پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
پیاپی 1 (پاییز و زمستان 1391)

Regionalism is regarded as paying special attention to a defined geographicalregion. Therefore, for the membership and formation of regional organizations,countries should consider regions to which they have the most important economic,political, security and cultural connections. Governments, in fact, choose regionalorganizations on the basis of their regional preferences and geopolitical views. Inthis study, applying the spatial structure of the theory of the world geopoliticalsystem, the place of Iran and Shanghai Cooperation Organization member states inthe geo-strategic realm and the geopolitics of regions is explored, and theirgeographical features and regional preferences are identified. Using analytical–descriptive methods, this study also evaluates the geopolitical views of China andRussia, as the two main powers in the organization, as well as those of Iran. It isconcluded that while for Russia and China, the formation and membership in thisorganization is in accord with their regional preferences and geopolitical views,Iran’s membership is not in conformity with its regional preferences andgeopolitical identity.

Foreign policy of a country is usually derived from its geopolitics. Therefore, studying geopolitical characteristics of a country enables us to understand and analyse the country’s behavior in the international arena. This article explores the nature and characteristics of Iran’s geopolitics, and its main question is what factors shape the country’s geopolitics and its realms. It is argued that four factors have formed the geopolitical realms of the Islamic Republic of Iran, namely, ideology, geographical location, economic interests and political culture. This can be seen in official documents such as the Constitution as well as nonofficial ones. For this research, a hundred experts and scholars are asked to fill in a questionnaire on the relative significance of the above factors. The results indicate that ideology is regarded as the most important factor and economic interests as the least one. The study also shows that geopolitical realms of the Islamic republic of Iran are the following: 1- the Islamic world, 2- the Shi’ite community, 3-the Iranian civilization and culture, 4- the Middle East, 5- the Persian Gulf, 6-Anti-American nations, 7- Anti-Zionist nations, 8- world liberation movements, 9- world’s oppressed, 10- Caspian Sea countries, 11- the Central Asia, 12- The Caucasus, 13- the South Asia, 14- the Latin America. Among these realms, the Shi’ite community is regarded as the most important and the Caspian Sea countries as the less important realms in determining Iran’s strategy and geopolitical actions.

Iran’s nuclear programme is one of the most important challenges affecting the relationships between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the European Union. It has overshadowed not only political issues but also other, non-political, subjects. An evaluation of Iran-EU relationships shows that the differences between the two parties have become significant during recent years, and as a result, the EU has taken a radical stances concerning Iran’s nuclear programme. The purpose of this paper is to study challenges arising from Iran’s nuclear activities to its relations with the EU. The main question of this study is: why did not the EU support US coercive diplomacy against Iran? The author argues that the EU, by rejecting US and Israeli coercive diplomacy, has preferred to impose tough sanctions against Iran, and for this purpose, has persuaded the US to accompany it. In complete accordance with the US, the EU has used pressure, economic penalties, expanded sanctions and Security Councils resolutions as key tools in its diplomacy towards Iran over its nuclear program. This research covers the last ten years, particularly Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s tenure.

There exists a set of myths and realities on the impact of Indo-US relations on India’s behavior towards Iran. One of such myths is that India coordinates its policy vis-à-vis Iran with Washington, and America-India axis is damaging Indo-Iranian relationship, known for its deep rooted history of friendship and cooperation. What is reality about the involvement of the US factor in contemporary interactions between India and Iran? This is the key question for the current research, which begins with the demystification of the dominant perception of the US role in the triangle of the US–India–Iranian relationship. Then, it identifies the determining factors shaping India’s foreign policy, at large, and its policy toward Iran, in particular. It is argued that India’s approach towards Iran is determined by its foreign policymaker elite’s perception of India in the international system, its national interests as well as the emergence of new foreign policy elites. Therefore, US foreign policy is not the sole factor shaping New Delhi-Tehran interactions.

The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was established by the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Belorussia in December 1991. The goals of this organization are the expansion of friendly relationship and cooperation among member states, good neighbourliness as well as mutual understanding and trust. This organization is one of the most important regional organizations in the Central Asia and the Caucasus. It has arranged many gatherings and conferences in the region, and many agreements and documents have been signed by the leaders of member states. However, its goals have not yet been achieved. The aim of the authors in this article is to examine the impediment to integration among CIS members. For this purpose, four factors are analysed, namely, the newly independent states’ fear of the revival of Russian influence, separatist trends, territorial disputes, and Russia-US rivalry in the region. The authors employ a descriptive-analytical approach to show which factors have prevented integration among the members of this organization.

The Islamic Revolution in Iran has been the most important development affecting Israeli foreign policy as well as the behavior of its lobby in the US, in last three decades. As a consequence, the so-called “Iranian threat” factor has become important in the US–Israeli relationship, and provided a fertile ground for the Jewish lobby to influence US Middle Eastern policy. In this research three historical periods, namely, between the 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran to the end of the Cold War, the 1990s and, after 11 September 2001 are explored. In each period, on the basis of the existential security theory, the existing perception of the o-called Iranian threat and measures taken, by the US and Israel, to confront it are discussed.