Republic, drawing upon Shia jurisprudence, treats hijab not merely as a personal obligation but as a vital component of religious-political order. Consequently, hijab is reframed as a symbol within a broader semiotic and ideological structure, reinforcing identity, authority, and moral governance. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, the study utilizes legal documents, religious texts, and semiotic theories—particularly those of Althusser, Barthes, and Foucault—to critically examine official and unofficial discourses surrounding hijab. Findings indicate that hijab operates within three intersecting domains—religious law, statutory law, and public discourse—and that the rise of social media and alternative cultural expressions has led to a diversification in the meanings and contestations surrounding hijab. This highlights the necessity for policymaking to move beyond rigid enforcement and engage with hijab as a dynamic symbol embedded within complex socio-cultural negotiations.

Elections are one of the important legal institutions that are addressed in the constitution with a democratic approach. This institution actually determines the custodian of society's affairs and is the instance that is responsible for establishing or implementing laws and regulations. Although elections are the best tool for determining the most qualified to take office, there is always a possibility in all societies that candidates and their supporters resort to improper methods. To address these concerns, the constitution and ordinary laws have provided for supervisory and judicial structures, the use of which can increase the percentage of correct elections in terms of their freedom, fairness, and integrity.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the pathology of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in the sixth to tenth terms in Fars province from the perspective ofAnd its conformity with the vision of the Imam and the leadershipUnderstanding the Damages of the Islamic Consultative Assembly Elections in the Sixth to Tenth Periods in Fars Province.

The sampling method is purposive (non-random). This research has described and analyzed the data by using the method of collecting information through library and document review by collecting the necessary information.

The results of the research show that by analyzing the principles related to parliamentary elections in the constitution and the law implemented in the elections of the sixth to tenth terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the following findings can be presented:One of the major disadvantages of the parliament and elections in Iran is the absence of a party, in its real and political sense. The second is politicization, meaning that the priority and principle of "meritocracy" are completely sacrificed to the immediate interests of factions.The third issue is that some people engage in it because of fulfilling their election promises or feeling a sense of duty to solve the problems of the people in their constituency or carrying out activities to gain prestige among the people of the region in order to be re-elected. The fourth issue is the lack of sufficient experience and expertise of the MP.And ... can be named.The conclusion of the research is that due to the existing damages in the electoral system, the resulting parliament will not have the expected efficiency of the Islamic Republic system.

The elections to the Islamic Consultative Assembly are a symbol of religious democracy, and the people play a fundamental role in the fate of the country by participating in the elections and choosing the candidates they approve. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, democracy is interpreted as the maximum participation of the people. The Islamic Republic system always emphasizes the connection between the pillars of the system and the people, and the Islamic Consultative Assembly is a symbol of the nation's legislation and supervision over the performance of the executive and judicial branches.In the research conducted, the characteristics of desirable elections in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran are as follows:1- Election of competent and efficient representatives2- Peaceful holding of elections3- Maximum participation4- Informed choice5- Free and fair elections

