فهرست مطالب

بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک - سال هشتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 26، تابستان 1391)
  • سال هشتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 26، تابستان 1391)
  • 240 صفحه، بهای روی جلد: 12,000ريال
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1391/05/25
  • تعداد عناوین: 7
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  • عبدالرضا رکن الدین افتخاری، جلال عظیمی آملی، مهدی پورطاهری، زهرا احمدی پور صفحه 1
    رهیافت حکمروایی خوب روستایی، فرایند تاثیرگذاری همه ارکان اثرگذار روستایی برمدیریت روستایی با تمام ساز و کارهایی است که به سوی تعالی و پیشرفت روستا و مردم روستایی حرکت می کند، مقاله حاضر به بررسی وضعیت حکمروایی روستایی در 50 روستای شهرستان های بهشهر، آمل و چالوس در استان مازندران می پردازد و در پی پاسخگویی به این سوال است که باتوجه به تجارب جهانی، الگو و مدل مناسب مدیریت نوین روستایی مبتنی بر رهیافت حکمروایی خوب روستایی در ایران کدام است؟ برای پاسخگویی به این سوال دیدگاه ها و تجربیات جهانی مورد بررسی و مطالعه قرار گرفت و هشت شاخص مهم حکمروایی خوب یعنی مشارکت، مسئولیت پذیری، پاسخگویی، قانونمندی، شفافیت، توافق جمعی، کارایی و اثربخشی و عدالت محوری در روستاهای نمونه مورد آزمون قرارگرفته و از 500 خانوار روستایی، گویه های هرشاخص با استفاده از طیف لیکرت مورد پرسش قرارگرفت، سپس داده های به دست آمده با استفاده از آزمون آماری T مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفت. نتایج حاصله از آزمون آماری نشان می دهد که حکمروایی خوب روستایی دراکثر روستاهای مورد مطالعه از وضعیت مناسبی برخوردار نبوده و نظام ساختاری روستا برآمده از عدم وجود تعادل یا همزیستی بین کنشگران (دولت، بازار و جامعه مدنی) با تاکید بر رهیافت مکانیکی به جای رهیافت انسان گرا و نیز برنامه ریزی کارشناسانه به جای برنامه ریزی مشارکتی بوده که الگوی پیشنهادی (مطلوب) برای حکمروایی خوب روستایی باید به آن توجه نماید.
    کلیدواژگان: حکمروایی خوب روستایی، برنامه ریزی مشارکتی، توانمندسازی روستائیان، استان مازندران، ایران
  • مهدی جاودانی مقدم صفحه 29
    ظهور دومین دولت شیعه در منطقه خاورمیانه پس از حمله آمریکا به عراق، یکی از مهمترین نقاط عطف تاریخ این منطقه پس از پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی ایران محسوب می شود چرا که با احیای شیعیان و بازنمایی هویت آنان در کشورهای منطقه و تاثیرات سیاسی، ایدئولوژیک و ژئوپلیتیک آن در ساختار قدرت و امنیت منطقه ای، تحولات و تغییرات نوینی در تعاملات ژئوپلیتیک و ژئواستراتژیک خاورمیانه به وجود آمده است. این مسئله با عنوان طراحی هلالی شیعی یا شکل گیری ژئوپلیتیک نوین تشیع در خاورمیانه از سوی بسیاری از مقامات رسمی کشورهای منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای مورد تاکید قرار گرفته و با واکنش ها و عکس العمل های آنان نسبت به افزایش قدرت نرم شیعیان و ایران، به تشدید فرقه گرایی در منطقه دامن زده است. بر این اساس، با توجه به اهمیت نقش تحولات جدید ژئوپلیتیک منطقه بر نظم نوین سیاسی، اجتماعی و امنیتی خاورمیانه، مقاله حاضر به ارزیابی تحلیلی چگونگی شکل گیری، هویت یابی و سیاسی شدن پروسه یا پروژه ژئوپلیتیک نوین تشیع در خاورمیانه در قالب دو گفتمان ژئوپلیتیک سلطه و ژئوپلیتیک مقاومت پرداخته و بایسته های سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در این زمینه را مورد بررسی قرار داده است.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک شیعه، هلال شیعی، ژئوپلیتیک سلطه، ژئوپلیتیک مقاومت، خاورمیانه، ایران
  • مصطفی قادری حاجت، حمیدرضا نصرتی صفحه 63
