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بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک - سال هشتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 25، بهار 1391)

فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال هشتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 25، بهار 1391)

  • 250 صفحه، بهای روی جلد: 12,000ريال
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1391/03/20
  • تعداد عناوین: 7
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  • محمدرضا حافظ نیا، حسین مختاری هشی، عبدالرضا رکن الدین افتخاری صفحه 1
    سازمان های منطقه ای با مشارکت کشورهای واقع در یک منطقه و با اهداف گوناگونی نظیر همکاری های اقتصادی، سیاسی، علمی، نظامی و... به منظور ارتقای وضعیت در هریک از حوزه های مورد نظر ایجاد می شوند. امروزه سازمان های منطقه ای علاوه بر گسترش کمی، از نظر میزان تاثیرگذاری بر تحولات نظام بین المللی نیز در نقطه عطفی قرار دارند. در مواردی نیز توفیقات این سازمانها بسیار قابل ملاحظه است که از آن جمله به اتحادیه اروپا و آ.سه.آن می توان اشاره کرد. سابقه سازمان همکاری های اقتصادی (اکو) به دهه 1950 و پیمان بغداد برمی گردد که بعدها در اثر تحولاتی به سنتو، آر.سی.دی و در نهایت در سال 1984 به اکو تغییر نام داد. ارتقاء شرایط برای توسعه اقتصادی پایدار از طریق بسیج امکانات بالقوه اقتصادی و اجتماعی منطقه؛ حذف تدریجی موانع تجاری در منطقه و گسترش تجارت درون منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای؛ فراهم آوردن شرایط ادغام تدریجی و آرام اقتصاد کشورهای عضو با اقتصاد جهانی؛ ارتقاء همکاری منطقه ای فعال و کمک متقابل در زمینه های اقتصادی، اجتماعی، فرهنگی، فنی و علمی؛ تحکیم بیشتر پیوندهای تاریخی و فرهنگی در میان مردم منطقه؛ تسریع در توسعه زیربناهای حمل و نقل و ارتباطات کشورهای عضو را با یکدیگر و جهان خارج و... از اهداف این سازمان است. پس از گذشت ربع قرن از تاسیس اکو، نگاهی به وضعیت کشورهای عضو و همچنین اسناد و گزارشات منتشر شده در خصوص این سازمان، نشان از عدم توفیق آن در دستیابی به اهداف دارد که این امر به معنای ضعف همکاری و همگرایی می باشد که از دیدگاه های گوناگون دلایل مختلفی برای آن ارائه می شود. پژوهش حاضر با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و به شیوه اسنادی و از دیدگاه جغرافیای سیاسی به بررسی نقش چالش های این حوزه در ضعف همکاری و همگرایی کشورهای عضو پرداخته است. نتایج تحقیق نشان دهنده تاثیر منفی مسائل این حوزه در همکاری و همگرایی کشورهای عضو در گذشته و حتی تشدید تاثیرات برخی از این مسائل در آینده است.
    کلیدواژگان: همگرایی، واگرایی، جغرافیای سیاسی، سازمان منطقه ای، سازمان همکاری های اقتصادی (اکو)
  • پیروز مجتهدزاه، زهرا احمدی پور، طهمورث حیدری موصلو صفحه 42
    امارات متحده عربی در دوم دسامبر 1971میلادی، پس از خروج نیروهای بریتانیا از خلیج فارس با ابتکار بریتانیا و موافقت کشورهای منطقه استقلال یافت. این کشور 21 سال پس از شکل گیری اش (1971- 1992م)، یعنی از سال 1992 میلادی، ادعای مالکیت بر سه جزیره ایرانی ابوموسی، تنب بزرگ و تنب کوچک را محور تقابل در سیاست خارجی خود در مقابل جمهوری اسلامی ایران قرار داد. علی رغم حاکمیت و مالکیت ایران بر این جزایر و اثبات آن با توجه به اسناد و مدارک معتبر در مجامع مختلف داخلی و بین المللی، باز شاهد اهداف پنهان امارات متحده عربی در این خصوص می باشیم. اهداف پنهان امارات عربی در قالب این پرسش که علل ادعاهای امارات متحده عربی نسبت به جزایر تنب و ابوموسی از سال 1992م، چیست؟ در این پژوهش مورد بررسی قرار می گیرد.
