مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال یکم شماره 3 (پیاپی 21، بهار 1389)

Obama’s assuming power in 2009 has resulted in two qualitative changes in U.S. global strategy. First, new definition of geography of hazard had posed, and Iraq replaced by Afghanistan as the locus of U.S. foreign policy. Second, new definition from terrorism hah posed and the term ‘war on terrorism’ turned to ‘anti-terrorism’ in foreign policy terminology. General Stanly McCristal takes charge of counterinsurgency mission in Afghanistan as an adequate strategy. This strategy has shaped on two bases: 1.) making stability through establishing efficient State and defining programs for development and welfare; 2.) preventing re-establishment of al-Qaeda with Taliban’s assuming power.

US should be considered as one of the few countries which within framework of its political and social structure, interest groups and lobbies enjoy especial status in influencing decision-making system (internal and external) and at the same time it should be considered as a common and usual part of this system or "symbol of legal collection of interests". In one hand, this situation has in special conditions of this society, especially in "immigrant-accepting", "pluralism" and "comprehensiveness of organized interests". In other hand, it relates to the capabilities and mechanisms of this spectrum of actors in the path toward development and realization of desired goals. Among the rest, ethnic lobby of Jewish defender and Zionism enjoy a unique status; a situation that in addition to taking effect of above mentioned characteristics, relates to the considerable capabilities of this lobby. This paper, in addition to theoretical argument about pressure groups and lobbies, tries to examine effective elements of Jewish lobby empowering especially in relation to US’s Middle East policy making.

Neo-realism and neo-liberalism are direct continuations of Realism and Liberalism. Neo-Neo debate is not a totally contradictory one, but it is an inter-paradigm debate. They have common epistemological bases and concentrate on same issues about international policies. The most important aspect of foreign policy for Realism was conflict and for Liberalism cooperation, but both Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism concentrate on cooperation and conflict. In this article, post-Atlantic relations in the framework of NATO are considered.

Here based on a descriptive-analytic method, the author tries to examine conceptual transformation of security and evolutionary movement of security studies from the end of Second World War to post cold war era, and the elements that affected it. In theoretical sphere, despite practical sphere, security studies as a sub-discipline in IR, manifested after Second World War for the first time. Decadence of idealist thoughts between two world wars, dominance of realism in IR studies and beginning of cold-war have made a situation for realistic presuppositions to be dominant in security studies. This concept of security remained as a main approach in security studies until the end of cold war. In post cold war era security studies has been influenced by two factors: international changes because of Soviet collapse, and extensive transnational changes because of globalization. Then, two theoretical trends have been shaped; for example, third world school, critical school, critical theory and Copenhagen school. Based on the new theories, in contrast to positivist approaches, security has no stable, given indication, but is a dependent concept with a fluid and conflicting nature

One of the main causes of Soviet Collapse was political underdevelopment, and indeed all newborn Muslim republics of Caucasia and central Asia, are the product of such a situation. Political structure of these countries is mainly under the control of some Elites who had possessed main locations in power structure of Soviet regime. However, all newborn countries have weak States, at the same time that they are authoritarian. Foundations of civil society are very feeble, and even principally have not formed. Naturally, the degree of public participation is very low, and no opposition party has permission for activity. Newborn countries never have had a democratic political culture, and elections never practiced as such, and the source of power was personal, tribal and traditional. All Caucasian countries suffer from instability. Political, intellectual and social liberties are very limited in most of these countries, and authoritarianism is a dominant nature of State. Therefore, democracy as an adequate model of governance is absent. All of these indicate the lack of internal coherence in those countries (main hypotheses of this article). Theory of internal coherence, belonged to Mahmood Sariolghalam, is theoretical framework of this article.

Nature of ethics and politics and the way they relate together, has been always an intellectual challenge in the history of political philosophy. The importance of this matter has been grown especially after Renaissance and beginning of Modern age. Some modern thinkers, given the transformations of new age and political ends in individual and governmental level, insisted on separation between ethics and politics. Machiavelli and Nietzsche have been two great thinkers that made a spectacular revision in established ideas about values and politics.

There is a special situation in the relationship between the State and the peasants in Iran, particularly after victory of the Islamic Revolution. However it should be considered with special features of the Iranian society. This research makes an effort to answer the main question of the quality of the relationship with the depth survey in internal Structure of the Iranian society. The hypothesis of this study is domination of three actions on the relationship of the state and the peasants in the Islamic Republic of Iran: feel of identity and disturbance (1979-1981), political mobilization in the service of the imposed war (1981-1989) and state, and finally the rise of the middle peasantry among the peasants (1989-2001). The hypothesis was tested by librarianship, documentary methods in three sections: theoretical subjects, peasant class in Iran and peasant class in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results show that for first time in Iran a middle class is emerging among the peasants. They gradually organize themselves in associations and negotiate with the state.

The relationship between the Iranian government and international oil companies was based on the concession paradigm for about 80 years, from 1860 to 1940. In those years, Iran needed foreign investment, more revenues and better conditions in concessions, and oil companies wanted more profits and requested the concessions to be awarded on legal basis. Both parties create many challenges in their relation attempting at maximizing their profits. While the Anglo-Persian Oil Company was successful in its attempts, Iran was not. Iran’s discontent with concession contracts undermined the concession paradigm. Finally, the accumulation of dissatisfactions made the continuity of concession paradigm impossible, and substituted it with the nationalism paradigm