فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال ششم شماره 4 (پیاپی 20، زمستان 1389)

This research aims to study the role of linguistic and media representation in the formation of geopolitical discourse on imaginary enemy. The current research has been accomplished on the basis of descriptive methodology, linguistic viewpoints and Foucaudian discourse. As Foucault believes that nothing significant exists outside the discourse, the imaginary enemy is also on world’s cultural and political structures existing under the framework of discourse and power relationship in order to political and cultural hegemony against “other” culture, creed and sect etc. The results of this study shows that political actors and media institutions have used different methods such as inhuman representation of rivals, excessive prevalence, selectivity, transition, releasing part of truth, projection, identicalization, resorting to war, labeling, distinguishing, retroversion, projection, negativity and positivity, discursive closures, selecting bad from worse, using two factual news to legitimize a false one, using signs and symbols, media credibility, humiliating and ridiculing, creating fear and terror, disinformation, delusive generalization, color politics, using false cartographic technique, geopolitical metaphors, message repetition so that they could they could produce and fix the idea and image of imaginary enemy on general public opinion.

The United Arab Emirates has been laying claims of sovereignty on three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa, regardless of the fact that these islands formed parts of Iranian dominion in the Persian Gulf undisputedly up until the beginning of 19th century, when British colonial presence began to grow in the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, whereupon the first germs of the creation of the emirates of those shores were sawn in what was Iranian dependant tribal entities. Soon these emirates emerge as Arab entities of no Iranian dependency, but as British protectorates and/thus British support for their territorial expansion encouraged their territorial claims in a political space that was Iranian to a large extent at the time. There are scores of documents proving that the entire region of the Persian Gulf belonged to Iran since time immemorial. Nevertheless, the British occupied these three islands in 1903 in the name of British protectorate Qawasim tribes of Sharjah. Before withdrawing its protection of Arab emirates in 1971, the British called for the formation of a federation of its protectorate emirates of the region, namely Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ras al-Khaimah, Ajman, Fujairah and Umm-al-qowin, as well as Bahrain and Qatar, the latter two refusing to join the proposed federation for their own reasons. It was as a result of these said British plans that the United Arab Emirates was formed out of the seven emirates of Musandam Peninsula on December 2, 1971, and the new entity began to call on behalf of two of its member emirates, Sharjah and Ras-al-Khaimah for the three islands in question to be added to its territories. Since territorial claims against other states is an old, and highly effective tactic for a newly formed state to enhance its particular design of nationhood and to assume a definitive national identity, it seems the UAE has opted for territorial disputes with Iran, the only non-Arab state of the Persian Gulf in the hope of attaining its desired national unity and identity. Territorial claims for nation-building purposes has precedence in the region, as Iran claimed Bahrain in 1930s in order to use the old Arab-Iranian conflicts to assist the process of nation-building that Reza Shah had started then. Similarly the Baath regime of Iraq claimed in 1950s and 1960s sovereignty over Khuzestan of Iran, calling it “Arabistan” precisely because it re-awakened historical Arab-Iranian controversy in the hope that it would enhance a pure Arabic identity for Iraq of the semi-Iranian region of Mesopotamia.

Jammu & Kashmir, since its creation as a Princely State on March 16, 1846, as a result of the Amritsar Treaty between the East India Company (later the British Government) and the Maharaja Gulab Singh, has always been a victim of its geography, on account of its location on the threshold of the major powers, both in the past and the present. The State has been subject to consistent pull and push from within (as the State is comprised of the three mutually exclusive geo-ethnic regions with hardened cleavages) and outside. It has never been a stable polity, rather a ramshackle State. Earlier it was a source of rivalries between the Russian, British, and the Chinese, but there is no history of their direct involvement in armed conflicts whatsoever. But, since the withdrawal of the British, following the creation of the two Dominions, India and Pakistan, Jammu & Kashmir has been the bone of contention between the two as they fought three wars on Kashmir in 1948, 1965, and 1999. One-third of Jammu & Kashmir is under Pakistan’s occupation since the cease-fire went into action on January 1, 1949. The Kashmir dispute is an international dispute, and it is more than 62 years old. The Kashmir conflict, however, apparently appears to an outcome of a ‘communo-legal’ dispute, with Pakistan advocating for a communal solution to the conflict, while India sticking to legal aspect of the accession as per the Indian Independence Act 1947. The entire South Asian geopolitics is focused on the Kashmir, and the peace in the region necessarily depends on the successful resolution to the dispute. The present paper is an attempt at tracing out the true genesis of the Kashmir dispute since 1948, and evaluating the various proposals, drawn up in successive years, to resolve the conflict.