    روش این پژوهش توصیفی- تحلیلی و اسنادی از نوع پیمایشی و ابزار گردآوری اطلاعات، پرسشنامه و مصاحبه و منابع کتابخانه ای معتبر است. نتایج حاصل از تجزیه و تحلیل داده ها به وسیله نرم افزار SPSS نشان داد که فرایند کشورسازی و ملت سازی در هر کشور تازه تاسیس نیاز مبرمی به احساس ملیت یکپارچه و هویت ملی مستحکم دارد، به نظر می رسد این امر مهم برای کشور امارات متحده عربی از اساسی ترین دغدغه ها بوده است و ادعا نسبت به جزایر ایرانی، این تنها کشور غیرعربی خلیج فارس؛ می توانست این خواسته آنان را بر آورده سازد. بنابراین، فدراسیون امارات متحده عربی با این ادعاها به دنبال کشورسازی- ملت سازی است و همچنین می خواهد در برابر ایران یک پیروزی سیاسی بزرگ حاصل کند و اعتبار و نفوذ سیاسی خود را در منطقه و جهان بالا ببرد.
    کلیدواژگان: امارات متحده عربی، ایران، جزایر تنب و ابوموسی، کشورسازی، ملت سازی
  • حسین محمدیان، غلامحسن حیدری *، محمدباقر قالیباف صفحه 82

    قدرت ملی به عنوان مفهومی ژئوپلیتیکی، ویژگی و صفت جمعی افراد یک ملت را منعکس می نماید و هم زمان به عنوان یک صفت فردی در رابطه با یک کشور و یک دولت تجلی پیدا میکند. بنابراین مجموعه انسان هایی که تشکیل ملتی را داده که در شکل یک کشور سازمان سیاسی پیدا کرده اند دارای قدرتی می باشند که از بر آیند قوای ترکیب شده آنها به دست میآید و می توان آن را قدرت ملی آن کشور دانست. مردم یکی از عناصر مهم وجودی هر حکومت می باشند. موضوع جمعیت یکی از مباحث جامعه شناسی، جغرافیای جمعیت و جغرافیای-انسانی محسوب می گردد، ولی اثر بخشی سیاسی آن در جغرافیای سیاسی مورد بررسی قرار می گیرد. جمعیت و ویژگی های آن به عنوان یک عامل موثر در توسعه و قدرت ملی کشور محسوب می گردد. برخی عوامل و متغیرها مانند تعداد جمعیت ممکن است در یک کشور دارای کارکرد مثبت بوده و در کشور دیگر کارکرد منفی داشته باشد اما جمعیت کلان شهرتهران با توجه به روند تغییراتی که از گذشته تا به امروز داشته است از لحاظ کمی و کیفی وضعیت مشخصی نداشته و بدون برنامه ریزی به صورت لکه ای در پهنه جغرافیایی کشور دیده می شود که در سطح ملی کشور را با چالش های اساسی مواجه کرده است. این پژوهش مقاله با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی به بررسی نقش جمعیت کلان شهر تهران در قدرت ملی کشور پرداخته است و یافته های حاصل از آن نشان می دهد کلان شهر تهران با وضعیت جمعیتی حال حاضر در قدرت ملی دارای کارکرد منفی می باشد.

    کلیدواژگان: کلان شهر، تهران، جمعیت، قدرت ملی، ایران
  • مراد کاویانی راد، چمران بویه صفحه 112
    برآورد قدرت ملی در شرایط کنونی و ترسیم وضعیت مطلوب که متضمن منافع و امنیت ملی باشد حاکمان و نخبگان سیاسی را به تدوین استراتژی ژئوپلیتیک وا می دارد. تدوین استراتژی ها در پیوند با دیگر قدرت های منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای و همچنین فرصت ها و محدودیت ها است. از این رو، نظام های سیاسی کوشیده اند تا از طریق تصرف یا نفوذ در سرزمین هایی که می تواند مکمل ژئوپلیتیک آنها باشد به رفع محدودیت ها(سرزمینی و منابع) بپردازند. مقاله حاضر به تشریح این مسئله می پردازد که تنگنای ژئوپلیتیک عراق در عدم دسترسی آسان به آبهای آزاد به سیاست خارجی این کشور ماهیتی تهاجمی بخشیده، سیاستی که حتی پس از فروپاشی نظام بعث از طریق سیاستمداران عراقی بارها در قالب لغو یا تغییر مفاد قرارداد الجزایر در ارتباط با ایران طرح مسئله شده است. به نظر می رسد که چالش پایدار ژئوپلیتیک عراق در عدم دسترسی مناسب آن کشور به دریاهای آزاد از طریق خلیج فارس و وابستگی آن به بخش هایی از خاک ایران همواره بر مناسبات عراق با ایران سایه خواهد افکند
    کلیدواژگان: فضای حیاتی، سیاست خارجی، ژئوپلیتیک، عراق، اروندرود، خلیج فارس
  • عباس مصلی نژاد صفحه 135
    جنبش های اجتماعی در زمره اصلی ترین عوامل تاثیرگذار بر ژئوپلیتیک منطقه ای خاورمیانه محسوب می شوند. چنین تحولاتی را می توان در فرآیند دگرگونی های سیاسی بهار 2011 مورد توجه قرار داد. در تحولات خاورمیانه، شاهد تغییرات بنیادین در ساختار قدرت، فرآیند سیاسی و همچنین شکل بندی های ژئوپلیتیکی می باشیم. در این فرآیند، زمینه برای تغییرات ساختاری، جابجایی قدرت و گسترش بی ثباتی سیاسی به وجود آمده است.