Reconciliation of religions is another way of achieving unity in the Islamic society, the necessity of which is to adopt desirable, efficient strategies that are at the same time far from religious prejudice and beliefs and to prevent the creation of religious divisions and divisions in the society. Therefore, in order to achieve rapprochement of religions, it is important to pay attention to religious issues and topics, axes of social division and connection, decisions in the political arena, and the interaction of the political system with religious groups in important and strategic points of the country. In general, the strategy of de-escalation seeks effective communication and interaction, as well as the creation of favorable conditions for the life of social, cultural, religious, and political groups, which, given the plurality of groups mentioned in Iranian society, this strategy is essential. In the meantime, considering the dominance of Sharia law over Iranian society after the Islamic Revolution, the creation of a transparent and operational mechanism that can unite religious groups in different parts of the country around one axis is an undeniable necessity. This necessity in the Kurdistan region, where Sunnism and Shiism are the two major religious movements, shows us the need to address strategies for the rapprochement of religions. Accordingly, extracting the desired strategies inspired by the thought and discourse of the Islamic Revolution in the Kurdistan region that can overcome limitations and challenges and, at the same time, create unifying mechanisms based on the idea of ​​the rapprochement of religions is a regional and national necessity. The Kurdistan region in Iran, which is known for its centrality in the Kurdistan province and some neighboring Kurdish cities, encompasses a range of the western and northwestern parts of the country, which have settled in the border and strategic areas of the country, and also belong to the Sunni religion and live alongside other religions. However, this ethnic and religious diversity has faced problems arising from religious conflicts or security and political threats arising from religious beliefs, which have created problems at the provincial and national levels. Given that the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in general and the thought of the founder of the Islamic Revolution in particular are based on unity and alliance between different religions, including Sunnis and Shiites, using this discourse to solve problems and challenges can raise the idea of ​​rapprochement between religions as a strategy. Based on these necessities, this article, which focuses on the pathology of rapprochement between religions in the Kurdistan province and adopts appropriate strategies to achieve the goal of rapprochement, first seeks to find possible harms in the rapprochement between Islamic religions in the Kurdistan province (one of the western provinces of the country), and then proposes strategies appropriate to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. In fact, the question addressed by the present study is: what are the strategies of the Islamic Revolution for rapprochement between religions in Kurdistan 

 The present article is of a qualitative and applied type. The method of the article is descriptive-analytical and the research tools are also library and documentary.

 The strategies of the Islamic Revolution in the field of religious rapprochement are aimed at the roadmap and ideas that can provide the basis for the further connection of religions and sects in the country, including in the Kurdistan region and province in Iran. In this framework, religious rapprochement, which is aligned with Islamic unity, requires effective functioning in various fields in order to utilize existing capacities such as: accepting differences in the theoretical and practical arenas, the Kurdistan Islamic University, repelling common threats against territorial order and Islamic beliefs. In addition, utilizing elites and managers at the national management levels and the administration of Kurdish provinces will play an important role in operationalizing the idea of ​​rapprochement from the perspective of providing social conditions and popular satisfaction. Creating an interactive network between scholars, sympathizers, and influential ethnic and religious figures in the Kurdistan region and moderate and pluralist clerics or politicians at the macro level is an important factor in demonstrating a connection at the macro and regional levels, while preserving religious and ethnic plurality in Kurdistan, while utilizing the capacity of the elders and influential figures to solve the province's economic, social, and cultural problems. In this context, utilizing the capacity of the great Islamic center in the west of the country, whether in interacting with religious institutions at home or learning tolerance and tolerance at the regional and international levels, is an important factor in advancing the project of rapprochement of religions in Kurdistan. Therefore, the path to rapprochement is to accept religious differences and adopt a peaceful coexistence with groups that continue their activities based on the constitution and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The effective function of accepting differences is to prevent the processes and goals from becoming opaque, because if the demands of religious groups in Kurdistan are expressed clearly and within the framework of existing laws, differences and divisions will not be a threat, but an advantage that will gradually marginalize extreme prejudices and intolerance of other religions. Considering the efforts of the Islamic Republic regime in the Kurdistan province to achieve the goal of rapprochement between Islamic religions, it has not yet reached its original position, which leads to Islamic civilization, and the obstacles and harms facing it must be overcome by establishing and establishing joint cultural, scientific, and research institutions. In this context, based on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, it is very important to use the capacities of local and national media to address the issues of the Kurdistan province with a realistic approach. In addition, implementing and initiating changes in the administrative system in appointing middle and senior managers in the province from Sunnis, establishing joint institutions, including universities with comparative sciences, etc., could be a special solution to achieve this goal in the Kurdistan province. 

