نشریه تحقیقات سیاسی و بین المللی
پیاپی 2 (بهار 1389)

The present article aims at examining the relations between internal organizational corruption and authoritarian character and patrimonial structure of the society. The authors of the present article are of the belief that the unhealthy interactions within Iranian family which is the result of supra-legal authority of the father leads to the formation of an authoritarian character. The insecurity within the family creates psychological obstacles and impediments for the growth of family members. The consequences of such psychological barriers causes that the person becomes selfish and demands everything for himself and tries to near powerful officials and on the other hand tries to dominate his subordinates. The tendency to dominate others and to be dominated with the aim of acquiring power and privileges make one use any unfair means like bribe, flattery, nepotism and favoritism. Besides this during the past history the structure of the society had been based on despotism, traditional patrimonialism and tribal foundation. Thus the people’s real loyalties are to their tribe, clan and family. In fact it is within these organizations that individuals define their identities. Therefore the entry of “organization” in an imported form during the constitutional revolution of 1906 without the necessary ground faces serious obstacles because the personality and character of the people are paradoxical and contain the elements of the will to dominate and being dominated and tribal loyalties. As a result an individual with a psychologically disillusioned personality look at one’s post not as a responsible office holder but as an opportunity to further one’s personal ambitions and spreading favouritism and nepotism in order to strengthen their clan, tribe and family loyalties which eventually leads to inefficiency and high corruption within the administration.

Legitimacy is always one of the challenging and controversial topics in political philosophy and for this reason many philosophers and political scientists have paid attention to this issue because if there is no legitimacy the raison detre of the government is questioned. The main question regarding the legitimacy is that from what source the rulers get their right to rule and on which basis people follow these rulers? In the present article initially different viewpoints about the legitimacy is discussed then it tries to answer the view point of Islam whether it is God who grants legitimacy to the government and whether the right to rule and legitimacy in Islam is such that the right of both.God and people are duly fulfilled. In other words in Islam the government receives its legitimacy from two sources one is God and the other is people. The concept like God's right (haghghoallah) and people's right (haghgholalnas) and "basis" or "criteria" of legitimacy are used in this article to distinguish them from each other. Finally the article comes to the conclusion that from the view point of Islam the basis of legitimacy is divine but the criteria are people. On this basis the government while adhering to the right of God has to respect people's right (haghgholalnas) and should be responsive to them.

Turkey, the north western neighbour of Iran is one of the counties that its history is having constant presence of the army in politics whether direct or indirect. The Turkey's membership in the European Union has always been one of the foreign policy goal's preoccupations and in 1963 first practical steps were taken in that direction. Now the question arises as to what is the role and impact of domestic factors in joining European Union. The present article by a descriptive analytical method wants to study the positive and negative impact of Turkey's domestic factors on joining the European Union. The finding of the study shows that the important domestic developments which have taken place in the past decades in Turkey in political, economic and social arena have its impact on the decision to join the European Union. These developments are the presence of Islamist, secular groups, army, civilians, the Kurds, Cypriot Turks and private sector of the economy which each plays important role in the decision to join the European Union.

Village monitor is one of the new institutions in rural development process which has been established for running and management of village development programme. Once the development programmes implemented on the basis of people's need it will be in the right direction and this can be done at the village level through village monitors. Thus the village monitor as the representative of the government in the village is having an important role in solving the problems of the village. The question which this article raises is what is the role played by village monitors as a mediatory organ between the government and the villagers of the villages of Najafabad city? The methodology used in this research is quantitative research method. In this method the relation between the villagers and the village monitors are examined by the help of a questionnaire. For analysis of the relation between the villagers and the village monitors Pearson's correlation coefficient tests is being used. The finding of the study shows the villagers are having great satisfaction from village monitors but they are relatively unhappy and dissatisfied with the organizations that are responsible for the village development and at present are active in villages. Also on the basis of Pearson's "r" correlation coefficients the satisfaction of the villagers from the village monitors is having meaningful relation with their satisfaction from government. This relation can be applied to statistical society which shows that villager's satisfaction from village monitors will lead to the satisfaction of villagers from government. On the whole it can be concluded that the village monitors in the capacity of managers of the development organizations can act as a mediator between the government and the villagers.