    از جمله این تغییرات می توان به تغییر رهبران سیاسی در کشورهای مصر، تونس، لیبی و یمن، سرکوب انقلاب شیعیان عربستان و بحرین اشاره کرد. سوریه نیز در معرض دگرگونی های سیاسی قرار گرفته است. آمریکا به عنوان قدرت جهانی تلاش دارد تا در قالب تحولات سیاسی خاورمیانه، ژئوپلیتیک جدیدی را در منطقه به وجود آورد. این مقاله با روش تحلیل محتوا و تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه ای در صدد تبیین تحولات اخیر خاورمیانه می باشد. یافته های مقاله بیانگر هویت یابی شیعیان بر پایه سه محور «رشد فزاینده جمعیتی»، «مشارکت در قدرت» و «جغرافیای سیاسی» می باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: جنبش های اجتماعی، تحولات ساختاری، ژئوپلیتیک شیعه، خاورمیانه بزرگ، خاورمیانه جدید
  • فرهاد قاسمی صفحه 172
    موازنه قوا به عنوان یکی از قدیمی ترین نظریه های روابط بین الملل مطرح است که در حال حاضر نیز یکی از کارآمدترین نظریه ها در رهیافت واقع گرایانه از روابط بین الملل می باشد. رئالیست ها بر این باورند که موازنه بخشی در پاسخ به تغییرات توازن قدرت رخ می دهد. اما تحولات سیستم بین الملل از جمله تغییر چارچوب سیستمی و افزایش سطح ارتباطات در سیستم، برخی از ابعاد این نظریه را متحول ساخته است. تحولات مذکور بنیان های مفهومی و نظری موازنه قوا را تغییر داده و سبب ناکارآمدی نظریه کلاسیک موازنه شده است. در این راستا به منظور دنبال نمودن ناکارآمدی های نظریه موازنه قوا و راه حل های آن، پژوهش حاضر ورای قدرت سخت و حتی قدرت نرم بر قدرت هوشمند به مفهوم توانایی ترکیب قدرت سخت و نرم به گونه ای که سبب هم افزایی آنها شود، تاکید دارد. این مقاله عناصر نظریه های رئالیستی با مدل موازنه بخشی شبکه ای را با یکدیگر ترکیب می نماید. همچنین این پژوهش نظریه شبکه را بررسی و به شبیه سازی آن در روابط بین الملل و مطالعات منطقه ای می پردازد. از این منظر با بهره گیری از شبکه های فاقد معیار نگارنده نظریه موازنه قوای هوشمند در شبکه های فاقد معیار منطقه ای را به عنوان نظریه جدید به ادبیات روابط بین الملل تقدیم می کند و اصول اساسی طراحی موازنه هوشمند و الگوهای سه گانه آن از جمله الگوی نهادی، ارتباطی و پیوندی را تجزیه تحلیل می نماید.