    با فروپاشی نظام دو قطبی، آسیای مرکزی به عنوان بخش جنوبی از قلمرو هارتلند نظریه مکیندر، هویت جغرافیایی - سیاسی مستقل پیدا کرده و به عنوان فضای فاقد قدرت تاثیر گذار، به عرصه رقابت قدرتهای منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای تبدیل شد فقدان قدرت تاثیرگذار و نوپایی جمهوری های آن، زمینه ساز دخالت قدرت های منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای را در این حوزه استراتژیک فراهم کرده است. قدرتهای یاد شده هر کدام دارای اهداف، منافع و دیدگاهای خاص خود می باشند که شناخت صیح دیدگاه های آنان زمینه ساز اتخاذ سیاستهای مناسب تری از جانب دستگاه سیاست خارجی ایران خواهد بود. مقاله حاضر با روش توصیفی و تحلیلی و تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه ای در پی تبیین اهداف حضور قدرتهای فوق از منظر ژئوپلیتیک در منطقه آسیای مرکزی است. نتایج حاصله بیانگر این مطلب است که قدرتهای منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای مانند ایران، روسیه و چین، علاوه بر هدف توسعه نفوذ خود در منطقه، دارای نگرانیهای امنیتی نیز می باشند و بخشی از نقش آفرینی این کشورها متوجه کسب توانایی بازدارندگی در مقابل تهدیدات در آسیای مرکزی است. ترکیه به عنوان دیگر قدرت منطقه ای است که در حال حاضر با تکیه بر قدرت اقتصادی خود و اشتراکات فرهنگی سعی در نقش آفرینی فعال و موثر در منطقه را دارد. آمریکا بازیگر اصلی فرامنطقه ای در آسیای مرکزی است که در جستجوی اهداف اقتصادی و ژئواستراتژیک خاص خود است و قصد دارد فرآیندهای منطقه ای را با اجرای استرات‍ژی ترکیبی تحت کنترل خود بگیرد. اتحادیه اروپا نیز با توجه به بنیان های اقتصادی خود حضور موفقی در منطقه دارد. اروپا دارای دیدگاهی عمدتا تجاری بوده و چندان به دنبال کسب جایگاه ژئوپلیتیکی در منطقه نیست. اقدامات اسرائیل نیز در منطقه با توجه به اهداف خاص و جذابیت هایی که اسرائیل برای جمهوری های منطقه آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز دارد، با موفقیت نسبی توام بوده است. اسرائیل علاوه بر اینکه توانسته روابط خوبی با منطقه برقرار کند، موفق شده است تا با جلب همکاری کشورهایی همچون ترکیه و ایالات متحده از آنها نیز در جهت پیشبرد اهداف مورد نظر خود بهره برداری نماید.
    کلیدواژگان: آسیای مرکزی، اهداف ژئوپلیتیکی، قدرتهای منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای، ژئوپلیتیک، ژئواکونومی
  • فاضله خادم صفحه 96
    قدرتهای در حال ظهور کشورهایی هستند که در طی دو دهه گذشته رشد اقتصادی بالایی داشته و به قطب های اقتصادی جدیدی در جهان تبدیل شده اند. این ائتلاف که از آنها به گروه «بریک» یاد می شود، شامل کشورهای برزیل، روسیه، هند و چین می باشند که یک چهارم مساحت کره زمین، بیش از 40 درصد جمعیت و 45 درصد ذخایر ارزی جهان متعلق به آنها بوده و تصمیم گیری های آنها در اقتصاد جهانی تاثیرگذار می باشد. از آنجایی که کشورهای عضو «بریک» شتاب بالایی را در اقتصاد خود تجربه کرده و می کنند (این کشورها در دو دهه آینده نیز به طور میانگین نرخ رشد بیش از 6 درصد را تجربه خواهند کرد) و حداکثر تا سال 2050 به رقبای جدی کشورهای قدرتمند جهان تبدیل خواهند شد.
    اما مساله این است که آیا ژئوپلیتیک بریک این ائتلاف را بر طبق معیارهای قدرت ملی نیز، در حال و آینده، به عنوان قدرتهای در حال ظهور مطرح می کند؟ مقاله حاضر با استفاده از روش توصیفی تحلیلی، در صدد پاسخ به این مساله می باشد. نتایج تحقیق بیانگر آن است که گروه بریک در چارچوب معیارهای قدرت ملی در آینده رقبای جدی کشورهای قدرتمند اقتصادی جهان محسوب خواهند شد و به عنوان قدرتهای در حال ظهور مطرح می باشند. با توجه به این رویکرد، در پرتو تعاملات جهانی فرصتهایی برای ایران به وجود خواهد آمد که استفاده از این فرصتها باعث ارتقای امنیت ملی ایران خواهد شد.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، معیارهای قدرت ملی، قدرتهای در حال ظهور(بریک)
