مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال یکم شماره 2 (پیاپی 20، زمستان 1388)

The concept of citizenship, like other social science concepts with history and ancestry that flows along the time. This concept in the process three times the age of classic, modern, and recent influenced and has been analyzed. Regardless of the conceptual aspect of evolution or spin it, which this consideration is the type of perception, is influenced by different attitudes prevailing macro funds thoughts at any time, offered views on the type of effect has coined the concept of citizenship. Hypothesis of this paper is that the "idea of citizenship in the context of national identity that can be sustained in the context of social life was achieved". This assumption is based on the notion that due to the formation of awareness among citizens based concepts such as mutual rights and responsibilities, sense of collective identity and collective destiny will shape the social, structural fields necessary to create the foundations of national identity is provided. The author believes that Citizens can provide theoretical framework to achieve consensus and common viewpoint, and make confederate groups, flows and different social classes and capacities to provide a broad basis for

What are the structure, features, and power relations of Umayyid State as a first State after ideal age of Medinite State? Hypothesis of the paper is that first Islamic State after ideal age of Medinite State, appeared in an Imperial form, from the point of view of extent and authority, and also in accordance with the tribal logic, reproduced Arabian solidarity and put pressure on political oppositions. This first State has established a harsh dichotomy in society. In this paper first public features of State, both pre-modern governments and modern State, has been examined. Then various kinds of State, especially empire as Islamic form of State would be examined. Finally features of this kind of State would be examined with an emphasis on reproduction of the concept of tribe.

Ernest Mandel has distinguished three period in the history of capitalism: market capitalism, monopoly capitalism (imperialism) and late-capitalism (multi-national capitalism). Third period has particularities as so: dominance of multi-national corporation, globalization of markets and labor, mass consumption and expansion of space for multi-national and smooth flows of capital. Frederick Jameson based on this historico-periodical model has determined economic, cultural and aesthetic formulation of capitalism. There period of cultural transformation of capitalistic society is as so: realism, modernism, and post-modernism. Post-modernism is the culture of third age of machine or third industrial revolution in late-capitalism. Strong point of theory of economico-cultural rationality of historical formulations in Jameson's intellectual system is "globality" of his scale of analysis. However, specter of structuralism haunts his post-modern narrative of Marxism. Disability of Jameson in determining subject of resistance against destructive faces of late-capitalism, accompanies denying democratic possibilities and emancipatory dimensions of this new situation. Also in contrast with many Marxist traditions, this radical cultural politics cannot determine its relationship with problem of state and modern sovereign power.

Democratization is a deep, longtime and gradual process, and contains stages like primitive transition, middle stages, and stabilization. Democratization would lead to fundamental changes, if necessary conditions available. Liberalization means giving citizens liberty, primary political right, and relatively free elections. Liberalization is only a step toward democratization, and these two concepts could not be identical. In two recent decades, theoretical foundations and practical consequences of growing phenomenon of democratization has been attracted many attentions in academic fields. In this paper, activist approach with the role of civil society and elites, considered as the main point of reference; because of important role of elites and civil society in third wave of democracy and different modes of transition to democracy.

Suicide or self-killing has been always a sociological and psychological matter. This paper tries to redefine self-killing in political sphere; in other words, tries to examine the concept of other-killing among individuals, parties and groups as a policy for survival. In what kind of political discourse there can occur self-killing and other-killing? There are two kind of discourse: sustainable political discourse (an ideological discourse under historical determinism), and suspended political discourse (an open discourse apart from ideologism and historicism). The violent nature of other-killing is result of the war between political discourses. Violence is an attempt for survival of one discourse, and elimination of other discourses. The paper situates radical Islamism among sustainable discourse, and democracy among suspended political discourse, and based on a descriptive analysis and discursive method.

Regional deterrence is one of the most important theories of international relations and strategic studies in post-cold war. In this period, states especially regional interventionist powers encounters with regional threats that have been new in characteristics. Therefore states need to Design systems in order to manage and control these threats. Regional deterrence system is one of these management systems with its logical and physical subsystems and varity of complicated and dynamic factors such as geographical barriers, structural constrains, military technology, and structure of military forces that shape various types of regional deterrence system. This article explains different models of deterrence systems in regional area and intends to provide critical insight and identify key problems about these systems. Also the article explains the models and requirements of regional deterrence systems of US and Iran as two most important cases in this respect.

The paper tries to answer this question: what is the place of India in U. S. foreign policy? Hypothesis of the paper is that India in U. S. foreign policy in south Asia is in the first place. Achievements of the paper show that appearance of India as a great power, leap of China as a competitor of U. S. and India, expansion of terrorism as a threat to India and U.S., and disability of U. S. in confronting regional and international challenges, has made India as a preferent case in U. S. foreign policy. This is so-called "first India" policy.