Religious rapprochement is a strategy for peaceful coexistence of different religious groups and beliefs in the Islamic society, which has been used after the Islamic Revolution and in sensitive and religiously plural areas. Given the existence of different religious groups in the Kurdistan province and Kurdish-populated areas in the west of the country, the aim of the present study is to examine the strategies of the Islamic Revolution in the field of religious rapprochement in the Kurdistan province. The question of the present article was what the strategies of the Islamic Revolution in the field of religious rapprochement in Kurdistan include The results of the study have shown that accepting religious differences is the basis and fundamental element of the rapprochement of Islamic religions in Kurdistan. After that, using the capacity of institutions, including the University of Islamic Religions, using the border capacity of Kurdistan to transform Arbaeen as another part of the rapprochement of religions is also considered. Enlightenment to ward off common threats, whether in the field of Islamic religious beliefs or in the field of the borders of Iran, are the axes of achieving the rapprochement of Islamic religions in Kurdistan. In addition, using the capacity of Sunni clerics and elites in managing the affairs of Kurdish regions and even at high levels of the country plays an important role in strengthening the idea of ​​​​the rapprochement of Islamic religions in Kurdistan. Using the capacity of the large Islamic center in the west of the country and the interaction of scholars and intellectuals in the Kurdistan province with clerics and scholars from other religions plays an important role in promoting a culture of tolerance and the formation of rapprochement of religions in Iran, which has always been emphasized by Imam Khomeini (RA). The method of the present article is descriptive-analytical and the research tools are also library and documentary.

The foreign policy of countries faces limitations and opportunities both in the international system and in the domestic decision-making arena. For this reason, the foreign policy of countries is influenced by numerous factors, some of which are related to the approach and role of the government and decision-making groups, influential institutions, the personality of decision-makers, and other domestic factors. Another part of this process is related to the role of external factors and issues related to friendship and enmity, coalitions or alliances, and the role of regional and international institutions. In addition, the type of hostility of countries with their rivals and enemies, such as assuming full-scale confrontation, using common capacities and managing differences, and creating a platform for competition or using the mediation capacity of countries, are among the mechanisms that great powers use in the field of foreign policy. In the meantime, cooperation between great powers to outdo their rivals in the form of cooperation with regional powers or developing countries may also be considered, which is clearly seen in the competition between China and the United States in the Persian Gulf region and the way they interact and confront the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition, the United States has been one of the main allies of the Persian Gulf countries, including the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, for many years, but today, with China's entry into various technological, economic, and strategic areas, competition between the two great powers has been created in this region. Given that the competition between the two great powers will also affect the status and conditions of the Persian Gulf countries, including Iran, the present study seeks to examine the foreign policy of Iran and China from the perspective of pragmatism and competition or interaction between China and the United States. The central question is: from the perspective of confrontation with the United States, what are the differences between the foreign policies of Iran and China in the Persian Gulf region and what have been the results The results have shown that the difference in Iran's ideological and China's pragmatic attitude towards America, the different expectations of Iran and China from each other's regional and international role to prevent American influence, and China's selective approach to supporting Iran are among the differences that have caused Iran to benefit less from China's international and regional role and influence. The present article uses a descriptive and analytical method and library tools, and the theoretical framework of the research is pragmatism.  