  • نوذر شفیعی، شهریار فرجی نصیری، افشین متقی صفحه 125
    دکترین کلان سیاست خارجی هند کشورها را به سه دایره متحدالمرکز تقسیم می کند که افغانستان در درون دایره نخست قرار می گیرد. بنابراین، این کشور دارای اهمیت ویژه ای در سیاست خارجی هند است. هند که در زمان تسلط طالبان بر افغانستان نفوذ خود را در این کشور از دست داده بود، پس از 11 سپتامبر رویکردی مثبت و همکاری جویانه نسبت به این کشور داشته است. هند درصدد است تا با نقش آفرینی بیشتر در تحولات داخلی افغانستان و کمک به بازسازی این کشور، نفوذ دشمن دیرینه خود پاکستان - را کاهش داده و به «محاصره سیاسی» این کشور بپردازد. در این راستا هند سعی کرده است تا با دیگر قدرت های منطقه ای و تاثیرگذار در افغانستان، نظیر ایران، در زمینه های مختلف همکاری داشته باشد. این پژوهش در پی پاسخگویی به این سوال است که افغانستان چه جایگاهی در استراتژی «محاصره سیاسی» هند داشته و این کشور چه رویکردی نسبت به دولت جدید افغانستان داشته است؟ از آنجا که تحولات داخلی افغانستان می تواند تاثیر مستقیمی در امنیت ملی ایران داشته باشد و نیز از آنجا که هند در استراتژی های سیاست خارجی ایران- بویژه سیاست نگاه به شرق ایران- جایگاه ویژه ای دارد و این پژوهش نیز به تجزیه و تحلیل روابط هند و افغانستان می پردازد، می توان آن را حائز اهمیت تلقی کرد. هدف این پژوهش نیز تبیین و شناخت جایگاه افغانستان در سیاست «محاصره سیاسی» هند و تبیین رویکرد این کشور نسبت به دولت جدید افغانستان با نگاه به ایران است. روش تحقیق در پژوهش حاضر، روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و گردآوری مطالب نیز به شیوه کتابخانه-ای انجام گرفته است.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، محاصره سیاسی، هند، افغانستان، ایران، پاکستان، جنوب آسیا
  • علی اکبر جعفری صفحه 153
    قدرت های بزرگ به منظور تامین منافع ملی و نیز تسلط بر مناطق ژئوپلیتیک و ژئواستراتژیک جهان، با قدرت های منطقه ای متحد می شوند. ایالات متحده آمریکا به عنوان یک قدرت بین المللی با اسرائیل در منطقه ژئوپلیتیک و ژئواستراتژیک خاورمیانه دارای اتحاد منحصر به فرد می باشند، به گونه ای که این مسئله به عنوان یکی از موضوعات بحث برانگیز در روابط بین الملل تبدیل شده است. در مقاله حاضر در پاسخ به ماهیت و چرایی روابط گام به گام آمریکا و اسرائیل و تبدیل آن به روابط ویژه، سه متغیر و فرضیه مورد بررسی قرار گرفت: پیشینه تاریخی، ارزش ها و فرهنگ مشترک؛ و نیز تاثیر گروه های لابی یهودی بر تصمیمات سیاست خارجی آمریکا، به عنوان فرضیه های رقیب و با استناد به موارد گواه نشان داده شده است که این مولفه ها به تنهایی نمی توانند پاسخ منطقی و قانع کننده به چرایی روابط منحصر به فرد میان آمریکا و اسرائیل تلقی شوند. بنابراین، فرضیه اصلی تحت عنوان «منافع استراتژیک مشترک» که براساس نظریه نئورئالیسم در شاخصه های مختلف سیاسی و نظامی تدوین شده است، نشان می دهد که «متحدان استراتژیک» در به حداکثر رساندن منافع ملی خود از روش های مختلف نرم افزاری، سخت افزاری و یا ترکیبی از آنها که اصولا در تضاد با منافع دولت های خاورمیانه است، استفاده می کنند. همکاری تسلیحاتی دو کشور موجب شده است خاورمیانه هم اکنون بزرگترین مسابقه تسلیحاتی جهان را به خود اختصاص دهد. یافته های پژوهش نشان می دهد که میزان استحکام «اتحاد استراتژیک میان آمریکاو اسرائیل» و «انشقاق و ناامنی میان کشورهای منطقه خاورمیانه» دارای ارتباط معناداری است. راهکار برای دولت های خاورمیانه جهت خروج از وضع موجود می تواند بر پایه استراتژی «موازنه تهدید» استوار شود. در نهایت، نقش ایران در شکل دهی به این رویکرد، با اهمیت ارزیابی شده است.
