نشریه مطالعات سیاسی
پیاپی 9 (پاییز 1389)

Researches on the strategies toward the nations of East Asia aim to evaluate the possibilities of attaining political and security interests of Islamic republic of Iran in case of increasing cooperation with these nations. Present Iranian strategies toward East are so formulated to make Iran able to neutralize the negative ramification of unilateral confrontation approaches taken by the West against Iran. So، it is tried in this article to examine how Iran could pursue its national interest within the nations of East Asia. These nations with their somewhat contrasting ideological approaches provide unfavorable conditions for Iran to formulate a coherent strategy for mutual cooperation in various areas of significant to Iran. This author believes that regionalism with an eastern approach best serves our national interest at the present time. Identity and cultural similarities’ of Islamic republic of Iran with those of these nations in East Asia provides an ample opportunity for us to pursue our security and economic objectives. Pursuing a coherent policy could provide and ensure the strategic and security necessities in the long run. Shanghai Cooperation Organization with two permanent members (Russia and China) of UN Security Council having more than one-third of the world population، vast territory and economic ability heralds a potentially powerful coalition in the future. Islamic republic of Iran with its present observation role in this organization and also the demand to become its permanent members leads to certain implications which within the framework and opportunities of membership facilitate the analysis of Iranian foreign policy. In this article، we aim to assess Iranian membership in this organization on four dimensions of Iranian politics، security، economic and culture. On this basis، we first apply theoretical explanations of the origin and continuation of Shanghai Organization. Having done this، we then study the effect of Iranian membership in this organization on dimensions of politics، security، economic and culture. Finally، the probability and improbability of Iran to become the permanent member of Shanghai Organization will be discussed and suggestions، based on our findings، will be made to the Iranian diplomatic approach.

Political participation، taking part in elections، is considered one of the most important indicators of citizen’s political behavior from the both perspective of political behavior researchers and political management of societies in the transitional state such as Iran. This article aims to assess the relationship between socioeconomic statuses of voters in the city of Dashtestan with the level of political participation in the tenth presidential election. This is an applied survey research with respect to its objectives. Data collected through a questionnaire composed of two parts of political attitude and socio-economic status. Although the existing findings are indicative of positive relationship between above mentioned variables، however results in this research show negative relationship between socioeconomic statuses with that of political participation.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization with its two permanent members (Russia and China) of UN Security Counci، having more than one-third of the world population، vast territory and economic ability، heralds a potentially powerful coalition in the future. Islamic Republic of Iran، with its present observational role in this organization and the demand to become its permanent member، leads to certain implications which within the framework and opportunities of membership facilitate the analysis of Iranian foreign policy. In this article، we aim to assess Iranian membership in this organization on four dimensions of Iranian politics، security، economic and culture. On this basis، we، first apply theoretical explanation of the origin and continuation of Shanghai Organization. Having done that، we then study the effect of Iranian membership in this organization on four foretold dimensions. Finally، probability and improbability of permanent membership of Islamic republic of Iran will be discussed and suggestions are made to the Iranian diplomatic approaches.

The main question in this article is whether there is any possibility of building a secure society in the relation of Iran and that of nations in the Persian Gulf region? The secondary question addressed in this article is what type of secure society (tightly or loosely coupled) would lead to a secure society and what are the nature and impact of three phases of developments: nascent، ascent and mature on the emergence of a secure society in the region? Hypothesis presented in this research is that with the realization of active and potential elements as an opportunity in the creation of possibility of fostering good relations among Persian Gulf nations and also a shared understanding of threats faced these nations of the region then a serious effort for building intra trust and elimination of the grounds of conflict will emerge which could lead to the materialization of a secure society.

According to Gaston Bachelard (science philosopher) modernity with its epistemological detachment form that of medieval era developed a new world view for human kind. With this in mind، in this article it is tried to investigate the modernity paradigm based on a few fundamental development including renaissance، Protestantism، intellectual revolution، French and industrial revolution. With these developments، modernity paradigm had promised to set up a new way of life for humanity which would guarantee welfare and happiness for all. However، in spite of its achievements some social scientists have criticized modernity paradigm for failure to fulfill fully its pronounced desired ends. Thus، two main objectives in this article are: investigation of thoughts on modernity paradigm from classic to post modern critics; 2) inquiry into the thought of those scholars believing in transition for modernity and those holding the view of persistent modernity. In the second part of this paper the perspective of two groups of scientists such as post- modernists and revisionists such as Habermas، Gidens and Jimson will be the subject of argument.

Islamic Republic with the leadership of Imam Khomeini was a type government accepted by a great majority of Iranian people after the downfall of Pahlavi’s regime. Question now posed is what impact this government has had on the constitution of Islamic republic of Iran. Findings in this research are indicative that the Islamic principles are reflected in the warp and woof of constitution. Electivity of the office of supreme leader، presidential، congressional، city councils، official recognition of the individual right and liberty are the most important reflection of Islamic system having its roots deep in the rules and regulations of religion. The necessitation of enacting all constitutional articles and civil laws in accordance to the laws and principles of religion، and also the constitutional requirement of the head of the state to be selected from among the highest religious Jurists are all a clear manifestation of religious principles in the constitution.

Malaysia is one of the Asian southeast countries which began its socioeconomic development after the Second World War and particularly during 1970’s. This country applied the exact economic management and used the development experience of the first generation in the region (Japan and south Korea)، foreign investment and free enterprise system in its road to development and it is today one of the developed Muslim nations. Though، this nations، as of yet، is not politically as democratic as developed nations، however، it increasingly marching toward a more democratic political system. This article aims to present argument on the process of economic and political development Malaysia.

Vahabiyat Sect، as an Islamic sect، having its origin in the thought of Ibn-timieh and other scholars in the 7th and 8th centuries (hejri-qamari)، was founded by Mohammad Ibn Abdolvahab who used the fame of his ancestor named Vahab to propagate his beliefs in 12th century (h. q.). This article addresses the grounds and political mechanism supportive of this school of thought. The main question is what are the foundations and political support of Vahabiyat doctrine? The main hypothesis states that irrational Salafi approch and non-extraction of religious principles from logical arguments forms the basis of the beliefs in this sect. Vahabiyat has been directed by colonialists. This is a librarian and descriptive study. Data in this inquiry were collected from reading books، articles and historical documents which were critical and not supportive of principles and beliefs of Vahabiyat Sect.