نشریه مطالعات ملی
سال هفتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 28، زمستان 1385)

Using 1- Habermass approach to public sphere and intellectuals functions in the development of public sphere and 2- a documentary-historical methodology and 3- a reading of social changes of the last 200 years of Iranian history that has taken place under the role of intellectuals, This paper examines a) the function of critiques as a skills used by the intellectuals and b) the role of Iranian intellectuals in the development of public sphere and transformation of the traditional life-world to the modern life-world. This examination is done based on 1- a study of historical texts pertained to 200 years of contemporary Iranian History; 2- in addition to results of intensive interviews with a number of contemporary generation of Iranian intellectuals. The content of the interviews will not be discussed here in order to save the space for the combined analysis of the results of interviews and documentary studies. Regardless of the theoretical and methodological consideration mentioned above, it is maintained here that this paper will explain the function of Iranian intellectual discourses for transformation of Iranian traditional public sphere to a modern one. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in the field of communication in providing a new typology of Iranian intellectuals that we identified using the discursive indices that each generation of intellectuals has produced. This typology is especially important because it helps us to understand the historical specificities of Iranian public sphere.

This paper is a short report about the results of some parts of a wider study concerning the most important non-linguistic factors influencing the acceptance of neologisms approved by Language and Literature Academy among Persian - speakers in Iran. The main hypothesis for the present article was that there is a correlation between evaluation and usage as two main effective variables in adoption as well as diffusion of neologisms. This research was carried out by questionnaire tool, through different statistical methods and by the cooperation of 450 respondents living in three provinces in Iran. The results showed that there is a strong meaningful and positive correlation between these two variables. This means that the linguistic attitudes of the people in this speech community should be taken into account in lexical planning and this leads to frequent using of neologisms.

This research assesses the criteria of legitimacy and acceptability of the government from its residents viewpoint. To pay attention to spatial duties expected from a government was designed a questionnaire with 25 speech and presented on 280 family of sample society in south and north of Tehran, to specify the criteria of accepted government from their opinion. Research consequences showed that in studied region, people accept a government based on Islamic Principles and criteria and many of them are interested to Islamic state with religious criteria. In addition, concerning the importance of religion and religious values, some of religious criteria that arising from spatial duties of a religious state accounted effective on the government legitimacy.

From the Constitutional Revolution till the Islamic Revolution, the Iranian society witnessed a great deal of political turmoil, vast and successive unrest in the realm of the politics. Enquiry in the nature of the relation of these events with the complexity of the social structure of the country, forms the focal point of the present study. In our study of the social structure, despite focusing into the social classes, and the emerged gaps between the different social groups and the effects of ethnic and regional cleavages in the evolve of political crisis during the events of Mashrooteh, the article also considers the rise of Reza Khan, the nationalization of the oil industry and the Islamic revolution. The article argues that the study of the formation of the successive political unrests in the country should be connected to a multi-layer social structure and its related political ideologies. Thus, the article also focuses on the nature of the populist movements of this period while keeps its relation with the social structure in the mind. These events could not happen if the cleavages in the social cohesions did not lead to the gaps in the organically established relation which used to canalize the relation in and out of the classes. A fast review of the social changes and class relations in Iran shows that due to the fast economic and cultural changes, in several points during this period, the social gaps and breaks have occurred. The developments of these social cleavages were the main ground for the occurrence of the populist movements during the concerned period of this study.

Free elections and fair competition are two aspects of democracy and also legitimacy of any political system (particulary transitional societies). The present article investigates at first the theoretical aspects of elections and its processes. Then it describes the role of ethnic groups in electoral competitions of those societies. Finally it discusses the iranian activities aiming transition to democracy and their historical experiences. In general, the author of the article categorizes three different approaches towards political participation: "monologists", "dialoguists", and "opportunists" assuming non of two faeets. He also notices to 9 rounds of presidential elections in analysing the degree of participation in two provinces (Kurdistan and Baluchistan).

In this research ethnic groups (Arab, Bakhtiary and others) were compared in four ego identity status including diffusion identity, foreclosure identity, moratorium identity and achieved identity.347 students were selected randomly from 8 cities, 78 students were Arab, 105 students were Bakhtiary, and 164 students were Non Abab and Bakhtiary. The subjects were tested by extended ego identity status of Benion and Adams` Scale which revised by Omidian (2003). Results showed that in achieved identity difference between groups was not significant, but in diffusion identity NonArab and Non Bakhtiary students significantly had less score from Arab group. In moratorium identity Arab students had higher score from third group. Arab students in foreclosure identity significantly had higher score than two groups. The result about ideology domain showed that the difference in moratorium and foreclosure identities were significant. In moratorium identity non Arab and non Bakhtiary score was less than Arab students and in foreclosure identity Arab students' score was more than two groups. In interpersonal domain results were similar. In national identity Bakhtiary students significantly had higher score than third group in moratorium and foreclosure identities. The finding were discussed in relation to Marcia's and Phinney`s theory.

Mazandaran is among the few areas whose mythical and real worlds have occupied a particular place. Researchers has painted a mythically enigmatic world for Mazandarn so much so that some eminent Iranian and other researchers regard this mythical area as being separate from the present Mazandaran or Tabarastan and have attempted to pin down its frontiers in India, Yemen, Egypt .... However, some other researchers consider Mazandaran and Tabarestan to be the same area. This study aims to review the history of Mazandaran to criticize various researchers' viewpoints.