    کلیدواژگان: اتحاد استراتژیک، ژئوپلیتیک، خاورمیانه، آمریکا، اسرائیل
  • محمدجعفر جوادی ارجمند، یزدان کیخسرو دولتیاری صفحه 192
    در مقاله حاضر با بهره گیری از روش تحلیل ژئوپلیتیک اندرسون سعی در بررسی روابط ارمنستان و ایران شده است. مدل اندرسون یک روش ژئوپلیتیکی در شناخت سیاست خارجی کشورهای کوچک با لحاظ نمودن نقش کشور بزرگ در همسایگی آنان است. هدف اصلی مقاله پاسخ به این سوال می باشد که چگونه می توان برای روابط ایران و ارمنستان بنیانی ژئوپلیتیک جستجو نمود. از سوی دیگر بعد از فرایند عادی سازی روابط ارمنستان و ترکیه سیاست خارجی ایران چگونه باید باشد؟ روش کار اندرسون سه مرحله دارد که علاوه بر آن که امکان تحلیل صحیح شرایط ژئوپلیتیک ارمنستان را فراهم می کند، امکان درک سیاست خارجی این کشور با ایران و ترکیه را نیز فراهم می نماید. در چارچوب مدل اندرسون، روابط خارجی ایران و ارمنستان در سه قالب اصلی رجوع تاریخی، منازعه جغرافیایی و درک شرایط ژئوپلیتیک کنونی مورد بررسی قرار گرفت که نتایج آن حول چند محور بحث می گردد. رفتار تاریخی ایرانیان با ارامنه بر خلاف ترکان که متهم به نسل کشی 1915 هستند، همواره حسنه بوده است، چنانچه این رفتار حسنه تاریخی بر شکل گیری روابط نزدیک میان دو کشور تاثیرگذار بوده است. از سوی دیگر ایران در منازعه قره باغ همواره از خودمختاری آن حمایت کرده است و ارمنستان از میانجی گری ایران ابراز رضایت نموده است. در مسئله انزوای سرزمینی و فقر منابع انرژی ارمنستان، ایران همواره به عنوان تامین کننده انرژی به حساب آمده است. با توجه به ضرورت همگرایی منطقه ای، از دیگر نتایج پژوهش حاضر بحث اثرات مثبت عادی سازی روابط میان ترکیه و ارمنستان برای ایران می باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: ژئوپلیتیک، مدل اندرسون، همگرایی منطقه ای، ارمنستان، ایران، ترکیه، آذربایجان، قره باغ
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  • Abdoreza Roknaldin Eftekhari, Jalal Azimi Amoli, Mehdi Pourtaheri, Zahra Ahmadypour Page 1
    Introduction
    If governance contains government interaction, citizenship or civil institutions through political process, governments then will be particular institutions that have been participated in governance and they would like to answer to the following questions: who have to intervene in determination and with which capacity? Based on these evidences, governance has been considered hierarchy sequences of government power accompany with people participation, local institutions and None Government Organization (N.G.O). According to this situation, humanities approach will be replaced to mechanical approach in an acceptable developmental process. According to this description, we can say rural good governance is an effective process for all rural effective elements on rural management will be all mechanisms which move towards rural development and rural people. According to this definition, decision making about rural development should be carried out by all persons who are stakeholders and effectiveness and should be based on fairness, freedom and selective right for rural people. Therefore, whenever rural good governance approach can be performed in Iran rural society, freedom, human greatness, social justice, environmental sustainable, development of local institutes for social security, reliance on social capitals, attention to inner- area productive fundamental, rural empowering will be achieved.
    Methodology
    This paper seeks to answer the question: “What are the roles of Geopolitical challenges that Research method in this article is based on library and field studies so that eight indicators such as, participation, accountability, responsibility, consensus oriented, justice and equity, rule of law, efficiency and effectiveness, transparency, rural good governance situation will be analyzed in 50 rural located in Behshahr, Amol, Chalous, sampling society which is under investigation in this research includes 500 rural households. Gathering instrument for information contained a rural household questionnaire which has been asked through Likert spectrum template and the reliability level of questionnaire questions is based on Alpha Cronboch index which has been accounted 87 percent and is representative of its high trust index. TOPSIS technique has been used for rural ranking in terms of rural governance situation that has been accounted a priority index (CI) for each of studied village and villages have been categorized into 3 groups in terms of total average of weights such as villages with good governance, villages with average governance and rural with weak governance.
    Result And Discussion
    Resulted outcomes in research have indicated this fact that all indices for rural good governance have been significance in the studied areas and there are significant meaningful in terms of rural good governance between villages. The most important reasons to increase the level of rural good governance in plain and mountainside are easy availability to city centers, cultural exchanges existed between city and rural. The resulted outcomes in one sample t-test for all rural good governance variables represent that participatory indices, efficiency, effectiveness and accountability has been allocated in the highest average, transparency indices, consensus oriented and rule of law with the least average. The resulted outcomes in field studies show that institutional-social processes in rural good governance approach have been priority more than the other processes (such as, economical, environmental, etc.) and the pivotal affair must also be founded on democracy environment, value-oriented and participatory-based. The other outcomes resulted from field researches are that rural good governance can affect on rural sustainable development in different aspects so that there are correlation and significant relationship between these two concepts.
    Conclusion
    The most important resulted outcomes in this research is about establishment and institutional rural good governance which contain change in developmental view from “development in any value” to “sustainable development”, strength in dynamic efficiency infrastructure for technical information and communication, empowering of local societies and rural people institutions, attention to the rights of people and places for development, and etc. Based on the achieved studies and presuppositions for the strength of ideal pattern in rural good governance, a localized suitable pattern for rural areas in our countries has been designed which contains input, strategic concepts, activity (process), output, outcome (result) and impact, that has been resulted to sustainability in all dimensions and will achieve to rural sustainable development.