Significant economic prosperity in some Asian nations over a sustained period has left impacts on different areas of international relations. This paper explores the process of geopolitical developments in Asia, and examines the possible ways and means to ensure that these developments are in accordance with the common interests of Asian nations. Revealing an Iranian perspective of the geopolitical changes in Asia, the author traces the quest for independence to the rise of a development discourse in the Asian continent in the post-World War II period. He also studies the challenges ahead of the rising Asian powers such as energy security and lack of regional arrangements for conflict management and resolution. Pointing to Iran's salient status in world energy market, the author suggests the ways that Iran can contribute to the Asian energy security. The paper finally suggests measures for the promotion of Asian interdependency and cooperation including development of a normative system, development of a collective security structure and promotion of Asian cooperation.

By the 1990s, East Asia had become one of three core economic regions (along with Europe and North America) that together dominated the world economy, accounting for 25 per cent of world GDP by 1995. East Asia had become the new workshop of the world, the location of fast emerging markets, and a new financial power in the making. Japan had first spearheaded East Asia’s economic rise up to the 1990s, and now China has become a major force behind the region’s economic momentum.Theses two countries are amongst the world’s four largest national economies, but East Asia is also host to the highest concentration of newly industrialized economies (e.g. South Korea, Taiwan Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia) found anywhere in the world. The trade and financial surpluses generated by East Asian countries are second to none. The region accounts for just over a quarter of world trade, production, new technology patents and gross domestic product. It is also the home of some of the world’s largest banks and multinational enterprises. East Asia has achieved one of the most profound economic transformations in recorded history. In the 1950s and 1960s, it was a relatively poor developing part of the world, with countries such as Korea having comparable income per capita and development levels on par with many sub-Saharan African states. The region accounted for only 4 per cent of world gross domestic product (GDP) in 1960.In this article, the relation of global market, regionalization and regional conflict is discussed. The role of economic community in emerging market and global market in the East Asia is the section of establishing trade investment liberalization. So, new liberalization is based an economic regionalization and global market. This model is forming is East Asia and APEC region.

This article examines the political parties in Iran between 1941 and 1947, with particular emphasis on the left – wings parties. In 1905 awareness grew of the need for constitutional reform, and, as the necessary Pressure on the government could not be brought by parties as we understand them, wich had not yet developed, the struggle was finally won by anjumans. At this stage, Iran was in very bad order, facing economic disaster. The country was plagued by foreign intervention. The 1921 coup d'état was the only hope for prevention and Rezā Khān, on his assumption of power, did bring some political stability to Iran, However, the freedom given to parties and unions was crushed, along with the independence and integrity of the tribes and ulamā, when the Shāh realized the threat which these same bodies could pose to his position. A background sketch, discusses the emergence of parties from anjumans, the coup detat of 1921 and the subsequent dictatorship of Rezā Shāh, which filled the power vacuum on the abdication of Rezā Shāh; this general view indicates the prevalent political atmosphere and structure. The occupation of Iran had some consequences. Iran achieved her goal of freeing the country from Riza Shah's regime and enormous freedom was suddenly granted to the political parties, trade unions and religious elements; this encouragement to new political parties came partly from occupying elements. The mushrooming of political parties came about partly due to this political "indulgence" by the Allies and partly as a natural reaction to the sudden end of the twenty years oppressive rule by Reza Shah.

Persian Gulf region, due to its own Geostrategic position has always historically witnessed the presence of foreign powers as well as huge oil resources in recent decades; the scope of presence, America contributes more than any other powers have had in the region. Gulf War II and the subsequent crisis year 1990, the strengthening regional military status was America. America's actions in the Persian Gulf from 1991 to 2008 had based always on a range special regional interests and objectives that is the most important oil, maintain regional stability, interdiction of proliferation weapons mass destruction and fighting terrorism. Arabic countries of region due to having huge oil resources, they have a special place in the United States policy. Bilateral defense cooperation agreements, America bases military and security contracts with the regional countries are important reasons. Continued presence of America in the Persian Gulf after the Gulf War II, has had an profound impact on Arabic countries of region. To pay this effects from 1991 to 2008 are a part of the purpose of this article. Findings of this study shows growing hegemonic America after the Gulf crisis, dependence Arabic country on the United States of America and reduce their national acceptance will be followed.