    کلیدواژگان: موازنه قوا، قدرت سخت، قدرت نرم، قدرت هوشمند، موازنه قوای هوشمند
  • عیسی ابراهیم زاده، میرنجف موسوی، شمس الله کاظمی زاد صفحه 214
    نابرابری های منطقه ای میان مناطق مرزی و مرکزی در اکثر کشورهای جهان سوم امری اجتناب ناپذیر می باشد، که در اثر ساختارهای متمرکز نظام برنامه ریزی در فرآیند تاریخی به وجود آمده است. پژوهش حاضر با هدف شناخت الگوی توسعه ی فضایی منطقه ای حاکم بر ایران به بررسی نابرابری های میان مناطق مرزی و مرکزی، با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی به صورت تطبیقی با استفاده از نرم افزار رایانه ای SPSS و روش وزن دهی آنتروپی شانون، مدل تاپسیس، آزمون T-test و تحلیل خوشه ایK میانگین انجام گرفته است. نتایج، بیانگر آن است که درجه توسعه یافتگی در مناطق مرزی 057/0 و مناطق مرکزی 169/0 می باشد و نابرابری های منطقه ای میان مناطق مرزی و مرکزی بسیار بالا بوده و این نسبت معادل 6/1 می باشد. در واقع می توان گفت مناطق مرکزی در ایران حدود 3 برابر بیشتر از مناطق مرزی توسعه یافته تر است. همچنین میزان نابرابری های درون منطقه ای مناطق مرزی 08/1 و مناطق مرکزی 43/1 می باشد؛ که این ارقام بیانگر نابرابری و عدم تجانس و واگرایی بین استان های کشور است. البته با حذف تهران (با احتساب استان البرز) نابرابری های درون منطقه ای مناطق مرکزی حدود 5/2 برابر کاهش می یابد و به عدد 63/0 می رسد و تجانس و همگرایی نسبی بر مناطق مرکزی حاکم می شود. همچنین تفاوت میان مناطق مرزی و مرکزی ایران با استفاده از آزمون T نشان می دهد که مقدار T به دست آمده برابر با 793/1 با سطح معناداری 084/ است که با سطح اطمینان 90 درصد، تفاوت آشکار نسبت توسعه یافتگی مناطق مرزی و مرکزی ایران را تایید می نماید. همچنین نتایج تحقیق نشان دهنده آن است که نه تنها میان توسعه مناطق مرزی و مرکزی تفاوت و نابرابری وجود دارد، بلکه میان درون مناطق چه در مناطق مرزی و چه در مناطق مرکزی نیز تفاوت های فاحش و چشمگیری وجود دارد. در واقع توسعه یافتگی مناطق مرکزی و توسعه نیافتگی مناطق مرزی بیانگر الگوی توسعه منطقه ای مرکز - پیرامون در ساختار فضایی کشوراست.
    کلیدواژگان: نابرابرهای منطقه ای، مناطق مرزی، مناطق مرکزی، مرکز، پیرامون، ایران
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  • Mohammad Reza Hafeznia Hossein Mokhtari Hashi, Abdoreza Roknaldin Eftekhari Page 1
    IntroductionRegional organizations are formed by states located in an area in order to cooperate in economic, political, scientific, and military features and attain the objectives. Nowadays in addition to quantitative expansion, Regional organizations have effective developments in the international system. Some organizations such as European Union and ASEAN have had very significant successes. Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is an intergovernmental regional organization established in 1985 by Iran, Pakistan and Turkey for the purpose of promoting economic, technical and cultural cooperation among the member states. It was the successor of the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) founded in 1964 following Baghdad Pact which founded in 1955. Some objectives of Economic Cooperation Organization are removal of trade barriers and promotion of intra- regional trade; developing transport & communication infrastructures linking the member states and connecting them to the international community; mobilizing and utilizing ECO regional material resources; regional cooperation to combat drug trafficking, ecological and environmental protection and strengthening the historical and cultural ties among the peoples of the ECO region. 25 years after the establishment of the ECO, studies show that the achievements of the organization do not match with the aims and prospects enshrined in numerous agreements, protocols and prospects and desires of the founders as well as other member states. This means that cooperation and convergence among the members of organization is weak, hence different course of actions are emerged from different views. This study investigates the challenges of cooperation and the weak convergence among ECO member states through Political geography perspective.MethodologyThis paper seeks to answer the question: “What are the roles of Geopolitical challenges that weaken the convergence and cause the Failure of Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO)?” To answer the question, this paper has used descriptive - analytical methods and documentation. So, at first the main geopolitical challenge in the ECO region has been identified and then the relationship between each geopolitical challenge in respect to weak convergence has been analyzed.Discussion In an article, discussing and investigating all Geopolitical challenges relating to integration among the ECO member countries and their roles in weakening the convergence of the members, seems impossible, but the most important geopolitical challenges that some of them have different dimensions were studied. These challenges are as follows: 1. landlocked countries in ECO region; 2. territorial and border disputes; 3. numerous neighbor states; 4. the Caspian Sea legal regime; 5. the reasons of states and their history; 6. minorities; 7. the differences between political and economic systems; 8. centralized and centrifugal forces; 9. authoritarian regimes and weak democracy; 10. the differences in levels of development among ECO member states.ConclusionThe results showed that all of the mentioned geopolitical challenges are effective in weakening the convergence, and vice versa in strengthening the divergence of ECO member states. More stability of geopolitical issues in respect to the other areas, whereas these issues played negative roles in the past, will cause in the future negative impacts on regional collaboration and integration in ECO region. The evidences also show that most of these challenges are related to 7 states (particularly the Central Asian member statess of ECO) that joined to the organization in 1992.