    Keywords: Rural Good Governance, Participatory Planning, Rural Empowerment, Mazandaran Province, Iran
  • Mahdi Javdani Moqaddam Page 29
    Introduction
    After US strike on Iraq, emergence of the second Shiite government in the Middle East is one of the most important focal points of the history of the region past the Islamic revolution victory because new changes have been made on the Mideast geo-strategic and geo-politic interactions given the revived Shiites and their represented identity in the regional states as well as their geopolitical-ideological effects on the regional security and authority structure. The issue, raised as a Shiite crescent designed or new geopolitics of Shiism formed, has been underscored by a large number of cross-regional and regional authorities; besides their reactions to the increased soft power of Shiites and Iran have aggravated the intense sectarianism. Accordingly, thanks to the significant role of new changes of regional geopolitics in the new security, socio-political order in the Middle East, this article deals with analytic evaluation of how process or project of new geopolitics of Shiism in the Middle East is formed, identified and politicized and has discussed essentials of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy in this regard. This research aims to study and geopolitically elucidate the status of Shiites in the Middle East and reasons behind the formation and importance of Shiism geopolitics in the region. Based on this, this research has looked at geography and historical background of isolation, tyranny, suppression and social discrimination of Shiites as the minority religion in the Muslim world and has assessed the areas of a critical approach to Mideast geopolitics in the shape of Shiism geopolitics in the face of hegemony geopolitics. Therefore, main question of this research is that: "On which of the two approaches of hegemony geopolitics (in the shape of a project) or resistance geopolitics (in the shape of a process) has the new geopolitics of Shiism been formed?" Analytic-descriptive method has been applied in this research.
    Methodology
    Considering the fact that the researcher has both attempted to designate what's of new geopolitics of Shiism in the Mideast and sought to elucidate geopolitical considerations dominant over the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, collection of information has been made by different methods; generally by library and internet and findings have been appraised based on a qualitative analysis.
    Results And Discussion
    Although Shiite crescent design can be considered as end result of strengthened social, economic and political potentials of Shiite geopolitics in the region, paving the ground for modified ideological and political map of the Mideast and has helped increased self-awareness and identification of Shiites in the region, no consensus exists over how it has appeared in the Mideast. This is while two discourses of hegemony geopolitics (raised by superior cross-regional and regional powers and in line with preserving and expanding their interests as a pre-designed project and resistance geopolitics (posed by Shiites as a social movement against ruling history-long structural discrimination in the region in the shape of a process) have been forged by different narrations. Nevertheless, plot of Shiism geopolitics can be regarded as dialectics of the two discourses of hegemony geopolitics and resistance geopolitics in the form of a process following a project and a discourse structure which is both constructed and constructive.
    Conclusion
    Shiism geopolitics is on one hand a critical statement of representing the collective and individual identity of Shiites when they express their dissatisfaction over the status quo and try to turn it into a desired situation and on the other hand, it is a discourse structure in the hegemonic geopolitics to maintain the status quo for balance of power in the Mideast.
    Keywords: Geopolitics of Shiism, Shiite (Shia) Crescent, Geopolitical Hegemony, Geopolitical Resistance, Middle East, Iran
  • Mostafa Ghaderi Hajat, Hamidreza Nosrati Page 63
    With the collapse of the bipolar system, Central Asia as Southern district of realm of Heartland theory, the region that with the emergence of independent states have an independent Geographical -political identity, As a space powerless and no influence, became to regional and trans regional Powers competition. The results indicate that this Regional and trans-regional powers that like Iran, Russia and China, besides expanding their influence in the region, have the security concerns are And part of the role of these countrie's ability to achieve deterrence against threats in Central Asia.
    Methodology
    This paper descriptive and analytical methods and relying on the library resources in Central Asia is the purpose of the foregoing powers.
    Results And Discussion
    Data collected to respond to the central question of paper are summarized in three parts, the first reviews the history regional and trans-regional powers in Central Asia, and interests and goals and objectives their powers in this region. Territories of Central Asia, including areas that long geopolitical competition between the great powers of worldwide has been And in particular the second half of the nineteenth century, Russia and Great Britain as the two main actors dream to put on each other where political rivalries, both military and geopolitical empire of the nineteenth century great Game in Central Asia, the term was applied. Quite competitive century colonial Great Game in Central Asia geopolitical arena was with the Great Russian Revolution in 1917. Ended.Central Asia Apart from the political Soviet realm, and geopolitical region during the Cold War, With the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence of the republics surviving Central Asian other regional and international actors in Central Asia and around the Caspian Sea have formed In the form of "New Great Game".This great new game, mainly between Russia, Iran, Turkey, America, Europe Union, China and some other countries and multinational companies in the past decade the region has been going on.
