نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال چهارم شماره 2 (پیاپی 11، تابستان 1393)

The current evolutions in Arab countries، in a sense is still a product of plural look of available actors toward the history and identity، which can not imagined any agreement between them in short time. So، if we know Morsi as nominative of targeted Islamist group in Egypt which its main goal is the establishment Islamic government by applying Sharia in political، legal، economic، and cultural areas (trying to persue Islam/muslim history)، and if we recognize that this country، in the last hundred years and after the collapse of the Ottoman in particular، has experienced streaks alive of secularism and liberalism and nationalism in thought، culture and politics، this question is raised: what is the script and destiny of this goal-oriented movement in Egypt? In other words، under which history، this future is defined? The brief answer to this question refers to the emergence of an intellectual middle class in Egypt that really continues the country’s developments in the intermediate state. This class، due to relatively-open thinking atmosphere in Naser era، following Egypt’s thinking relations with American and European world، emerged gradually in this country and current movement is also indebted to this class. But the point is that this class is not integrated but because of having several identities، its history-making potential lies in halfway mood. This event، at first by drawing some preliminary prepositions aimed to Adel Dhaher’s (Zaher) analysis and then exention of Mohhamad Abed al-Jaberi’s theory about Arab Intellect will be sounded. All of these discussions will be reviewed in Egypt’s historical path.

Salafism’s root in Egypt dates back to the early 21st century. Before the revolution، salafists didn’t believe in political participation and regarded it as prohibited، but their approach changed after the revolution. This movement just after the Egypt''s January 25 revolution in 2011، mobilized resources to gain individual and group interests and emerged as a powerful actor in a political scene by organizing themselves and using available opportunities. These have led to appear Salafists’ collective actions. From the perspective of political sociology، this article، based on a descriptive-analytical method، inspired of Charles Tilly’s resource mobilization theory and Weber’s collective action approach، tries to answer these two main questions: What are the reasons of change in the Salafists’ political approach after the Egypt revolution? How have been the collective actions of Salafists since the revolution? The main finding of the study is that the change of ideological approach، external factor (Saudi Arabia)، concern of other political actors’ power، and ultimately the removal of suppression atmosphere and the prevailing of tolerance and facilitate in the post-Mobarak era caused Salafists’ political activism. However، in some cases، this activism in dealing with the opposition took passive and defensive، somtimes aggressive mood.

The strategic importance of relationships between Iran and Egypt، as two main powers in the Middle East region، and its specific position have always been considered more than any other past events specially due to the structural changes in international system and occurrence of new events data as Islamic Awakening. This research intends to answer this question: despite of vicissitudes political fluctuations between Iran and Egypt، why diplomatic relations are not officially being established between the two countries? In seeking for answer to this main question، the research hypothesis has been propounded as follows: Interactional nature of dominant relations over Iran and Egypt، which shows lack of structural model in relationships between the two countries، prevents the establishment of official diplomatic relations. From the strategic perspective، temporary convergences in the realm of foreign policies، priority of transient and short-term conditions in regional and international levels in foreign decision-makings and absence of structure- creating view towards regional system in forms like coalition and alliance in orientations of both sides'' foreign policy are being considered as main characteristics of interactional nature of the mentioned bilateral relations. In order to verify the hypothesis، the author has used theoretical framework of James Rosenau''s linkage-politics and has specially analyzed events data in the filed of Iran and Egypt relations in 1990s and first decade of 21century.

Territory and territoriality are two key concepts in geopolitics and political geography that each of them cannot be studied without considering other. Territoriality refers to the behavioral communication between control and space. Indeed، attempts of an individual or a group or a nation to influence or control people، phenomena، and relationships، through delimitation and monitoring a geographical area refers to territoriality phenomenon. But، discursive territoriality process refers to the goal-oriented process and definite strategy which dominant discourses، by using the domination tools are trying to generate discourse and then determine the specific territory for other people، groups or countries. The term “Shia Geopolitics “، which has been entered the west political literature after the cold war is a kind of discursive territoriality process which followed in line with the strategic interests of the west in south-west Asia. This paper، by using discursive approach is trying to explain the Shia Geopolitics discursive territoriality and dimensions behind it. In fact، the main argument of the paper is the Shia Geopolitics that the west claims، neither in mapping nor in geographical level is objective and only discursive for sunni-shia conflict in the region and also to isolate Iran as one of the powerful Shiite countries in south west Asia.

Successive changes in the Persian Gulf region after fall of the Shah In 1979، led invasion of Iraq to Iran. According to experts in International politics، Iraq’s attack is known as America’s proxy war against Iran with at least cost for its main party، America، and extensive damages for Iraq and Iran later. America''s actions in the Iran-Iraq war caused to decrease credibility of United Nations as guarantor of International peace and security and later prerequisite for future Iraq dictator leader’s actions in occupation of Kuwait، missile hit to the pro-America Arab states in the Persian Gulf and even to Israel. And also for America that became the guarantor of the new world order after the fall of Soviet Union، it appeared this threat that it has excessed over in arming and stimulation Iraq. In this paper، the authors are trying to assess the extent of America''s diplomacy and its goals and objectives in the Iraq’s imposed war on Iran and Iraq’s war on Kuwait. Results show that both wars resulted of America’s poor، profit-seeking performance، and the incompetence of the United Nations، top actors in international scene،in perception of the current realities.

Islamic Awakening and then the change of the political systems and crises in some countries has had enormous impacts on the political and security cooperation in the Persian Gulf region. On the one hand، Iran، following to enhance relations with new governments، is seeking to strengthen regional cooperations to solve regional issues including the Syria’s crisis. On the other hand، new competitions between Iran and other regional actors such as Saudi Arabia have emerged to gain geopolitical and ideological interests in the region. This study analyzes foreign policy behavior of Iran and Saudi Arabia toward the Islamic Awakening. The main question is: what is the effect of the Islamic Awakening on regional political- security interactions particularly on relations between the two great nations i. e. Iran and Saudi Arabia، and has been source for which opportunities and threats? We have attempted to test the hypothesis that it is due to geopolitic، geoeconomic and geoculture features of the Persian Gulf region and its direct connection with the interests of the major powers، Islamic Awakening has led to conflict and strained relations between the two countries.