فصلنامه مطالعات تاریخ فرهنگی
پیاپی 63 (بهار 1404)

The administrative system and the educational institution, as two key cultural factors  in the establishment and consolidation of twentieth-century governments, have long been subjects of extensive analysis and description. Most of these analyses and descriptions  focus on exploring the various dimensions of each system individually, but  the interconnection between the two institutions has often been overlooked. In Reza Shah’s Iran, the administrative system underwent  significant transformation primarily requiring  young, educated, and specialized personnel to replace the traditional bureaucratic elite. One main objective of the educational reforms during this period, beyond improving culture and raising literacy levels, was to provide a new cadre of government employees. Examining this issue and the relationship between education and bureaucracy constitutes the central focus of this study. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on documentary and library sources, the present study seeks to answer the question: What role did the relationship between the administrative system and the educational institution play during the Reza Shah's era (1304-1320) in the government employment process The findings indicate that the relationship  between the educational system and the administrative apparatus provided the foundation for the transformation of the administrative system. Educational policies and programs served as tools for supplying government personnel, and the educational process created a framework through which individuals, upon completing their academic studies, entered the administrative apparatus

Throughout Iran's social history, some groups have emerged with the aim of aiding the deprived classes and those oppressed by the ruling power, particularly during foreign invasions and periods of intensified murder and plunder. The members of these groups have been referred to in historical sources by various names such as Ahl-e Fotowwat (the chivalrous), Ayyār (chivalrous), Luti, Velgard (vagrant), and Mashdi. The social presence of these groups was directly related to the degree of pressure exerted by the ruling authority. Although they were originally formed to assist the needy and the oppressed, on the fringes of these groups, some individuals, under these very titles, instead of helping the lower classes, themselves became predatory forces, creating many problems for society. The Qajar era, given its autocratic rule, is no exception to this pattern. During this period, a group of popular-minded Lutis formed to help the oppressed, while another faction exploited this guise to collude with rulers in plundering the people. The central questions are what social status Lutis held in Qajar period and what role they played in the developments of this period, particularly the Constitutional Movement. The present qualitative research employed a descriptive-analytical approach based on library sources to answer this question. The results show that the Lutis acted as a powerful group influencing the historical currents of this era. Their presence in Qajar society during the Constitutional Movement had varied effects: some rose to aid the people and sided with the constitutionalists, while others exploited the chaotic environment to engage in looting, killing, and pillaging.

The diverse and pluralistic social fabric of the Iranian society has turned the concept of "national identity" into a fundamental issue. Historical knowledge and consciousness, which have always been considered as one of the most important sources of understanding "identity", can lead to national cohesion and stability if taught using modern scientific methods. However, teaching them by inefficient, pseudo-scientific, and unprincipled methods can be equally risky. In general, in relation to identity, two types of consciousness can be developed in a history class: one based on "historical identity" and the other based on "national consciousness". By raising this issue, the present article seeks to answer the main questions: Given the various types of historical education and the issues corresponding to it, how should history be taught in a pluralistic society like Iran, and what type of historical consciousness should it include so that, while strengthening national identity, it neither conflicts with ethnic identity nor leads to an identity crisis This paper attempts to critique the current methods of history education in Iran while advocating for the teaching method based on the community or circle of inquiry in history lessons to achieve "national identity" and "national unity", a method that will be able to achieve the connection between the cognitive and emotional domains based on Bloom's learning theory. The findings show that, regardless of the context and structure of Iran's diverse and pluralistic society and the corresponding historical consciousness, numerous identity risks arise that will either lead to extreme nationalism (chauvinism) or sectarian extremism (pan-ism). To prevent these types of conflicts, identity formation should be based on "national interests," and history education should be based on "national consciousness." Based on Bloom's learning theory, the article concludes that "historical consciousness" and "national consciousness" are formed in the "cognitive" domain, and "identity belonging" in the "emotional" domain. Considering that "national identity" is the result of the "connection between "cognitive and emotional" domains, and that we need the formation of "high-level thinking" for creating this connection, the proposed model for teaching history is the "circle of intellectual exploration". Its implementation makes "high-level thinking" possible and the desired outcome is increasing national consciousness and strengthening national identity within the framework of "national unity" in the diverse Iranian society