    Conclusion
    With the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence of the Central Asian republics surviving other regional and international actors, "New Great Game" in Central Asia and around the Caspian Sea has formed. Central Asia as part of the field range of Iranian civilization, the foreign policy of Iran has a special place. Important political, economic and military influence in the region has led Russia to continue to know it and know it’s near abroad, to prevent rival powers. If you look at China more security to the region is China's main interest is to achieve energy resources of its neighbors. Turkey also has other regional power it is now fairly well based on their economic power, Above all use common cultural region and geopolitical approaches Appropriate and reasonable in its foreign policy in this area and provide for its strong footprints in newly independent countries. A strong presence in the region, the Europe Union, according to their economic successful presence in the region. View in Europe is mainly a commercial area and not about the seeking of geopolitical position. Basically, with the justification that the United States in twenty-first century will witnessed the battle over access to energy resources, Extensive attempts have been organized In order to master the Persian Gulf and Caspian energy resources.Israel, In addition to that able and tried to establish good relations with the region, has been successful with the cooperation of countries like Turkey and the United States can exploit them to their desired goals.
    Keywords: Centeral Asia, Geopolitical Goals, Regional, Trans, Regional Powers, Geopolitics, Geoeconomy
  • Fazeleh Khadem Page 96
    Introduction
    BRIC group consists of emerging economic countries which by experiencing high economic growth during last two decades are becoming new economic powers in the world.The BRIC Alliance which consists of; Brazil, Russia, India and China, have almost a quarter land areas of the glob with more than 40 percent of world population. Moreover, they have 45 percent of worldwide foreign exchange rate which all lead the world to be affected by their decisions. Because of their now and then nonstop high growth in economy (they will experience the average growth rate of six percent over the next two decades), in 2050, BRIC countries would make serious rivals to the advanced economies.
    Methodology
    The main research question is: Will BRIC group, in the short and long run, be a serious competitor for the world economically strong countries? Are members of this group considered emerging powers? This paper tries to answer this question by using Scientists comments on the criteria of national power in the geopolitical context of the oretical discussions. Also outlook of BRIC will analysis with a descriptive analytical method and using library resources and documents.
    Results And Discussion
    The results indicate that in the future, BRIC countries, according to national power criteria framework will be considered as emerging powers and major rivals for the economically advanced countries.
    Conclusion
    BRIC countries holding approximately 10 % of the world oil reserves. These countries also have 25 % and 40 % of gas and coal reserves of the world respectively. Among BRIC countries, only Russia is considered the exporter. Russia, therefore, plays an important role in oil and gas supply, especially gas among Asian markets and since other BRIC countries are oil importers, demands for fossil fuels by these emerging countries are changing global markets significantly. Considering quick growth of these economies at energy markets, they are also expected to play a role in future as well. Effect of emerging economies on current and future energy markets is, therefore, very important and consequences of the policies taken by these economies on Iranian energy geopolitics as a producer of oil and gas worth mentioning. Because this group provides Iran opportunities which could be used to improve its national security.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, Criteria of National Power, Emerging Powers (BRIC)
  • Nowzar Shafiee, Shahriar Faraji Nasiri, Afshin Mottaghi Page 125
    Introduction
    India in recent years has become into a major regional power and a key player in the global system and with considerable speed toward becoming a great world power is going to. Undoubtedly, the Indian foreign policy positions and what changes occur in a region at least in South Asia and even the whole Asia will adopt and follow, Can significantly affect the development trajectory and its consequences. Therefore, future stability and security in South Asia largely depend on the beliefs of India. India’s in their strategic plans have been their top priority in Sosuth Asia and Afghanistan because of the look of Indian’s is the range of South Asia, has a particular importance in foreign policy of this country. Thus, Indian’s always in the history of Afghanistan have a special look. This research investigated the importance and strategic position of Afghanistan in India's foreign policy, pays to India's role in rebuilding Afghanistan and also this country's approach towards the new government of Afghanistan after September 11, 2001. These researches also considered the differences in approach to Iran and India, towards the new government of Afghanistan and pay the two countrie's common interests and background for further cooperation in Afghanistan.
    Methodology
    The research question is: What’s India approach toward Afghanistan after September 11, 2001? This research also has two subsidiary questions are as follows: What’s the Afghanistan position in foreign policy of Indias? And, what are the common field’s cooperation between Iran and India in Afghanistan? The main objective of this study is explaining Indian approach towards Afghanistan after September 11, 2001. Research methods in this study are descriptive - analytical. Due to the nature and type of subject studied, the data collection was done mainly to libraries and the Internet and research findings and analysis is a qualitative manner.
