نشریه معرفت سیاسی
سال دوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 4، پاییز و زمستان 1389)

One of the features of Islamic government, which distinguishes it from other political governments, is the aims and ends according to which Islamic government is formed. The present paper investigates human rights in the light of the aims of Islamic government, using a theoretical-analytical approach. Considering the long-term, medium-term, and short-term aims of Islamic government, the author proves that the nature of Islamic government is completely human-rights oriented, and that achievement of the stated threefold aims chiefly depends on the achievement of the transcendent human rights.

The efficiency of the foreign policy strategy depends on such factors as resoluteness in implementing the aims, reliance on active and constructive approach, emphasis on realistic as well as idealistic trends, meritocracy, necessity of accessing to all forms of power in order to confront with the enemies of humanity, consistency of the various parts of diplomatic system, benefitting from firm perceptive and attitudinal supports,making use of all cultural, political, legal, economic, psychological, and military means, and adopting encouraging andpunitivepolicies (carrot and stick policies). These doctrines and approaches are proposed to be consistent with the components of jihad in the political thought of Islam. The presumption of such a strategy is to modify the approach to the nature of jihad in political fiqh of Islam. Contrary to the common assumption, jihad does not refer only to military operations. This word signifies a process of foreign policy which begins with taking cultural measures, invitation and ends with resorting to military force. The strategy proposed by political fiqh to achieve an active, dynamic, and constructive foreign policy is the very jihadi strategy based on a concept which more extensive than the framework of the charter of United Nations.

The present paper, using an analytical approach, investigates Avicenna's view of political obligation, and focuses on political obligation which defines "justice" as the philosophical and moral basis of authority. According to Avicenna's political and philosophical thoughts, man is civil by nature and needs interaction. Interaction needs law, and the law must be "just" so that it can meet man's real interests. A “divine just law" is a real and complete source of and criterion for "justice", because it is the product of the Knowing, the Just, and the Wise God. However, society and just religious law require a just executer and supervisor. A just prophet or imam represents the perfectmodel to execute just religious law correctly and honestly. "Justice" is people's moral evidence for obeying just Islamic government or ruler.

The present paper explains Mulla Sadra's arguments for the necessity of having imam in the society and his views on the belief in Mahdism, after investigating his views on prophecy the way of receiving revelationand Imamate in the transcendent philosophy. Furthermore, by explaining Mulla Sadra’s views about the existence and occultation of the Twelfth Imam, it briefly compares his views on Mahdism with those of al-Farabi, Avicenna, Suhrewardi, (Master of illumination), MirDamad, and with those of such Shi’a theologians as Sheikh Mufid, Seyyed Mortaza, and Nasir al-Din Tusi. It is noteworthy that Molla Sadra’s view not only consists of all views of by gone thinkers, but also includes innovative and unprecedented points on the issue.

The present paper aims at providing an answer to the question as to what the position of intellect in Shi’a political philosophy is and what its role in Shi’a political system is? The author sheds light on the effects of intellect on formulating the Shi’a political system by explicating its significant and overall features in Islamic philosophy (through a Shi’a approach). Considering the fact that in Islamic philosophy intellect is along with revelation and exposition of its decision, that there is a hierarchy of intellects, that pure intellect is a sort ofintellect which is dominant over senses, illusion, and lust, and is not under their influence, that practical intellect follows theoretical intellect, that it is possible to acquire knowledge, and that reality is not something relative, the research findings show that Shi’a political system is organized on the basis of a relation with active intellectalong with divine guardianship. In this system, the governmental issues are not managed according to personal tendencies; rather they are managed according to people’s real interests, which are inferred from revelation or are recognized in the light of theosophists’ and jurists’ holy understandings. Therefore, public will has a special position and special limits in this system.

Nowadays, organizations try to identify and enroll most appropriate individuals. The organizational situation and the logic governing it necessitate that organizations make the most use of every individual and every means properly and on time. Meritocracy means benefitting from the creative power of the elites of society. Imam Ali (A.S), who considers individuals’ ability, competence, and efficiency aspart and parcel of justice and considers justice as an essentialprinciple forrunning societies, believes that every position needs special ability, efficiency, and expertise, and to place one person in another’s position is not permissible.Meritocracy is based on the idea of seeking for and electing skilled people. These merits include knowledge, skills, abilities, as well as such constituents as values, motivation, innovation, and self-control. A meritocratic system is a system in which those who are most efficient hold highest positions with highest yield, and the rate of pay is determined in terms of their endeavor.The present paper tries to extract the components of meritocracy and identify the indices in the light of western thinkers’ views and Nahjul Balagha.

The periods of intellectual-political trends in the first decade of Iran’s Revolution can be divided into two: the period of active trends during the first three years after the victory of the Revolution which represent the same campaigning trends that existed before the Revolution andthese were“Islamic”, “national”, “leftist”, “eclectic”, and “criticalof modernity”; the period from 1360 and on in whichall trends exceptthe Islamic one, were gradually isolated or dissolved, thuslosing their influence in the political arena, or having less influence. In the second period, the political arena was basically under the control of the Islamic trend. These ups and downs, and continuation or isolation are ascribed to the relationship of each of these trends with the elements of Iranian national identity. “Iranianism” (consisting of such components as Persian language, Iranian etiquette, and … particularly political independence) along with “Shi‛ism” were two fundamental and interconnected factors of theIranian identity after Safavid period. Each of these trends either lasted or was omitted, andisolated depending on the scale of their relationship with and sensitivity to these components of identity.