Endowment (Waqf) to Astan Quds Razavi has always been a subject of interest to both the government and the people, and the Safavid period is one of its most significant flourishing eras according to historical documents from that period. Examining the status of Astan Quds Razavi's endowments in the Safavid era and analyzing the context and factors influencing it can lead to a refinement of historical knowledge. Using the historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach, emphasizing endowment documents and utilizing library resources, this article addresses the following questions: What was the status of Astan Quds Razavi's endowments in terms of donors (waqifs), type of usage (consumption) and endowed assets (raqaba), and spatio-temporal distribution during the Safavid period And how can the developments that occurred be explained Based on the findings, in the Safavid era, the most common type of endowed asset was farmland, mostly located around Mashhad; in other words, the distribution of endowments across the country was limited. In this period, although endowments for religious ceremonies did not grow in parallel with the government's actions to promote religious rituals, endowments for the [Imam's] Households (Boyutat) were aligned with the policies of the kings and the role the clergy played, and had the highest frequency. Also, despite the compelling need for providing security, no endowments were provided for this purpose. An increase in endowments can be observed after Shah Abbas I in this era; based on frequency, the largest number of endowments belong, in order, to the periods of Shah Soleiman, Shah Sultan Hossein, and Shah Abbas I. Stability and security, the consolidation of central government’s authority, the actions and approach of the Shah, the organizational order of Astan Quds Razavi, and the trustees selected from among Sayyids and clerics who had influence and independence, were effective in endowments. In addition to these, the empowerment of Shiite mujtahids and also emphasis on the status of the Infallible Imams (AS) based on their special role in minds and daily life according to the concept of coexistence, were very effective in the prosperity of endowments in this period.

Safavid society was pluralistic with diverse layers and different social classes. Despite this, the government and certain social classes sought to conceal and, as far as possible, suppress tendencies and behaviors that were contrary to custom and religious law (Sharia) in the realm of social-sexual life, relying on Sharia and customary norms. According to the "Shadow" theory of Carl Gustav Jung, which forms the theoretical basis of the present study, whatever is repressed or denied in the individual and social conscious gives rise to a shadow in the individual or collective unconscious. This ignored shadow can have adverse effects on the individual, society, and their psyche. In the Safavid period, religious pressures, social censorship, and customary (self-conscious) piety led to the repression of forbidden and unconventional sexual desires (into the collective unconscious). However, what was suppressed at the societal level continued to exist in symbolic, hidden, and imperceptible forms. This interdisciplinary study uses Jung's ‘Shadow theory’ to examine three main axes—prostitution, homosexuality, and the institution of mut'ah (temporary marriage)—as the sexual shadows of that era drawing on Persian sources and European travelogues. It demonstrates that these phenomena, while officially rejected, persisted within the social, economic, artistic, and ritual structures of society. The results indicate that Safavid society suffered from a ‘cultural duality’ in this domain: official condemnation on the one hand, and hidden or semi-official exploitation, on the other. An analysis through Jung's Shadow theory reveals that this contradiction not only failed to prevent the continuation of marginal sexual phenomena but also reproduced them in symbolic and institutionalized forms

The analysis of Iran's backwardness is the historical destiny of confronting Western modernity, which compelled Iranians toward a historical awareness of this issue. Concurrent with the search for the roots of backwardness, the question of decadence also became part of this inevitable confrontation. The experience of the Constitutional Revolution, its failure, and the World War are also parts of this ongoing confrontation, which manifested in nationalist endeavors; hence, one form of explaining Iran's decadent and backward condition appeared in the "modernist nationalism" of the post-Constitutional era. This approach, hoping to save Iran and also due to an inclination toward the West, turned to nationalism and modernity, with Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh being the prominent figure of this approach. Using an analytical-descriptive approach, the present article seeks to answer the question: what was Taqizadeh’s analysis of Iran's decadent and backward condition He posits this problem in relation to foreign races, the precedence of the Indian worldview, public illiteracy, the confinement and baseness of women, moral corruption, and religious beliefs mixed with bigotry. Therefore, he not only emphasized the rational and scientific principles of Western civilization but also considered his strategy to be advocating for Iranian civilization and restoring its greatness.