    Keywords: Integration, Divergence, Political Geography, Regional Organization, Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO)
  • Pirouz Mojtahed, Zadeh, Zahra Ahmadypour, Tahmores Heidari Mosello Page 42
    The United Arab Emirates began a series of activities as from April 1992 to expand its territorial differences with Iran (the only non-Arab State of the Persian Gulf), originally arguing about ownership of Abu Musa Island, expanding the disputes to include islands of Great Tunb and small Tunb and which were returned to Iran, according to an Anglo-Iranian-Sharjah agreement which was signed as a Understanding Memorandum in November 1971. Since then, Abu Dhabi has begun extensive propaganda against Iran and has asked the dignitaries to visit the UAE to support its territorial claims. From the Iranian points of view the operational difficulties arising from the terms of the 1971 Memorandum can be settled peacefully through mutual negotiations, with regard to Iran’s established rights of sovereignty over these islands are not negotiable. Moreover with regard to Iran’s historical and legal rights of sovereignty on the mentioned islands, we will attempt in this study to show the nature and aims of the United Arab Emirates continuous propaganda to build territorial disputes with Iran, in order to attribute Arabic identity to the three islands and by aggravating these disputes with Iran to access these islands to Emirates territory. MethodologyThe method of research is descriptive - analytical by using documentation and data collection through instruments, interviews, and valid publications. So the questionnaire is designed to track the results. Statistical community, is composed of teachers and experts in this field. It should be noted that the data analysis carried out by using SPSS. In fact, this study seeks to answer the main question that is the UAE claims to Tunb and Abu Musa islands. Discussion and ResultsUnited Arabic Emirates and the Arab political leaders with strategic measures are trying to proceed with Nation building and State Building policy. The UAE leaders seek to attain this policy through their claims to Tunb by means of: Establish and strengthen Arab nationalism through education in the island; Using Arabic titles and symbols in the island; Affecting the public media through speeches in foreign and domestic forums. The formation of the UAE after formation of trans-regional colonial as a nation state requires national identity attached to territory, the character that UAE lacks, so it seeks to find without any legitimacy and effective sovereignty.
    Keywords: United Arab Emirates, Iran, Tunbs, Abu Musa Islands, State Building, Nation Building
  • Hossein Mohammadian, Gholam Hassan Heidari, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf Page 82

    National power as a geopolitical concept, reflects the collective characteristics and traits of a nation, and at the same time shows the personal trait in relation to state and government. In other words, people forming a nation, create a political organization and by and through combination their potentials, a power which can be considered as the national power of a state or nation, exists. opulation is the most important element among other elements forming a state. In other words, a state must have population, otherwise it would not be considered as a state. Population as a matter is studied in sociology and human geography, but its political effect is studied in the political geography. Population and its characteristics are considered as effective factors in the development of a state and its national power. Some factors and inoneone a state and negative effects in other state, but according to the changes occurred in Tehran’s population throughout its history, there has been no research that shows certain qualitative and quantitative effects. The population in Tehran has grown without any planning as a spot on the geographical region, which has faced the country with big challenges.MethodologyThis research is a descriptive- analytical and the data collection done by using statistical resources (descriptive statistics) the results of population and housing census books, articles and research reports and statistical analysis used, where appropriate.Discussion and Results The population of Tehran in 1806 was only 0.4 percent of the population of Iran, whilst 200 years Later, in 2006, it constituted 11.3 percent of whole population of the country. Reviewing different historical periods by considering Tehran population with regard to those historical turning points, shows that from 1843 to 1931, the population of Tehran became 7 times larger, 75 years later i.e. from 1931 to 2006 its population became 37.9 times bigger. Therefore, the first thingwe should take into consideration that Tehran is a big population huband will remain so in the future. The rapid growth of population is largely due to immigration from all over Iran to Tehran that may cause different challenges in the city. Therefore, the main question of this study is how the population and its characteristics in Tehran affect the national power? In other words will the current population of Tehran face the country with big challenges at the national level? Does