پژوهشنامه انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 10 (بهار 1393)

The phenomenon of Islamic Revolution in Iran، either as an event of unparalleled political - ideological and intellectual as a profound transformation in the field of human social life، origin issues and effect changes in society and the international arena، in a way that influences not only is it on yesterday and today، but also tomorrow''s society is undeniable. Given the growing importance of youth tendency toward cultural identity of the Islamic Revolution، in this study، using field survey techniques and the study To answer this question we tend to follow the principles of the Islamic Revolution، cultural identity among young people is how What are the social factors affecting it? The study sample youths 18 to 29 years in Kermanshah that 380 of them have been studied sample. The main objective of the present study was to analyze the relationship between social trust، community involvement، cultural capital، the use of foreign media، economic status، gender and marital status as the independent variable and tends to Basics cultural identity of Islamic Revolution as the dependent variable were young. The results indicate that biased cultural identity among young Islamic Revolution greatly (r = 4/03) is and between variables of social trust، community involvement، cultural capital، the use of foreign media، gender and marital status as the independent variable and tends to Basics cultural identity among young Islamic Revolution significant relationship exists between economic status and trends but to Basics There was no significant relationship between cultural identity Islamic Revolution.

One of the most fundamental issues in anthropological discourse is the topic of the human dignity and of his dignity criterion. This paper investigates the subject in the Political Thought of Shiite especially in the political thought of Imam Khomeini. This article answers the following questions: What are the criteria and standards for human dignity? Is being human enough to have dignity? What are the mandatory conditions and capacities to attain the dignity? and etc. As concluded in the present paper، considering the Two-Essence Theory proposed by Imam Khomeini، the dignity is assumed to potentially be the same in all human beings. The human has the intrinsic dignity because he is the delegate of Allah. But، accomplishment of the actions in opposition of this dignity، cause the waste of it. He will enjoy the dignity if he satisfies the requirements of delegation. The discussed theory named the Conditional Dignity Theory، exploits such a powerful objective that can provide the relation between the two kinds of the dignity، intrinsic and acquisitive، in the Political Thought of Shiite especially in Imam Khomeini thoughts.

The present article tries to reconstruct and infer the theory of Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini’s thought as a supreme leader of Islamic Revolution. Considering that Imam has a unique personality and he was the constructor of theory and ideology of Islamic revolution، review of his Islamic Revolution theory، constructing its theoretical model، and in fact local theorizing of Islamic Revolution is very important and necessary. The method of this research is qualitative and of a documentary research kind and the data gathering technique is reading texts and taking notes. The main source of this article is Imam’s Sahifeh. Therefore attempts have been made to draw the theoretical model of revolution، by studying the Imam’s Sahifeh and other works related to the revolution issues in Imam’s thought. Research findings indicates that two categories of causal variables are identifiable in structural and actors levels: 1- Basic structures of society، including cultural، social and political، with changes that have taken place within them، have an influential impact on making popular uprisings. 2- moreover، in addition to structures، agent factors including leaders and especially masses have an influential role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution. In other word، structural causes including westernized cultural structure، authoritarian structure of state، and dependent economic structures، in conjuncture with agency causes like revolutionary leaders programs and popular participation، have an influential role on the victory of the revolution and the overthrow of the Shah''s regime. Regarding that the purpose of the revolution theory in this article is a coherent set of causes، processes and procedures statements، thus the period that ends to 1977 is studied and the post revolutionary outcomes like state-building process can not be investigated.

Regarding to nature of Imam Khomeini''s campaign mode،It can be inferred thatthe Founder of the Islamic Republic of Irandidn’t resorted to armed struggle against the Pahlavi government. As a modern interpretation، he believed using preferably the soft powerand consequently the soft threats. Despite Pahlavigovernment efforts to bringing him to a difficult confronting، Imam (RA) refused to adopt this way of campaign. On the other hand،Imam (RA) didn’t confirm or support، explicitly or officially، the groups such as IslamicMu’talifa who had chosen armed struggle as their index of campaign. The question is to how explain the positionof armed struggle (severe threat) against the Pahlavi government in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA). Did he opposed to this sort of campaign? Was it merely a strategy in the Pahlavi period? This article seeks to explain the role of armed struggle against the Pahlavigovernment by referring to Imam Khomeini''s campaign strategy. The authors believe that Imam (RA) confirmed both the armed struggle and the use of soft power tools in order to drivestruggle against the Pahlavi government. Regarding to nature of Imam Khomeini''s campaign mode،It can be inferred thatthe Founder of the Islamic Republic of Irandidn’t resorted to armed struggle against the Pahlavi government. As a modern interpretation، he believed using preferably the soft powerand consequently the soft threats. Despite Pahlavigovernment efforts to bringing him to a difficult confronting، Imam (RA) refused to adopt this way of campaign. On the other hand،Imam (RA) didn’t confirm or support، explicitly or officially، the groups such as IslamicMu’talifa who had chosen armed struggle as their index of campaign. The question is to how explain the positionof armed struggle (severe threat) against the Pahlavi government in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA). Did he opposed to this sort of campaign? Was it merely a strategy in the Pahlavi period? This article seeks to explain the role of armed struggle against the Pahlavigovernment by referring to Imam Khomeini''s campaign strategy. The authors believe that Imam (RA) confirmed both the armed struggle and the use of soft power tools in order to drivestruggle against the Pahlavi government.

Islamic revolution discourse should be realized as religious-political one which Islamic culture plays main role on its triumph. Therefore، it is of speeches of Muslim scholars during the last hundred years that it was known as solution to solve the current problem of Islamic world in order to set up Islamic government. For sake، the revolution discourse isn''t limited within the geographical borders of Iran and it included other countries. Bahrain was one of the Islamic countries affected by this revolution because there are thoughtful، cultural and religious aspects between these countries. This one has exposed the modern cultural values in struggle of Bahraini movements such as: intending to struggle and testimony، consisting on struggle against oppression and colonizing، pay attention to Islamic and Shied thoughts as well as contents of Quran and of traditions، rising and acknowledgment، inventing to Islamic uniformity and collocation and reject of split (result of being the whole people)، patriotism، pay attention to Palestinian country، the myth of consistence and acknowledgment، informer of awaked rising، defining of the first person of revolutionary، exposing identification، esteem and honor of Muslims and existing the women through their Islamic coverage and pen among struggle field.

In this research، we seek to analysis Imam Khomeini´s sentences (43 numbers) about «Velayat-e Faghih» based on types of presuppositions. Method used is descriptive-analytic. Findings indicates that there were existential، factive، lexical، structural، non-factive presuppositions in Imam´s speech. But there was not counter-factual presupposition in his speech. Its causion is basically Velayat-e Faghih subject is not counter-factual. In Imam´s speech، existentional presupposition with 70% was more frequencies than other presuppositions. Chi-Square test shows that there is meaningful difference between frequencies of this type of presupposition with occurrence of lexical presupposition and the others. In existentional، Imam have known correctly having shared knowledge in 3 grounds or his addressees have been aware of these assumptions in prir. These assumptions are: shared knowledge on faghih، vali-y-e faghih and his supervising; shared knowledge about religious issues; shared knowledge on governmental and political issues of country. Beause of shaping effective and bi-directional communication between Imam and his addressees and communicating and understnding of massage efficiently، his addresses must possess shared knowledege. This is on faghih، vali-y-e faghih and his supervising and also on religious issues and governmental and political issues of country. Because of having more correct understanding of Imam´s speech about Velayat-e Faghih.