    Results And Discussion
    Afghanistan is a very important geopolitical position in the Indian foreign policy; because the India strategic partnership with Afghanistan, expand "strategic depth" of India to Central Asian and not only prevent the encirclement of India by China and Pakistan, But makes arrived blockade and inhibition of multiple pressures on Pakistan. Thus, India in different periods without considering the type of Kabul regimes, Always had good relations with these regimes and had cooperation approach towards them. In This research relations between India and Afghanistan is divided into two periods: before and after September 11, 2001. India in Afghanistan after September 11 has been privileged position; this reason, the sensitivity of some countries including its long-standing rival, Pakistan has been rose. India has helped to rebuild Afghanistan after September 11 amount to 1/2 billion dollars and this amount has become India's largest donor countries to Afghanistan in the region. Of course, in helping to rebuild Afghanistan, India has cooperated with some regional powers like Iran that this cooperation has occurred in three major fields: 1) survival of the current government of Afghanistan, 2) Afghanistan economic development; 3) transit cooperation.
    Conclusion
    India's strategy towards Afghanistan after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, was based on the following three: Participation in economic development, supporting the Afghan central government and attempts to prevent the Taliban back to power again. Overall we can say that India's approach towards the new government of Afghanistan after the September 11, 2001, has been a cooperative and positive approach. Indian influence in Afghanistan has re-acquired after 11 September. India's prestige is growing in Afghanistan and this ties whit Kabul in various fields is expanding rapidly. But certainly, the most important regional rivals India –Pakistan- will not sit unemployed and will perform actions against Indian influence in Afghanistan that one of these actions is to support and strengthen the Taliban, especially if these groups are re-entered the government of Afghanistan, Pakistan’s role and influence will increasing in Afghanistan.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, Political Surrounding, India, Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan, South Asia
  • Ali Akbar Jafari Page 153
    Introduction
    Superpowers write the international dramatics, stage manager and carry out it but they ignore whenever these principles and normative do not provide their interests. Superpowers try to ally with regional states for provision of national interests and dominate on geopolitics and geostrategic region of the world. The united states of America as an international power and Israel as a regional have "unique relationships" and insist on these relations in international system. US-Israel as strategic alliances, in maximizing of their national interests utilize soft, hard and smart Powers that are confrontation of Middle East states.
    Methodology
    In this Article for answering of the question addressed is: what explains US-Israel special relationship? Three variables are distinguished as affecting these relations. Accordingly three hypotheses are proposed: Common history, shared values and cultural similarities; and The penetration of Jewish lobbies in US decision making institutions, that are examined as rival hypotheses. The "Common strategic interests" is proposed as the main hypothesis in political and military aspects. Among international theories, realism and neo-realism are important for the explanation of relationships between US as a "super power" and Israel as a "Regional Power". According to the theory of "Balance of Threat" (Stephen Walt), states allied against the states that are the source of most threat and try to lead them toward "status qu policy" or (Bandwagoning). So, the systemic theory of Kenneth Waltz on a new model was studied that is important for the investigating of US-Israel common strategic interests and their relationships vis-à-vis other Middle East states.
    Results And Discussion
    Generally, in creating an international phenomenon certainly has been participated different factors. Anybody cannot claim that international phenomena are single-cause. In this case, in shaping unique relationship between America and Israel as "integrated" relationships are participated factors such as common history, shared values and cultural similarities, the penetration of Jewish lobbies and common strategic interests.Lobbies are effective in giving preference to posed subjects in foreign policy, but this effect is not accounted determiner factor in most political decision. Opposite of thoughts that have extremely posed about lobbies’ members, America’s function in The Middle East from World War Two shows that White House, National Security Council, Pentagon and ministry of Foreign Affairs act in drawing foreign policy strategy of America based on national interests preference. Therefore, in foreign policy making theories, if it is less the importance of subject, it will be more interest groups’ the possibility of influence, but contrary, whatever the decision making problem in foreign policy of a country is more important, interested groups’ influence possibility are less. Therefore, since Congress and White House have important role in foreign policies making, it does not seem that Jewish lobbies can enforce the members of these institutions to approve a law and or buy them by finance richening in an especial subject. On common strategic interests, U.S and Israel are cooperating In Combat Against Terrorism, Mass Destruction Weapons and etc. The cooperation of arms between US and Israel in Middle East region caused the greatest "arms race" of the world. So, "strategic alliance between US-Israel" and "separation among Islamic states" has meaningful relationship in the region.
    Conclusion
    Every one of the hypothesis in this Article has especial importance for explaining the relationships or alliance between America and Israel. Our purpose is not rejection or disaffirmation of them; rather we believe, none of these theories cannot justify alliance between America and Israel lonely and as a total cause. First hypothesis in respect of making valued link between two nation- State plays important role; second hypothesis is effective in America’s decision making also, but its axial importance is more in "Domestic Policies" dimension. And third theory based on variable "common strategic interests", addition to maintain the importance of first and second hypothesis, is accounted their complementary. Also, this hypothesis is consistent with logic and literature of international relationships field and also realism and neorealist theories. Finally, on the basis of this research, the Middle East states can form the strategy of "Balance of Treat" to create security in the region. The role of Iran in forming of this approach is explicated.