it have negative effects on various aspects of national power? Thus, the study evaluates the role of Tehran’s population on the national power according to some indicators, including quantitative and qualitative aspects of the population, such as geographic distribution of the population, migration, composition or structure of the population, homogeneity, or heterogeneity of the population and cultural- social values of the people.ConclusionCity is a social-spatial entity in which power and policy, as pivotal ingredients of the Politics, are interlinked. Cities, especially big cities, are considered geographical focal points for power and wealth. Due to continuous increase of population, Tehran has become one of the biggest metropolises in the world which according to its historical changes in population, there has been no recognized qualitative and quantitative characteristics. The population in Tehran has grown without any plan as a spot on the geographical region, which has faced the country with serious challenges. This metropolis due to its high political, cultural, social, economical and administrational importance plays such a role that influences every aspects of development in the national level. We have reviewed and analyzed different aspects of the population, after focusing on quantitative issues such as number of the population, and qualitative issues like social and cultural values, homogeneity or heterogeneity of the population, composition or structure of the population and geographic distribution of the population, concluded that Tehran, according to its current status of population plays a negative role in the national level. In other words, population of this metropolis reduces the national power instead of increasing it.

    Keywords: Metropolis, Tehran, Population, National Power, Iran
  • Morad Kavianirad, Chamran Booye Page 112
    Assessing the national power in the current situation and creating favorable situation which involves national security interests, require rulers and political elites to consider the geopolitical strategy. Strategy forms in the relation with other regional and international powers and environmental constraints and opportunities. Hence, political systems have tried to deal with the territorial and resource constraints by occupying or penetrating into the territories that they can be geopolitical complementary. This article probes the issue of Iraq geopolitical restrictions of accessing to free waters that has caused aggressive behavior to the nature of Iraqi foreign policy and its politicians that frequently decide to cancel or modify the contents of the Algeria treaty in spite of the Baath regime collapse. It seems that the stable geopolitical challenges in Iraq will affect its relations with Iran.IntroductionDefinitions about national power and its components have emphasized on the importance of concrete elements such as size, location, resources, and the number of population, access and. .. as the key concepts. Power enforcement and tendency to spread it among human communities and political units has created related concepts and theories. Living Space approach in states foreign policy denotes acquisition of land and its resources for self-sufficiency and national power gain. Such an approach has had prominent role in the emergence of colonialism and expansionism. According to Nazi approach of lebensraum (vital space) with racial bias the expansion of Germany as a central place was justified. It seems that the geopolitical characteristics of Iraq's foreign policy shows aggressive signs which has derived from the lebensraum theory.MethodologyThe main research question is: Why Iraq’s Foreign policy has had aggressive nature?The research hypothesis is: Iraq’s Geopolitical Characteristics has formed its Foreign policy aggressive in behavior. Required information has been gathered from library sources and documents. Required information has been gathered from library sources and documents. The methodology determined descriptive and analytical, to analyze the role of lebensraum (living space) theory in Iraq’s foreign policy.Discussion and ResultsEfforts to strengthen national power and to influence the transnational relations, forms states foreign policy. Geopolitical factors and variables affect the national power. Enjoyment or Privation of the extensive land, location, resources have led to opportunities and constraints for state. Lebensraum (living space) theory directs Governments to define the situation and favorable conditions which provides Geopolitical strategy, by considering violence, war and the land Expansion. The term Lebensraum in this sense was coined by Friedrich Ratzel in 1901, and was used as a slogan in Germany referring to the unification of the country and the acquisition of colonies, based on the English and French models, and the westward expansion of the United States. Chaotic condition of Germany after world war I. caused the Lebensraum theory to become operational in which devastating consequences created on global scale.ConclusionIraq’s geopolitical situation and its immutable geopolitical components and factors, make its foreign relations challenging, which lead Iraq’s Geopolitical Characteristics to appear aggressive in behavior.