 The Islamic Republic of Iran and China are among the countries that are present in West Asia and the other in the east of this continent, and due to the current nature of the international system and China's desire to gain hegemony in the international system and Iran's opposition to the hegemony of the United States, it has become particularly evident. Behaviors based on interaction and convergence between Iran and China and other countries in the Persian Gulf region are more than anything due to China's desire to obtain energy resources such as oil and gas for domestic consumption and economic development, and on the other hand, competition with the United States as the hegemony of the international system. As the Islamic Republic of Iran has had numerous challenges with Western countries, including the United States, in recent years, and the "Look East" policy, and at the forefront of them, the development of diplomatic relations through foreign policy with China, has been one of the basic approaches in the post-Islamic Revolution governments, which has led to cooperation between the two countries. In addition, China, as a global power and the main rival of the United States, has several reasons for its presence and influence in the Persian Gulf. Among other things, China needs energy, including oil and natural gas, for domestic production and economic progress in order to become the hegemon of the international system. In addition, investment in other countries through technology transfer, bilateral and multilateral agreements, or playing a role as an intermediary and influential actor are other reasons that have brought China to the Persian Gulf. China's main economic project is the Belt and Road Initiative, one of its manifestations, the Digital Silk Road, has significantly generated huge investments among the countries of the Persian Gulf region. However, China's presence in this region is not without challenges and obstacles, so that the United States, as the hegemon of the international system, seeks to maintain its traditional allies among the Arab countries, while avoiding their extensive interaction with China, and at the same time, to keep some regional threats against its interests, namely the Islamic Republic of Iran, away from China. The United States is concerned about China's influence, political and economic impact on the countries of the Persian Gulf region, which, observing China's rise in power in the coming decades, are seeking to benefit from its competition with the United States. However, assessing the foreign policy of the main players in the region, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, and China, requires the application of a scientific method and mechanism, based on which the influence and benefit of each side from past and future developments in the Persian Gulf can be criticized. The pragmatic approach, which focuses on the results of a decision or behavior in the field of foreign policy, has the advantage of showing what tools and limitations the Islamic Republic of Iran has in the Persian Gulf region to develop relations with China or convince this global power to attract cooperation in the regional and international arenas. In addition, this same approach can provide a relatively clear assessment of China's foreign policy, so that it becomes clear to what extent China is using its international and regional position to confront the United States and support Iran.

Pragmatism in foreign policy means following the results of decisions in the field of foreign policy, without the ideological basis or idealism being decisive in this field. The application of this approach in the analysis of the foreign policy of Iran and China in the Persian Gulf region from the perspective of the role of the great powers, which is focused on China and the United States, shows that China's approach follows pragmatism. In contrast, Iran's ideological approach in confronting the United States in the region and at the level of the international system has caused it to benefit less from China's capacity or the competition between the two superpowers, the United States and China. In addition, given the economic nationalism attitude prevailing in the fifth generation of Chinese leaders, Iran's confrontation with the United States in various fields has resulted in China's caution and neutrality, which has been manifested in cases such as aligning with the UN sanctions resolutions against Iran in 2006-2007 and also referring the Iranian case to the UN Security Council. In the economic arena, under the conditions of extensive economic sanctions imposed by the West and the United States against Iran, China has been one of the main markets for supplying basic goods and purchasing oil from Iran, but with the escalation of tensions and the United States warning against trading with Iran, it has also abandoned this cooperation. China's repetition of this position and the continuation of the problems between Iran and the West over the nuclear program have led China to find new allies in the Persian Gulf, which, unlike Iran, do not have financial and ideological problems with the United States. China's development of the Silk Road, of which the Persian Gulf is an important part, has turned Arab countries such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia into China's strategic partners.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is one of the institutions striving to govern international law in relations between states. Although countries ostensibly attempt to present themselves as adherents to these institutions, the reality often differs. In the years following the Iranian Revolution, the United States unlawfully seized Iranian assets multiple times, leading Iran to file a complaint against the U.S. in the court. The main question of this research is whether the ICJ’s actions in the case of the seizure of Iranian assets were based on the principles of international justice. The research hypothesis posits that a minimal set of international legal traditions exists, which both political entities in the international system and international institutions can adhere to in order to peacefully resolve their disputes. The findings indicate that the jurisprudence established in the ICJ is grounded in international law rules, which has sought to promote justice in the international arena and move toward the establishment of a law-based international order. Accordingly, in the case of the seizure of Iranian assets, the court did not deviate from this framework. The approach of the article is analytical-descriptive, and the method of data collection was library and documentary research. 

The geopolitical rivalry between the United States and Russia over energy pipelines has intensified, particularly following Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This conflict has significant implications for global energy security and presents both challenges and opportunities for Iran's energy policy. This study employs the neoclassical realist framework to analyze how the U.S.–Russia energy competition influences Iran's potential role as an alternative energy supplier to Europe. While Iran possesses substantial natural gas reserves and a strategic geographic position, internal political dynamics and external pressures, including sanctions and alliances, complicate its ability to capitalize on emerging opportunities. The study concludes that Iran's effective engagement in the evolving energy landscape requires strategic recalibration of its foreign policy and energy diplomacy.