The transition to a democratic political system is always a time consuming and difficult process for the developing countries. Many countries of the world after spending decades of the onset of democratic movement have not achieved considerable gain. This process has been more complex for Afghanistan which has passed through decades of civil war, foreign intervention, anarchy and disintegration of government institution and now experiencing newly established democracy. Tribalism, the activities of terrorist groups, non organized society, the necessity to adapt to Islamic principles and foreign intervention have added to these complexities. It is certain that in the first stage this transition stage is lengthy and secondly it needs the support of international community, the Afghanistan government and its people. Thus in addition to financial help, technical support and employing skilled force the role of “education” and “culture shaping” are important in facilitating and accelerating the process of democratization of the society. The present article by a descriptive analytical method wants to suggest ways for promotion of transition towards democracy in Afghanistan. These suggestions aim at three important and effective section of the society in attaining democracy namely people, government officials and political parties. It seems that paying attention to these ways and suggestions and also passage of time can ensure an effective movement towards democracy.

Achieving the first position in economy, science and technology in the region on the basis of the document of the twenty years vision of Islamic Republic of Iran on the horizon in 1404 is conditioned on certain managerial obligations in institutions and organizations of the society. One of these necessities is social and political security which in this regard the management of the society is having important role and responsibility. The political manager of the country beside external security and creating order is having the role of organizing internal security and establishing law and order in the society. The question which is raised by the present article is that what are the determinants of political and social security in twenty years horizon document? In internal security which the present article emphasizes upon, the relationship between the individuals and the society is based on love and affection which is actually based on Islamic principles. The internal security is having a deterrent role and it neutralizes the factors which disrupt the security within the society and as a result the external security is fulfilled. The political managers of the society for creating internal security need to bring radical changes in objectives, approaches and management of internal institutions, it is then that the fulfillment of the objectives of 1404 Horizon can be possible. Besides this the social and political security in the society depends on other determinants like political stability, managerial stability, job security, cultural security, psychological health, creating the spirit of participation, creating the spirit of participation, creating a secure and effective atmosphere which is having self-control mechanism. This is possible when other institutions like the education department, radio and television and Islamic culture and guidance cooperate in this direction.

The pattern of cooperation and conflict between Iran and the countries of the Persian Gulf region is having great ups and downs and it is difficult to understand it without a proper and practical framework. The aim of this article is to make use of constructivist (Wendtian) theory in interaction of Iran and the countries of the Persian Gulf in order to better understand the roots of cooperation and conflict among them. The aim is to have a future oriented analysis about the how about of an attainable pattern of sustainable cooperation, pre-grounds and compulsions of this pattern. From this point of view constructivism of Alexander Wendt with its general ontological hypothesis which believes that politics and interest are based on identity and its being innate is a suitable framework. This theory believes in the acceptance of the state as the main unit of analysis and put emphasis on social identity based on three pillars (Hobbesian, Lockian and Kantian) of culture and these factors determine the foreign policy. By the help of this theoretical framework one can explain and analyze the elite oriented foreign policy of these countries. The article first explains the theoretical part then in the second part the interaction of Iran's foreign policy and the countries located in south of the Persian Gulf are analyzed and assessed in three phases. The first phase is 1980s till the end of Iraqi war against Iran, the Hobbesian domination (conflict). The second phase is from the first Persian Gulf War till 11 September 2001, the adjustment of Hobbesian culture and transition to Lockian culture, the third phase is the period after 11 September 2001, the return to Hobbesian culture.In the third part of the article, the findings of the study are presented and the suggestion for pattern of cooperation is given.

In the early years of 1970s due to a change in production and capital organization of the classic international political economy system passed into a new era which in the political economy literature is called new international political economy. The Islamic revolution of Iran in 1979 occurred in the mid of life of this system. The Islamic Revolution was determined to expand its ideology to all aspect of international system. One of these aspects is international political economy system. The Islamic revolution wanted to substitute the concept of "economic man" with "humane economy". The present article wants to see how far this view point has been successful in practice. What has been the impact of Islamic revolution on international political economy system? The underlying hypothesis is that the Islamic revolution of Iran by creating a bloc or anti-hegemonic historical blocs challenged the international political economy system. The present article identifies and describes the aspects of this system, anti-hegemonic orientation of Islamic revolution in creating bloc or anti-hegemonic historical blocs. Then the article states that due to hermeneutic divergence in ideological arena, the power and the instruments which dominant hegemony have, lack of understanding of this unity and consensus about this process, the Islamic revolution could not bring about change in international political economy system to a new and different system. The present article is based on neo-Gramscian approach and the thinking of Antonio Gramsci and Robert Cox.