    Keywords: Living Space, Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, Iraq, Arvand River, Persian Gulf
  • Abbas Mossalanejad Page 135
    IntroductionSocial movements are regarded as one of the most efficient factors affecting the Middle East’s regional geopolitics. Such a development can be taken into consideration in the process of political changes in the spring of 2011. Watching the Middle East's developments, one can see fundamental changes in the power structure, political process and geopolitical formations. In this process, grounds have been prepared for structural changes, shift of power, and the spread of political instability. The evolutions including the political leaders change in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, and suppression of the Shiite revolutions in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Syria, are political changes. The United States, as a world power, is trying to create new geopolitics in the region within the framework of the Middle East's political developments. The article by using content analysis method based on library sources pursues to explain Middle East's recent developments. The findings tend to define Shiite's identity seeking on the basis of three focal points of "demographic growth", "participation in power", and "political geography".MethodologyAs a methodology the content analysis is used in this article. The role of political factors, identification and analysis of security events and developments in the Middle East has been evaluated.Discussion and ResultsThe Middle East in the 21st century has encountered with changed security equation. September 11 led to a sharp confrontation with the American conservative and Islamist extremist groups. Subsequently, the US. Military attack against Afghanistan in November 2001 and the overthrow of the Baas regime in Iraq in March 2003 occurred. As a result of US occupation, a new discourse by US authorities in connection with the Middle East came into being. Middle East equation, aimed at expanding the democratic process and westernization was organized in the region.ConclusionNew geopolitical developments of the Middle East began after the Cold War. It can be as result of numerous political actions of regional actors and international actors as well. In this process, the transformation of political equation has occurred. This sign can be regarded as various topics of interest. The results of this paper show that:1- During the Cold War, identity-oriented social forces in the Middle East were more active. The reason for this can be seen in the groups that were trying to form the new power equation. Among these groups, the Islamists and Shiites’ can be considered as geopolitical power groups that were in lack of power in previous years.2- Islamist groups have been in the situation of confronting the power structure. This resulted in regional changes in the policy equation. Side effects of regional integration through the partnership between US and the Middle East have been revealed. On the other hand, in response to the rise of conservative groups and social groups have been an identity seeking action.3- US military forces in the Middle East and Persian Gulf, in the years after the collapse of the bipolar system and the end of the Cold War, have been significantly increased, so has created a regional war that led to Iraq and Afghanistan occupation.4- President Obama administration has made more efforts to control the security environment by means other than armed conflicts, trying to control Shiite movements in region, and radical anti-US approach that has trouble to cope with. This can be seen in connection with the Alliance of US and Saudi Arabia.
    Keywords: Social Movements, Structural Developments, Shiite Geopolitics, Great Middle East, New Middle East
  • Farhad Ghasemi Page 172
    IntroductionThe balance of power is one of the oldest international relations theories. This theory has been regarded as most efficient theory in realist approach of international relations. Developments in international system and communication have changed some aspects of power. These developments have changed conceptual and theoretical foundations of balance of power that proved inefficiency of classic form. This theory has past difficult periods. Therefore we must define it in new framework. Considering the theory of balance of power in new international system suggests departure from some of its common definition. Defining balance of power theory by network theory raises some interesting issues that the article deals with.MethodologyThe article pursues to respond the question that what changes have occurred in epistemological and ontological foundations of balance of power theory? In this respect the main changes are as follows:1. Development in principal of balance of power;2. Type and pattern of power;3. Changes in linear system and formation of non linear system according to new framework of this theory; 4. Changes in physical area of balance of power:5. Changes in relationship between capacities and consequences of war;6. Balance of threats by use of communications and its importance in nonlinear system. These developments have caused inefficiency of traditional balance of power theory. To address the existing inefficiencies and its solutions, this article beyond traditional principles and especially hard power and soft power insists on smart power, defined as the capacity of an actor to combine elements of hard power and soft power in ways that are mutually reinforcing. This study integrates elements of neorealist theories with a model of network balancing and article surveys network theory and it's simulation in international relations and regional studies.Discussion and ResultsIn this article to respond the main question, in the first instance, network theory as a framework of smart balance will be explained. Network emphasizes on the patterns of communications and designs new realities that balance of power theory can use them. In this section article will explain types of networks especially free scale network. In second discussion, foundation of smart balance of power in regional free scale network will be explained. At last, article refers to patterns of smart balance of power.ConclusionUsing the free scale networks, smart balance of power theory in regional free scale network as a new theory to international politics has been discussed and in this respect fundamental principle of designing smart balance and its three patterns has been explained. The study contributes to the relevant literatures in two important ways. First, most other studies defines balance of power in static situation but this study defines it in dynamic situation. Second we assume that the non linear system and networks especially free scale network is the best framework for new theory of balance of power and in other word theory of smart balance of power.