    Keywords: Strategic Alliance, Geopolitics, Middle East, United States, Israel
  • Mohammad Jafar Javadi Arjomand, Yazdan Keikhosrou Doulatyari Page 192
    Introduction
    Foreign policy takes root from complicated matters. However, this issue may be more truth about Armenia. Although the new government of Armenia is less than 20 Years, people of this territory are the first ones who officially accepted Christianity. In very past times, these people were a part of great Emperors like Iran, Rome and Byzantium. Armenia regarded as a nation with a privileged history and a unique identity. Being as a state, it regarded as a small government that is not even able to provide its own security. They have some distinctive characters that it could be truly said, "They are neither an eastern nation nor western. Although the mechanism of foreign policy of Iran emphasized on the identity and religion but Iran has never regarded Christian country of Armenia as, enemy, which from Armenian’s point of view holds high significance. Whereas, from Turks and Azeri’'s point of view the Armenians always been regarded as, enemy. Armenian strategic approach toward Iran is less about history but more of practical necessity. Armenia's relations with Iran have driven by the need for an outlet from the East-West blockade of Armenia.Specially, this article talks about political and environmental compulsions of Armenia, religious isolation among Muslims and its entanglement in geographical region. The main subject in this research is to find out which of these foundations influenced on foreign policy of Armenia.
    Methodology
    This article investigates the relationship between Iran and Armenia, by using Thomas Anderson's geopolitical analysis method. Anderson's model is a geopolitical method for investigating small countries foreign policy by taking in to consideration the role of their big neighbors.Anderson's model consists of three stages which provide the possibility of an accurate analysis of the geopolitical situation of Armenia as well as a good understanding of the country's foreign policy towards Iran and turkey. Using Anderson's model Iran and Armenia's foreign policies were examined with regard to the three main frameworks of historical references, geographical conflict and current geopolitical situations.
    Results And Discussion
    The historical memory of the Armenian's Massacre and its pursuance for formation of relations of this Republic and Turkey was an important hindrance, such that during the period of Kocharian the relations of the two states comedown, discussion regarding to Massacre of Armenian and its impact over the diminished relations of Armenia and Turkey is one of the reasons of Armenia's tendency towards Iran, because Armenia has always been trying to escape from Isolation. Contrary to Armenian's bitter memory from Turkey in 1915, during the history, Iranians has always been maintained as a good relation with Armenia (Historical references in Thomas Anderson's geopolitical analysis method).Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is another issue having impression over the foreign policy of Armenia. Iran had always supported self-determination of karabakh (geographical conflict in Thomas Anderson's geopolitical analysis method).Another reason is Geographical limitation. Armenia is a poor country in the field of Energy Resources. By contrast, Iran has massive energy reserves. For providing energy the Foreign policy of Armenia orientated towards Iran. Also Armenia is a small country, having tendency towards Iran due to three reasons:- Reliable route to have access to global markets;- Small countrie's restricted security and attempts to solve them by maintaining relations with bigger powers;- Escape from the isolation environment (current geopolitical situations in Thomas Anderson's geopolitical analysis method).
    Conclusion
    The conclusions are discussed in several parts. 1. Historical references;2. Geographical conflict;3. Current geopolitical situations;4. Regional integration.Iranian historical behavior towards Armenians has always been fair and this fair behavior has had significant effects on the establishment of a close relationship between the two countries. On the other hand, Iran had always supported self-determination of karabakh and Armenia has always been appreciative of Iran's mediation. Regarding the lack of energy resource in Armenia, Iran has always been a main Provider of energy for Armenia. By taking into consideration the necessity of regional integration, the other result of this study indicates that the normalization of the relationship among turkey and Armenia can bring positive effects for Iran.Normalizing relations as for the needs of regional integration could be considered as a positive point for Iran. in the past which the relations of Iran and Turkey was not positive in terms of politic and publicity, The trilateral cooperation of Iran, Armenia, and Greece could cut the pressure imposed by Turkey over Iran, but in recent months, turkey has remarkably expanded its economical, political and cultural relations with Iran. Therefore, it seems necessary that the reconciliation policy could proceed towards multilateral integration in the region, so that this country is trying to get Azerbaijan along in this procedure besides supporting the process of reconciling. It would be a type of convergence, in which besides four countries of Iran, Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, countries such as Iraq, and Lebanon to be concluded. All the mentioned countries are having some commonalities with each other. On one hand, Iran and Turkey are benefiting from good a relation, which was unprecedented after the success of Islamic Revolution till yet. On the other hand, turkey has modified its relation with Israel, which is necessary for this kind of integration. Generally, it could be said that because of the relatively strong position of the current government of Turkey, not only the outset of Turkey and Armenia's relations is not harmful for the Islamic Republic of Iran, but also it is beneficial and helpful if it is used to achieve regional integration.
    Keywords: Geopolitics, Anderson Model, Regional Integration, Armenia, Iran, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Karabakh