Determining the status of a country requires assessment and calculation of the various scientific, economic, social, and political components and factors and comparing them with other countries. Calculating all of these factors can show the level of national power and the development of a country on regional and international levels.One of the advancement factors is the development of gender indices of countries, and one of the indices of gender development is the status of seats in parliaments held by women. Gender indices in Middle East countries determine the place of women in each country in relation to others. The knowledge pertaining to this ratio shows the increase of democracy and the development of women in these countries.This paper is the result of a research on measuring the condition of women in parliaments of Middle East countries. In this paper the aim is to present a method and model for measuring the condition of women in regard to their presence in parliaments in the Middle East region. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytic and using the method of multi-level sampling and by determining the current place of the countries in relation to one another, their place in 2025 is predicted based on indices of gender development and through techniques of analyzing time series models.The result shows that Iran stands 15th among 22 Middle East countries in 2025 based on women’s presence in the parliament. Of course the predicted difference of Iran’s index with seven countries of the region was small and it is expected that with minor changes in the indices of Iran and the region, Iran's rank will rise to 8.

This paper explains the construction process of Iranian foreign policy's inimical behavior toward the West through an inside out constructivist approach. The main argument is that to understand this behavior, the domestic meaning system and identity of the Islamic revolution must be deeply considered and comprehended. The study clarifies that the foundational ideas and meaning structures of the Islamic revolution have constructed the West as its ideological other, based on the reconstruction of the encounter between Dar Al-Islam and Dar Al-Koufr. At the heart of this meaning system are ideas of independence and freedom, which mean autonomy and emancipation from all forms of Western influence and domination, to act as a free, independent and unrestrained actor in the international system and for attaining self-respect. Such a meaning system has constructed an identity of the Islamic revolution and the interests of the I. R. of Iran in the form of a permanent and irreconcilable enmity between Iran (as the heart of Dar Al-Islam) and Estekbar-e Jahani/global arrogance/the West (as Dar Al-Harb or Head of Dar Al-Koufr). Finally, the paper suggests that such a constructed identity and interests have been manifested in the inimical behavior of Iranian foreign policy toward the West.

Iraqi invasion of Iran in 1980 which led to eight years of full scale war, and then Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 are two examples of classic wars in 20th century. Among other things, one of the most important issues related to theses two wars is the reaction of international organizations to them. Undoubtedly, the UN role in dealing with Iran-Iraq war, and the role played by the UN in the aftermath of Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait in 1990 up to the American occupation of Iraq in 2003 are regarded as the most important epochs in the life of the United Nations. This article is an attempt to explore and discuss the role of the United Nations in these two conflicts in a comparative perspective. It is also the aim of this paper to show the sharp differences in the ways that the UN reacted to these cases and then examine that how this double standard behavior undermined the UN credibility and damaged its image in the world.

This article concentrates on the evolution of the concept of security from its traditional ‘Realist’ base through to more ‘broadened’ approaches. This study, therefore, moves beyond the conventional realist paradigm, and conversely looks at the concept of security using a ‘broadened’ perspective on security studies. In doing so, this paper asks: are the traditional concepts of security studies, particularly realism, in the post Cold War era still relevant? It is this question that forms the focus of this study. Most of the academic literature has far dealt with national security issues from an international and realist point of view. This has often neglected the internal dynamics of state’s security dilemma. This article studies the impact of societal security on state’s national security, this argument, however, has previously received little academic interest. This article thus contributes to a better understanding of the literature by clarifying conceptual approaches to societal security, and by applying these approaches in order to argue that the most pressing threat to state’s national security is within; and not from realist international pressures. The primary goal of this research is to contribute to academic debate regarding the concept of security by employing critical discourse analysis. Therefore, this study builds upon an array of secondary qualitative sources, both in order to construct the theoretical argument and to back this theory up with historical and social scientific data.