    Keywords: The Balance of Power, Hard Power, Soft Power, Intelligent Power, Intelligent Balance of Power
  • Issa Ibrahimzadeh, Mir Najaf Mousavi, Shamsalla Kazemizad Page 214
    IntroductionRegional inequalities between border and central regions of most third world countries is inevitable, that created Centralized system of planning structures in the historical process. Border areas of Iran have 16 provinces and central regions of the 14 provinces (including Alborz in Tehran Province). Approximately 50 percent of the area (50/7 percent of the population) belonging in the country's border regions. This revealed that 50 percent of the country's development should be concentrated in border areas. Be created regional balance in the space of Iran. While the focus of the facilities and services in centre the remoteness and deprivation some of the border provinces. Therefore in this study is trying to changes in population and development indicators in the border and central areas of Iran and the comparison to be investigated. To understanding of various dimensions and angles, the inequalities the spatial structure of country is determined. Review theoretical literature on the development of border areas shows that in this study, develop in three approaches the traditional approach where, approach to cross-border cooperation and popular approach to border has been studied and analyzed.MethodologyThis study has been done with descriptive-analytical method; the main objective of this research understands the pattern of development space of Iran. To achieve the goal, border areas with the central areas are compared. Index of 30 indicators of economic, social, cultural and industrial that data from the Statistical Center of Iran, General Population and Housing Census and Statistical Yearbook of the provinces based in 2006 statistics are collected. Also, will be explored the reform of economic structures - political, the political economy, ideology and political philosophy of governance. Therefore, using the Shannon entropy weighting factors have been studied weight. Then the ratings were from 30 provinces Tapsis. Finally, the test T-test, border and central regions were compared and comparative study.Discussion and ResultsUsing entropy weighting and tapsis model, Tehran province (including Alborz in Tehran province) with 0/6739 as the most developed province and Ilam province with 0/0078 as the most deprived province. Development gap between Tehran and Ilam is 124/859. This figure shows large distances of the first and most deprived provinces of Iran that the spatial structure of regional disparities in Iran is very high. Results of analysis based on the average K cluster it was found that the province with 0/2654 is developed in border areas that among the 30 provinces in the third level is dedicated to the development. The low level of development in border areas, East Azarbaijan and Khuzestan provinces, respectively in 0/1307 and 0/0821 are located. The provinces of Isfahan Among in central areas of high development levels and the provinces of Fars, Yazd and Qom have moderate levels of development. The province of Kerman, Semnan and Hamedan are located in the lower levels of development. By using the coefficient of dispersion, Degree of regional disparities between central and border areas are 1/6 that Show a high disparity between the border regions and central areas. Given this, the average development in border regions 0/057 and the central regions of 0/169 can be expressed in the central regions of Iran, about 3 times higher than the border areas have been developed. Degree of regional disparities in the border areas 1/08 and the central areas are 1/43 that These figures show the inequality and the divergence between the provinces of the country that breakdown of statistics related to the elimination of Tehran and the Alborz province, regional inequalities within the central areas of the 2/5 times reduced and is 0/63 and relative convergence in the central areas will be created. Also, investigate whether the difference between central areas and border areas of Iran the value of the T 1/793 with significance is 0/084. Show that n with % 90 confidences, the development of border areas and central areas of Iran; there is a difference that with the removal of Khorasan Razavi Province the T to 2/008 with a %95 increases.ConclusionAccording to surveys, not only between development of border and central areas differences and inequalities there are, but the border and central areas there are also differences. As long as the cause of areas inequality is not reduced, the reduction of regional inequalities will not be outsourced. And model development center - around the space as the dominant model in Iran. The central areas of the development of border areas have much better conditions and this patern shows that we are much closer to the Central areas of Iran Provinces are more developed. Top-down government planning and transfer of powers to lower levels of divisions caused by the lack of understanding of normal capacity is proper and appropriate expectations. And geographical injustice of algebraic inequalities in the country has sparked a biological foundation. Inequality and exclusion, as it must be acknowledged that the developments of a coin, a direct threat to the security community are considered. Any development plan without regard to the general plan to eliminate inequalities can not be done. Therefore, the development of resources in a major role in strengthening cooperation between border provinces can have a border with neighboring countries and can accelerate the development process at the national level.
    Keywords: Regional Disparities, Border Areas, Central Areas, Core, Periphery, Iran